Publication: The Socio-Political Crisis in the Northwest and Southwest Regions of Cameroon: Assessing the Economic and Social Impacts
Loading...
Published
2021-06-21
ISSN
Date
2021-07-15
Author(s)
Editor(s)
Abstract
This study assesses the impact of the crisis on economic and social outcomes in Cameroon’s Northwest and Southwest regions as of 2019. Conflicts destroy tangible and intangible assets and strain surrounding areas, and subnational conflicts leave deep scars on a country’s social fabric, culture, and collective memories. The NWSW crisis is a particularly poignant example of this, as it has directly targeted official symbols of the state, including schools and courts of law, and the resulting large-scale displacement has had secondary impacts on neighboring regions and at the national level. As of the end of 2019, the conflict was still active, and some longer-term outcomes and political, social, security, and institutional impacts were not yet observable beyond anecdotal evidence. The ongoing crisis, combined with the COVID-19 pandemic, has kept the two regions largely inaccessible. This has complicated data collection, as well as efforts to generate a more detailed understanding of conflict dynamics and actors. Given these constraints, this study has pursued a pragmatic strategy of analyzing pertinent issues in a systematic manner and relying on available information from a range of sources, including national and local governments, humanitarian assessments, existing surveys, press and newspaper articles, key stakeholder interviews, and remote sensing to gauge the impact of the ongoing crisis. Because no primary data collection has been carried out, the study does not measure the impact as of a specific date in 2019. Rather, it has tried to identify the most up-to-date and relevant sources to illustrate the impact, including the analysis of satellite images.
Link to Data Set
Citation
“World Bank. 2021. The Socio-Political Crisis in the Northwest and Southwest Regions of Cameroon: Assessing the Economic and Social Impacts. © World Bank. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/35933 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.”
Associated URLs
Associated content
Other publications in this report series
Journal
Journal Volume
Journal Issue
Collections
Related items
Showing items related by metadata.
Publication Forced Displacement of and Potential Solutions for IDPs and Refugees in the Sahel : Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger(Washington, DC, 2013-10)The Sahel region has seen the forcible displacement of more than million persons as a result of conflict. Tackling displacement in the Sahel is critical for both poverty alleviation and stabilization, and only a development response will be adequate to the task. A development response to forced displacement in the Sahel requires a regional approach. Such an approach would have the benefits of being able to overcome challenges relating to cross-border movements, obtain commitments by host governments to support the prospects of displaced from neighboring countries, and facilitate common approaches, shared conceptualization and learning. The purpose of this scoping study on forced displacement is to contribute towards the formulation of a regional policy framework for sustainable solutions to displacement and towards the substantiation of a development response. The main challenges for the displaced populations include: i) livelihoods; ii) relations with host communities; iii) cohesion; iv) depletion of services; and v) governance. Measures to be taken to address the needs of these communities are: 1) improving the monitoring of population movement and knowledge on the locations, profiles and needs of the displaced, their host and return communities; 2) ensuring that the displaced and those affected by them can benefit from ongoing wider development investments in the region by designing 'displacement-sensitive' interventions; 3) strengthening services in affected areas through targeted regional investment programs; 4) employment creation and livelihood generation for those displaced; 5) delivering resources for the displaced in such a way that important outcomes are achieved; and 6) exploring the creative use of new technologies to extent information and development benefits to the displaced.Publication Political Economy Analysis for Food and Nutrition Security(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2012-12)The overall goal of this paper is to promote the use of political economy analysis in advancing more effective food and nutrition policies. The paper reviews the field of applied political economy for the food and nutrition sector, and offers practical guidance on how to conduct political economy analysis to better navigate the policy reform process. The paper is presented in three parts. Part I reviews the literature on political economy analysis (PEA) and its application in the food and nutrition fields, focusing on the applied literature in development. Three kinds of PEA are discussed: In-depth, Stakeholder, and Rapid Assessment PEA, which serve different purposes. The paper then introduces a structured qualitative method for conducting an in-depth PEA, based on four stages of the policy cycle: agenda-setting, policy design, policy adoption, and implementation. Part II provides an illustrative case study of an in-depth PEA for a specific food