CONFLICT PREVENTION AND POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION TIff WORLD BANK *lSida Violence in a Post-Conflict Context Urban Poor Perceptions from Guatemala CAROLINE MOSER AND CATHY McILWAINE 23211 December 2001 4 @:S t ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Violence in a Post-Conflict Context Urban Poor Perceptions from Guatemala Caroline Moser Cathy Mcllwaine Latin Amlerica and Caribbean Region, Environ mientally and Socially Sustainable Development Sector Managemient Unit The World Bank Washington, D.C. ©) 2001 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433 All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First printing December 2000 The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of Executive Directors or the countries they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility for any consequence of their use. The material in this publication is copyrighted. The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. Permission to photocopy items for internal or personal use, for the internal or personal use of specific clients, or for educational classroom use is ranted by the World Bank, provided that the appropriate fee is paid directly to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA; telephone 978-750-8400; fax 978-750- 4470. Please contact the Copyright Clearance Center before photocopying items. For permission to reprint individual articles or chapters, please fax a request with complete information to the Republication Department, Copyright Clearance Center, fax 978-750-4470. All other queries on rights and licenses should be addressed to the Office of the Publisher, World Bank, at the address above or faxed to 202- 522-2422. Cover photo: Indian Funeral, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala. Daemrich/The Image Works. Caroline Moser is a lead specialist, Social Development, Latin America and Caribbean Region at the World Bank. Cathy Mcllwaine is lecturer at the Department of Geography, Queen Mary and Westfield College, London. She was on a one-year sabbatical to the World Bank to carry out this research. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data has been applied for. Contents Acknowledgments ix Executive Summary 1 Objectives of the Study 1 Types of Violence 2 The Legacy of Violence in Guatemala 3 Costs, Causes, and Consequences of Violence 4 Community-Level Social Institutions and Perverse and Productive Social Capital 7 Community Perceptions of Solutions to Violence 8 Constraints and Recommendations 8 1 Introduction 12 Objectives and Research Framework of the Study 13 The Participatory Methodology and Its Implications for Policy Recommendations 16 2 Summary Findings: Perceptions of General Problems and Violence 26 Characteristics of Focus Groups 26 Perceptions of Problems in Poor Urban Communities 26 Perceptions of Violence in Poor Urban Communities 31 3 Political Violence in the Transition to Peace 39 Political Violence During the Civil War 39 Changes in Types of Violence in the Post-Conflict Context 41 The Culture of Silence 43 Discrimination againstlndigenous People 44 Poverty and Exclusion 46 Rape as a Form of Political Violence 48 Political Violence and Household Structure 49 iii iv CONTENTS Displaced Populations 49 Lynching as a Legacy of the Armed Conflict 51 4 Social Violence in the Family and Household 53 Household Structure 53 The Nature and Scope of Intrahousehold or Intrafamily Violence 55 Consequences of Intrafamily Violence 61 5 Social Violence and Alcohol Consumption 67 Types of Alcohol-Related Problems 68 Changes in Alcohol Consumption over Time 69 Types of Alcohol Available 71 Characteristics of Alcohol Consumers 72 Causes of Heavy Alcohol Consumption 73 Consequences of Heavy Alcohol Consumption 75 6 Economic Violence and Drug Consumption 78 Types of Drug-Related Problems 78 Changes in Drug Consumption over Time 80 Types of Drugs Available 81 Characteristics of Drug Consumers 82 Causes of Drug Consumption 83 Consequences of Drug Consumption 86 7 The Violence of Maras, Robbers, and Delinquents 88 The Nature and Scope of Violence Related to Gangs, Robbers, and Delinquents 88 The Phenomenon of the Maras 92 The Phenomena of Robbery and Delinquency 106 8 Community-level Social Institutions and Perverse and Productive Social Capital 113 Prevalence and Importance of Social Institutions 113 From Peacebuilding to Nation-Building: Designs for Sustainable Peace, Reconciliation, and Development 121 Characteristics of Productive and Perverse Social Institutions 117 Hierarchical Institutions and the Role of International Agencies 123 CONTENTS V 9 Community Perceptions of Solutions to Violence 139 Coping Strategies to Deal with Violence 139 Interventions to Reduce Violence 143 Violence Reduction Solutions and Ethnicity 148 Constraints and Recommendations 151 Annex A Participatory Urban Appraisal Methodology 155 Annex B General Problems in Communities 157 Annex C Types of Violence 159 Bibliography 161 Vi CONTENTS Boxes 2.1 Ranking types of violence in Concepci6n, Guatemala City 35 3.1 Household structure among