Publication: Mexico: Overview of Tobacco Use, Tobacco Control Legislation, and Taxation
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2019-06-12
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2019-06-25
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This country brief provides an overview of Tobacco Use, Tobacco Control Legislation, and Taxation in Mexico.
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“World Bank Group. 2019. Mexico: Overview of Tobacco Use, Tobacco Control Legislation, and Taxation. WBG Global Tobacco Control Program;. © World Bank. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/31962 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.”
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Publication Sri Lanka(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2017-08-04)Sri Lanka ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in 2003 and implemented some comprehensive tobacco control policies. From June 1, 2015, health warnings on cigarette packages in Sri Lanka have to cover 80 percent of the large sides. In 2005-2006, about 38.0 percent of men and less than 1 percent of women were current tobacco smokers in Sri Lanka. The prevalence smoking among men was about 40 percent in 2005-2006 and decreased to about 32 percent in 2009-2014. The volumes of cigarette production in Sri Lanka were fairly steady at the level of 5.2 billion sticks in the late 1990s, and then the production gradually decreased to about 4 billion cigarettes in 2013-2016. The government has the power to change excise tax rates several times a year. The taxation system used for cigarettes is 5-tier specific. In 2005-2015, excise rates for most tiers were increased by more than 300 percent; however, the inflation rate for those eleven years combined was 260 percent; so, real cigarette prices did not change much. In late 2014, the VAT liability on cigarettes was temporarily removed. For two years, excise was the only tax levied on cigarettes in Sri Lanka. While the excise rates were increased in 2014, the overall tax burden almost did not change. Such a shift between VAT and excise tax was the main factor of the excise revenue increase by 40 percent in 2015 as excise revenue mainly replaced VAT revenue. The largest changes in cigarette taxation in Sri Lanka took place in October-November 2016: (1) Excise rates were increased by 26-28 percent for two higher tiers, by 37-40 percent for two middle ties, and by 67 percent for the lowest tier; (2) The VAT rate was increased from 12 percent to 15 percent, and cigarettes were again made liable for VAT. However, after the increase in cigarette tax burden in late 2016, in the first four months of 2017, the excise revenue from cigarettes and tobacco products declined by 17 percent, and cigarette production decreased by 31 percent. The VAT-excise reverse shift was the main factor of excise revenue reduction in early 2017. The VAT revenue increased, and its increase was larger than the reduction in the excise revenue. Another factor of revenue decline in early 2017 was forestalling: tobacco industry overproduced cigarettes to pay taxes before tax increases. Another factor behind cigarette sales reduction in Sri Lanka was the pricing policy of the tobacco industry.Publication Kazakhstan(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2019-06-15)The country brief provides an overview of tobacco legislation, use, and taxation in Kazakhstan. Tobacco taxation policy practiced in Kazakhstan in 2003-2013 resulted in increased tobacco excise revenues, but was not effective in terms of public health, as cigarette consumption did not decrease. Tobacco excise taxes were drastically increased in Kazakhstan from 1 January 2014; and thereafter, the tobacco affordability was substantially reduced resulting in the subsequent decline in tobacco sales and smoking prevalence in the country. Decline in consumption could have an effect on tobacco-related mortality in Kazakhstan. Mortality rates of some tobacco-related causes of death substantially declined in Kazakhstan in 2013–2015 among men and women aged 30 to 79 years: by about 20 percent for acute ischemic heart disease and stroke and by 30–40 percent for respiratory tuberculosis and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Kazakhstan returned to a policy of moderate tax increases in 2015-2019. The reduction in tobacco affordability in 2015 was caused not only by the excise increase but also by the tobacco industry pricing policy and a decline in real incomes. Tobacco consumption in Kazakhstan decreased in 2015, but the revenue increase was smaller than expected. A moderate excise rise in 2016- 2018 could not ensure a substantial reduction in tobacco affordability, and annual tobacco sales did not change much. The country experience shows that a policy of moderate (below 30 percent annually) excise increases cannot ensure either tobacco consumption reductions or substantial revenue increases. The planned annual cigarette excise increase for 2020–2021, however, is only 12–14 percent. In recent years, electronic cigarettes and heated tobacco appeared in the Kazakhstan market. The key consumers of such products are young adults, who follow modern trends, rather than dependent smokers looking for an