and nutritionrelated policy of India, the Integrated Child Development Services scheme. The analysis explains how the agenda was set and its consequences. Part III presents a newly developed tool to conduct a rapid assessment PEA for food and nutrition policy. This tool uses a questionnaire approach to evaluate the level of political commitment for food and nutrition security and opportunities for change, and can be used to monitor change in political commitment over time.Publication On "Good" Politicians and "Bad" Policies : Social Cohesion, Institutions, and Growth(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2000-09)Social cohesion - that is, the inclusiveness of a country's communities - is essential for generating the trust needed to implement reforms. Citizens have to trust that the short-term losses that inevitably arise from reform, will be more than offset by long-term gains. However, in countries divided along class and ethnic lines, and with weak institutions, even the boldest, most civic-minded and well-informed politician (or interest group) will face severe constraints in bringing about policy reform. The authors hypothesize that key development outcomes (particularly economic growth) are most likely to be associated with countries that are both socially cohesive and governed by effective public institutions. They test this hypothesis for the sample of countries with available data. The authors develop a conceptual framework based on the idea of social cohesion, then review the evidence on which it is based. While several earlier studies have shown that differences in growth rates among developing countries are a result of weak rule of law, lack of democracy, and other institutional deficiencies, the authors focus on the social conditions that give rise to these deficiencies. They also seek to establish empirically a causal sequence from social divisions to weak institutions to slow growth. The essence of their argument, supported by new econometric evidence, is that pro-development policies are comparatively rare in the developing world less because of the moral fiber of politicians (though that surely matters) than because good politicians typically lack the room for maneuver needed to make desired reforms. This lack of maneuverability is a product of insufficient social cohesion and weak institutions. The authors also explore the determinants of social cohesion, focusing on historical accidents, initial conditions, and natural resource endowments. Social cohesion should not be seen as a concern primarily of developing and transition economies. Indeed, it is important in the United Kingdom as in Ukraine, in Canada as in Colombia, in the Netherlands as in Australia.Publication Democratic Republic of Congo Sports and Culture for Development(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2019-06)The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a fragile, post-conflict country with high demographic growth and poor governance, all of which have devastated institutions, the economy and the social fabric. The DRC was devastated by war in the 1990s and early 2000s, which claimed millions of lives and all but destroyed much of the physical and social infrastructure of the country. In particular, DRC remains marked by high vulnerability of various populations as a consequence of past and current local and regional instability, especially in the East. A growing number of studies show that exposure to violence especially negatively affects the well-being of children and hampers their development. This report is organized as follows. Section 1 presents the DRC’s social and political context, as well as the rationale for exploring innovative approaches to build resilience and social cohesion. Section 2 summarizes some of the evidence on pathways linking sports and culture to development. Section 3 presents the DRC sports and culture institutional environment, and the last section presents a few recommendations on how to further this agenda in DRC.Publication Culture, Politics, and Development(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2014-06)Whether in the domains of scholarship or practice, important advances have been made in recent years in our understanding of how culture, politics, and development interact. Today s leading theorists of culture and development represent a fourth distinctive perspective vis-à-vis their predecessors, one that seeks to provide an empirically grounded, mechanisms-based account of how symbols, frames, identities, and narratives are deployed as part of a broader repertoire of cultural "tools" connecting structure and agency. A central virtue of this approach is less the broad policy prescriptions to which it gives rise -- indeed, to offer such prescriptions would be something of a contradiction in terms -- than the emphasis it places on making intensive and extensive commitments to engaging with the idiosyncrasies of local contexts. Deep knowledge of contextual realities can contribute constructively to development policy by enabling careful intra-country comparisons to be made of the conditions under which variable responses to otherwise similar problems emerge. Such knowledge is also important for discerning the generalizability (or "external validity") of claims regarding the efficacy of development interventions, especially those overtly engaging with social, legal, and political issues.