indigenous people, in Santa Cruz del Quich6 50 4.1 Composite listing of types of intrafamily violence 56 5.1 Alcohol-related problems identified in nine communities 69 5.2 Types of alcohol available 71 6.1 Types of drug-related problems identified in nine communities 80 7.1 Types of gang-, robber-, and delinquent-related violence 91 7.2 Activities of maras in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche 105 8.1 Social cleansing in Villa Real, Esquipulas: The case of Tito 136 9.1 Perceived solutions to drug addiction, in La Merced, Guatemala City 148 Tables 1.1 Different policy approaches to violence intervention 18 1.2 Characteristics of research communities 21 2.1 Frequency listings of types of problems identified in nine urban communities 27 2.2 Types of violence and danger in Villa Real, Esquipulas 33 2.3 Types of violence faced by nine urban communities 34 5.1 Alcohol-related violence as proportion of all violence- related problems 68 6.1 Drug-related violence as a proportion of all violence- related problems 79 7.1 Gang-, robber-, and delinquent-related violence as a proportion of all violence-related problems 89 7.2 Types of economic violence perpetrated by gangs, delinquents, and robbers in nine communities 90 7.3 Descriptive information on maras from focus groups in seven communities 94 8.1 Prevalence of social institutions by type 114 8.2 Importance of social institutions by type 118 8.3 Evaluation of trust in social institutions 120 9.1 Strategies for coping with violence 140 9.2 Summary of interventions to reduce violence 144 9.3 Interventions for reducing violence, by type of capital and community 149 Figures 1.1 Framework for analysis: violence-capital-exclusion 15 CONTENTS Vii 2.1 "Onion" diagram ranking types of general problems in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 28 2.2 Child's drawing of fear in Concepci6n, Guatemala City 30 2.3 Flow diagram of types of violence facing La Merced, Guatemala City 32 2.4 Map of dangerous areas of Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa 37 2.5 Map of dangerous areas in La Merced, Guatemala City 38 3.1 Causal impact diagram of the effects of armed conflict 43 3.2 Diagram of the reasons for not wearing traditional Mayan dress in La Merced, Guatemala City 46 3.3 Diagram of the causes and effects of illiteracy among the Mayan population in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Contzumalguapa 48 4.1 Drawing of sexual violence against children in the home 59 4.2 Causal impact diagram of mistreatment of women in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa 60 4.3 Causal impact diagram of family disintegration in Limoncito, San Marcos 62 4.4 Causal flow diagram of the causes of single motherhood in La Merced, Guatemala City 64 4.5 Causal impact diagram of intrafamily violence in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 64 4.6 Causal flow diagram of intergenerational conflict between parents and children in Limoncito, San Marcos 65 5.1 Timeline showing changes in alcohol consumption and related violence over the period of one year 70 5.2 Causal impact diagram of men who drink in La Merced, Guatemala City 73 5.3 Causal relations diagram of alcoholism in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 74 5.4 Problem tree of alcoholism in Villa Real, Esquipulas 75 6.1 Drawing of types of drugs available in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 82 6.2 Causal impact diagram of drug addiction in Villa Real Esquipulas 84 6.3 Causal impact diagram of drug consumption in Conception, Guatemala City 85 7.1 Causal impact diagram of relationships between different types of violence in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 92 7.2 Drawing of different types of gangs in La Merced, Guatemala City 93 Viii CONTENTS 7.3 Diagram of linkages between delinquency and maras in La Merced, Guatemala City 93 7.4 Diagram of collaboration among mara groups in La Merced, Guatemala City 96 7.5 Timeline of changing levels of mara activity in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 98 7.6 Causal impact diagram of the causes and effects of being a male and female gang member in La Merced, Guatemala City 99 7.7 Problem tree of causes and effects of maras in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 101 7.8 Timeline on age of joining the maras in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6 102 7.9 Causal impact diagram of maras in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 103 7.10 Timeline of weekly activities of maras in La Merced, Guatemala City 104 7.11 Causal impact diagram of causes and effect of robbery in Nuevo [Horizonte, Guatemala City 108 7.12 Timelines of robber activity in Limoncito, San Marcos 109 7.13 Timeline of changes in robbers' activity between 1980 and 1999 in La Merced, Guatemala City 111 7.14 The causes and effects of robbers in Villa Real, Esquipulas 112 8.1 Institutional mapping of Sacuma, Huehuetenango 121 8.2 Institutional mapping of Villa Real, Esquipulas 122 8.3 Institutional mapping of Concepci6n, Guatemala City 124 8.4 Causal impact diagram of