effective means to quit. Heated tobacco products and liquids for electronic cigarettes will be taxed by excise from 2020, but the excise rates are very low and should be substantially increased. Kazakhstan has great potential to increase its excise rates for all kinds of tobacco products to contribute to health objectives by means of reducing tobacco consumption. The greater the excise tax increase, the larger the reduction in tobacco consumption and the higher tobacco excise revenue growth will be.Publication Argentina(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2019-06-17)This country brief provides an overview of tobacco legislation, use, and taxation in Argentina. Argentina is the only country in Latin America which did not become a Party to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Still, many of the FCTC provisions are included in the legislation. The prevalence of smoking was quite high in 1970-1990s ranging between 40-58 percent among men and 20- 25 percent among women. After tobacco control measures were implemented, the prevalence of smoking decreased. Tobacco consumption and smoking prevalence in Argentina decreased due to the implementation of comprehensive tobacco control policies and some economic factors, which reduced cigarette affordability in the country. In Argentina, cigarette affordability and tobacco consumption reduction were observed in: (1) 1999-2002; (2) 2014-2015; (3) 2016. In the first case (1999-2002), it was mainly caused by the reduction in population income during the economic recession. In 2014-2015, tax rates were not changed, and the main factor of the affordability reduction was the pricing policy of the tobacco industry. The largest decline in affordability was achieved by the government taxation policy implemented in May 2016: the effective excise tax rate was actually increased by about 100. Cigarette sales in 2016 declined by 5 billion sticks or by 12 percent. Tobacco taxation system should be simplified to one excise tax with a unified ad valorem rate for all tobacco products and specific minimum excise rates for each tobacco product. The specific tax rates should be set high enough to prevent the sales of very cheap tobacco products, and these specific rates should be annually increased above the inflation rate to ensure both the reduction of tobacco consumption and the increase of governmental revenue. Subsidies for tobacco growers through the Special Tobacco Fund are counterproductive from both public health and economic perspectives. Tobacco use surveillance and monitoring should be further developed in Argentina, including regular surveys with a collection of comprehensive information on tobacco products consumed in the country.Publication Pakistan(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2019-06-15)This country brief provides an overview of tobacco legislation, use, and taxation in Pakistan.Publication Economics of Tobacco Toolkit, Tool 7 : Understand, Measure, and Combat Tobacco Smuggling(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2013)The intended purpose of this tool is to let readers gain the necessary knowledge about tobacco smuggling. With this knowledge, policy responses can be developed and further monitored in order to establish their effectiveness, appropriateness, and impact on other policy goals. For example, if enhanced tax revenue is one goal of a tobacco taxation policy, smuggling can be an important consideration, since smuggled tobacco avoids taxation. Likewise, tobacco smuggling can have an impact on health policies, as it can be difficult to regulate health warnings and conditions of sale on smuggled tobacco. More specifically, by using the methods presented in this tool, a more accurate and objective understanding of tobacco smuggling can be gained. Tobacco manufacturers, distributors and sellers, and others with a narrow self-interest in the design of tobacco control policy often misrepresent the degree of tobacco smuggling. Well documented, methodologically sound, quantitative estimates of tobacco smuggling are a useful tool for educating policymakers about the costs and benefits of various policies. Moreover, unbiased estimates of smuggling, and the change in smuggling over time, are essential tools to evaluate the success of many tobacco control policies.
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And the average African business lags in the use of smartphones and computers as well as more sophisticated digital technologies that catalyze further productivity gains. Two issues explain the usage gap: affordability of these new technologies and willingness to use them. For the 40 percent of Africans below the extreme poverty line, mobile data plans alone would cost one-third of their incomes—in addition to the price of access devices, apps, and electricity. Data plans for small- and medium-size businesses are also more expensive than in other regions. Moreover, shortcomings in the quality of internet services—and in the supply of attractive, skills-appropriate apps that promote entrepreneurship and raise earnings—dampen people’s willingness to use them. For those countries already using these technologies, the development payoffs are significant. 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