Users also downloaded
Showing related downloaded files
Publication Governance Matters IV : Governance Indicators for 1996-2004(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2005-06)The authors present the latest update of their aggregate governance indicators, together with new analysis of several issues related to the use of these measures. The governance indicators measure the following six dimensions of governance: (1) voice and accountability; (2) political instability and violence; (3) government effectiveness; (4) regulatory quality; (5) rule of law, and (6) control of corruption. They cover 209 countries and territories for 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, and 2004. They are based on several hundred individual variables measuring perceptions of governance, drawn from 37 separate data sources constructed by 31 organizations. The authors present estimates of the six dimensions of governance for each period, as well as margins of error capturing the range of likely values for each country. These margins of error are not unique to perceptions-based measures of governance, but are an important feature of all efforts to measure governance, including objective indicators. In fact, the authors give examples of how individual objective measures provide an incomplete picture of even the quite particular dimensions of governance that they are intended to measure. The authors also analyze in detail changes over time in their estimates of governance; provide a framework for assessing the statistical significance of changes in governance; and suggest a simple rule of thumb for identifying statistically significant changes in country governance over time. The ability to identify significant changes in governance over time is much higher for aggregate indicators than for any individual indicator. While the authors find that the quality of governance in a number of countries has changed significantly (in both directions), they also provide evidence suggesting that there are no trends, for better or worse, in global averages of governance. Finally, they interpret the strong observed correlation between income and governance, and argue against recent efforts to apply a discount to governance performance in low-income countries.Publication Governance Matters VIII : Aggregate and Individual Governance Indicators 1996–2008(2009-06-01)This paper reports on the 2009 update of the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) research project, covering 212 countries and territories and measuring six dimensions of governance between 1996 and 2008: Voice and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law, and Control of Corruption. These aggregate indicators are based on hundreds of specific and disaggregated individual variables measuring various dimensions of governance, taken from 35 data sources provided by 33 different organizations. The data reflect the views on governance of public sector, private sector and NGO experts, as well as thousands of citizen and firm survey respondents worldwide. The authors also explicitly report the margins of error accompanying each country estimate. These reflect the inherent difficulties in measuring governance using any kind of data. They find that even after taking margins of error into account, the WGI permit meaningful cross-country comparisons as well as monitoring progress over time. The aggregate indicators, together with the disaggregated underlying indicators, are available at www.govindicators.org.Publication Government Matters III : Governance Indicators for 1996-2002(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2003-08)The authors present estimates of six dimensions of governance covering 199 countries and territories for four time periods: 1996, 1998, 2000, and 2002. These indicators are based on several hundred individual variables measuring perceptions of governance, drawn from 25 separate data sources constructed by 18 different organizations. The authors assign these individual measures of governance to categories capturing key dimensions of governance and use an unobserved components model to construct six aggregate governance indicators in each of the four periods. They present the point estimates of the dimensions of governance as well as the margins of errors for each country for the four periods. The governance indicators reported here are an update and expansion of previous research work on indicators initiated in 1998 (Kaufmann, Kraay, and Zoido-Lobat 1999a,b and 2002). The authors also address various methodological issues, including the interpretation and use of the data given the estimated margins of errors.Publication Design Thinking for Social Innovation(2010-07)Designers have traditionally focused on enchancing the look and functionality of products.Publication Breaking the Conflict Trap : Civil War and Development Policy(Washington, DC: World Bank and Oxford University Press, 2003)Most wars are now civil wars. Even though international wars attract enormous global attention, they have become infrequent and brief. Civil wars usually attract less attention, but they have become increasingly common and typically go on for years. This report argues that civil war is now an important issue for development. War retards development, but conversely, development retards war. This double causation gives rise to virtuous and vicious circles. Where development succeeds, countries become progressively safer from violent conflict, making subsequent development easier. Where development fails, countries are at high risk of becoming caught in a conflict trap in which war wrecks the economy and increases the risk of further war. The global incidence of civil war is high because the international community has done little to avert it. Inertia is rooted in two beliefs: that we can safely 'let them fight it out among themselves' and that 'nothing can be done' because civil war is driven by ancestral ethnic and religious hatreds. The purpose of this report is to challenge these beliefs.