fights over market stalls in Limoncito, San Marcos 126 8.5 Causal impact diagram of fights among girl students in Sacuma, Huehuetenango 127 8.6 Causal impact diagram of fear in La Merced, Guatemala City 129 8.7 Institutional mapping of Limoncito, San Marcos 130 8.8 Perceptions of the police in Villa Real, Esquipulas 133 8.9 Timeline of changes in violence in Villa Real, Esquipulas 134 8.10 Institutional mapping of La Merced, Guatemala City 137 9.1 Interventions for reducing violence in Villa Real, Esquipulas 143 9.2 Intervention for reducing rape in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa 146 9.3 Interventions for reducing rape in San Jorge, Chinautla 147 Acknowledgments T his study is based on research conducted during April and May 1999, using a participatory urban appraisal methodology. The study is part of a larger initiative within the Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Develop- ment Department, Latin America and Caribbean Region, World Bank (the Urban Peace Program) directed by Caroline Moser, Lead Specialist Social Development. The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) has provided funding for this program, which also includes a similar study on Colombia. Particular acknowl- edgment is owed to Eivor Halkjaer for her vision in supporting this very new initiative, as well as to Goren Holmqvist for his continuing support. In Guatemala, Daniel Selener of the Instituto Internacional de Reconstruccion Rural in Quito was the participatory urban appraisal trainer. The study in the field was organized by Carlos Mendoza of the Centro de Investigaciones Econ6- micas Nacionales (CIEN). The field research was conducted by the authors in collaboration with four teams of research- ers from CIEN, Asociaci6n para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala (AVANCSO), Asociaci6n Mujer Vamos Adelante (AMVA), Fundaci6n de Desarrollo y Servicios Comunitarios (FUNDESCO), and Servicios Profesionales Educativos Integrales (SEPREDI). They included the follow- ing members: ix X VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT AVANCSO AMVA Juan Carlos Martinez Aniorte Vilma Ovalle Maria Carina Baquero Zoila Calder6n Jos6 Antonio G6mez Tomasa Cortez Guanas Francisco Reyna Lemus Doris Irene Garcia Posadas Carmelina Ixay Le6n FUNDESCO CIEN/SEPREDI Alberto Fuentes Carlos Mendoza Sulma Natalia Galvez Cathy Mcllwaine de Maldonado Lucrecia Rodriguez Illescas Fernando A. Solares Servio Vanegas Brenda Liliana Xului Guitzol In the World Bank Mission in Guatemala City, Mario Marroquin (Civil Society Representative), Jose Roberto Lopez- Calix (Resident Representative), and Celeste Peralta provided assistance and support. In identifying research groups Peter Sollis, Patty Ardon, Alfredo Stein, and David Holiday were of great help. In the World Bank's Guatemala Country Man- agement Unit in Washington D.C., Dona Dowsett-Coirolo (Director) and Ian Bannon (Country Economist) provided com- mitment to the report. World Bank peer reviewers for the study were Shelton Davis (LCSES), Patricia Cleves (SDVCP), Kathy Lindert (LCSHS), and Jos6 Roberto Lopez-Calix. As members of the Urban Peace Program Team, Carolina Ladino and Roddy Brett made important contributions to the data analysis and drafting of this study, while Fiona Clark as- sisted with the logistics of its publication. Thanks are also due to Jacki Edlund Braun for editing work. Cathy Mcllwaine would like to thank the Department of Geography, Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London, for granting her a year's leave of absence to pursue this research. Caroline Moser would like to thank Howard Glennister and the Suntory and Toyota Centres for Economic and Related Disciplines (STICERD) for inviting her to be a Visi- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xi tor at the London School of Economics while writing up the research. Above all, the authors thank the many people in the nine communities in Guatemala who participated in the research. They not only welcomed us into their lives, shared their time and perceptions, but in some cases took risks in order to con- tribute to the study. For safety reasons, they must remain anonymous. Executive Summary In 1996, the government of Guatemala and the guerrilla army, the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG), signed the final Peace Accords. This ended both the United Nations-monitored peace process and 36 years of internal armed conflict. The civil war caused untold internal and external dis- placement in the region and the deaths of over 150,000 people, the majority of whom were from indigenous groups. The legacy of conflict, which includes increasing urban violence, social ex- clusion, and weak levels of social capital, presents challenges for the country's post-conflict peace-building agenda. As the current government seeks to implement the Peace Accord agreements, the consolidation of democratic governance, the alleviation of the legacy of internal armed conflict, and the strengthening of the rule of law are the primary focus of political analysts and civil society groups alike. The perceptions of vio- lence by people living in poor communities have received less attention. This report addresses this issue by providing the results of a participatory study of violence conducted in low-income, urban communities in Guatemala. Objectives of the Study The study documents how people living in poor urban commu- nities in Guatemala perceive violence. Specifically, it identifies 1 2 VVOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT the categories of violence affecting poor communities, the costs of different types of violence, the effects of violence on social capi- tal, the interventions employed by people to deal with violence, and the causes and effects of social exclusion. To describe the relationships that produce and sustain this cycle of violence, and to begin to identify interventions to break it, the study develops a violence-capital-exclusion nexus which is an analytical framework linking different types of violence both to society's capital and to the exclusion of its poor population. To incorporate the rarely heard voices of the poor, the study uses participatory urban appraisal methodology, which emphasizes local knowledge and enables local people to make their own analy- sis of the problems they face and to identify their own solutions. Fieldwork was undertaken in nine predominantly low-income "communities" located in six cities and towns. These communi- ties are representative of Guatemala's urban and geographical areas and of the different experiences of violence that took place during the internal armed conflict. These communities, identi- fied by pseudonyms, included four settlements in or near the capi- tal, Guatemala City (Concepci6n, Nuevo Horizonte, La Merced, and San Jorge, Chinautla); three communities in the western high- lands, one of the geographical areas most affected by the civil war (Sacuma in Huehuetenango, Limoncito in San Pedro Sacatepequez, San Marcos, and Gucumatz in Santa Cruz del Quiche); one settlement in the plantation region of the southern lowlands (El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa); and a bor- der-town community in the eastern lowlands (Villa Real, Esquipulas). Two of the communities were comprised of mostly indigenous populations-San Jorge, Chinautla, and Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche-although indigenous people were in- cluded in all the other research locations. Types of Violence Violence-related problems emerged as the single most important type of problem facing the urban poor. Within this category, so- cial violence was identified as a predominant issue in many com- munities. Lack of social capital was identified as a problem more EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 often than lack of human capital. Lack of physical capital was identified as less of a problem, and lack of natural capital was perceived as a low-level priority. Focus groups in the nine communities listed a startling av- erage of 41 different types of violence, which were grouped into three interrelated categories: political, economic, and so- cial. Social violence, including alcohol-related and sexual vio- lence, was cited most often (51 percent of all types of violence), followed by economic violence, pre-eminently gang-related violence and robbery (46 percent), and political violence, such as police abuse (3 percent). Perceptions of violence varied across cities and demographic groups. Robbery and delinquency emerged as especially impor- tant in Limoncito, San Marcos, and El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. Intrafamily violence was prevalent in San Jorge, Chinautla, and gang violence was seen as a major problem in Villa Real, Esquipulas. Incidence of political violence was cited most often in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, and Sacuma, Huehuetenango, which are highland towns with large indigenous populations that are particularly affected by the armed conflict. Perceptions also varied by demographic and ethnic group. Elderly people were most concerned with infrastructure deficien- cies, and indigenous elderly people focused on the loss of tradi- tions and the lack of respect among youth. Adult women shared these concerns, but also discussed educational and health con- cerns and intrafamily violence, while adult men focused on in- frastructure and rarely mentioned the latter concerns. Young people were especially concerned with problems related to gangs, particularly with drug-related issues. Young women also empha- sized sexual violence and assaults. Children also discussed sexual abuse and problems associated with their schools. In terms of ethnicity, indigenous people tended to stress poverty and dis- crimination to a greater extent than did the ladinio population. The Legacy of Violence in Guatemala Underlying the contemporary manifestations of violence in Gua- temala is the legacy of armed conflict. In the post-conflict con- 4 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT text, where political violence has declined and economic and so- cial violence increased, all three types are interrelated. One im- portant issue in this context was the cultura de silencio (culture of silence) that permeated communities, closely linked with fear and terror of civil war. While indigenous and ladino groups were both affected, indigenous people in particular highlighted continuing discrimination, especially in terms of widespread poverty and exclusion, as well as the erosion of indigenous cultures. Another important issue to emerge was the rape of women, both inside and outside the home. The alarming preponderance of rape among all communities had important roots in armed conflict. During the 1980s rape had been used as a political "tool of war," generally against indigenous women. Finally, the war has led to transformations in household structures, especially an increase in female-headed households. These were especially common among displaced indigenous people in the communities in Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa and Guatemala City who had fled from the highlands during the 1980s. Costs, Causes, and Consequences of Violence Different types of violence are interrelated in a highly complex and dynamic way. Social violence within households and fami- lies, for instance, may erode social capital, leading young people to drink, take drugs, and join gangs, which in itself may lead to economic violence, such as robbery and killing, or to sexual vio- lence, such as rape. Understanding each type of violence is, there- fore, critical to understanding the nature of the problems facing people living in poor communities. Families, Households, and Social Violence Intrafamily violence was endemic in the Guatemalan communi- ties and was closely associated with other types of violence. This was true regardless of ethnicity, income level, or geographical location with high levels in all communities. Participants identi- fied numerous types of violence perpetrated within the home, including incest, sexual abuse, and physical abuse. These were EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 associated with various contingent factors, such as the changing economy, the unemployment rate, alcohol and drug abuse, fam- ily disintegration, and issues associated with male machismo and female submissiveness. Intrafamily violence was perceived as undermining how households functioned internally in terms of constructing and maintaining norms, values, and trust. It also led to the erosion of social capital networks between households and reduced the human capital endowments of children and young people. Criti- cally, violence in the home was perceived as leading to violence outside the home. Violence was perceived as permeating the spectrum of social relations within poor urban communities, with the critical nexus being households and families. With trust in the home severely eroded by violence, children and youth spend long periods of time in the street with their friends. This resulted in young men often looking to the maras (gangs) as a source of support and young women engaging in sexual relations at an early age. Alcohol Conslumption and Social Violence By far the most critical cause of social violence in all communi- ties was alcohol consumption, especially among men. Both legal alcohol (mainly rum and beer) and illegal alcohol (mainly paint thinner and home-made kusha) were consumed, the latter mainly by indigenous people. Significantly, acute levels of alcohol con- sumption were common in all communities with tolerance lev- els much higher related to drinking than to drug consumption in all communities. While some indigenous groups reported espe- cially high levels of alcohol use linked with trauma and poverty, alcohol abuse was widespread across the communities, regard- less of ethnicity. The most frequently cited causal factors for alcohol abuse were intrafamily violence and conflict, family disintegration, parental example, poverty, and disillusion with employment prospects. Peer pressure and machismo also played a part in causing alcohol consumption. The major consequences of alcohol abuse in the home were intrafamily violence and economic hardship, cited in 6 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT all communities. Outside of the home, economic violence, such as robbery, and sexual violence were perceived as effects of alco- hol abuse. Drug Consumption and Economic Violence Drug consumption was common particularly among men and members of the maras and included a wide range of drugs, such as marijuana, cocaine, including crack. It was perceived as a lead- ing cause of economic violence in all of the communities, as well as a cause of high levels of social violence. However, drug-re- lated problems were few compared to those resulting from alco- hol, although they were seen as being integrally related to the problem of the maras. Alcoholism among parents, intrafamily violence, family dis- integration, and poverty were frequently cited as causes of drug consumption. Peer pressure and machismo within gangs also con- tributed to consumption. The major consequences of drug con- sumption included economic violence, such as robbery, and high levels of sexual violence, particularly rape. Drug-related problems also contributed to the generation of fear in the communities, affecting indigenous and ladino communities more or less equally. Maras, Robbers, Delinquents, and Violence Violence perpetrated by gangs dominated reports of economic violence and included robbery and assault. However, maras were also associated with street and gang fighting, as well as sexual violence (predominantly rape). Many considered sexual violence to be the most serious problem associated with the maras. The most common members of gangs were young men, although some female-only gangs existed, and male-dominated gangs sometimes had female members. While less widespread, maras existed among indigenous populations as well as ladino. Mara members perceived their gangs as a positive support structures-important local so- cial organizations that had spread widely in the last decade, largely influenced by young people returning from El Salvador, Honduras, or North America. Although maras were associated EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 with robbery and delinquency, robbers and delinquents were also significant actors involved in violence in their own right. While maras were involved in economic and social violence, these other groups mainly perpetrated economic violence. Community-Level Social Institutions and Perverse and Productive Social Capital Study participants identified 322 social institutions across the nine research communities. These included institutions that benefited the community (productive social capital) and institutions that benefited their members, while hurting the community as a whole (perverse social capital). Despite the large number of local organizations, all nine com- munities lacked institutional diversity. The majority were service delivery organizations, with churches the main membership groups. International nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) also played an important role in communities, especially those with predominantly indigenous populations, and were often more trusted than community-based organizations. Cognitive social capital was also very weak in all communities, regardless of the ethnicity of community members. There was notable mistrust and lack of solidarity, with widespread small-scale conflicts in all com- munities. Underlying this weakness was fear-a legacy of the armed conflict. State and government institutions, especially the army and the police, were widely distrusted. However, trust in the police varied across communities, depending on whether or not the reformed police force (the National Civil Police, PNC) had been installed. Generally levels of trust were far higher in the new police force than in the preceding police system, and the PNC was cited as responsible for the reduction in economic and social vio- lence in some communities. Linked with this overall mistrust in justice systems and widespread impunity, is the fact that both indigenous and ladino community members continually reported the need to take justice into their own hands through social cleansing and lynching. 8 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Community Perceptions of Solutions to Violence Study participants identified four types of strategies for dealing with violence: avoidance, confrontation, conciliation, and other strategies. Most people responded to violence by keeping silent about it out of powerlessness or fear of retribution. Many changed their mobility patterns, avoiding taking certain routes or simply staying home in the evening. People in the communities recognized that breaking the con- tinuum of violence requires that a variety of solutions be imple- mented simultaneously, combining both short-term strategies and longer-term interventions. More than half of the interventions proposed involved creating social capital. Within this category, the promotion of family values and mechanisms to foster trust between neighbors and community members were the most fre- quently mentioned proposals. Other interventions included im- proving academic and vocational education as well as drug prevention and sex education programs, and establishing more drug and alcohol rehabilitation centers. Many community mem- bers also recommended increasing the resources of community organizations as well as greater police presence in communities. Some endorsed social cleansing, deporting of foreign mara lead- ers, stronger military protection, and longer prison sentences. In general, suggestions were mentioned equally by indigenous and ladino focus groups. Constraints and Recommendations Despite the signing of the Peace Accords, urban poor communi- ties perceived that violence still pervade their communities. In- deed in some cases they considered the current phase to be worse than the civil war itself. The perceptions of the poor, therefore, can help policymakers in both government and civil society to formulate appropriate violence reduction policies. Local commu- nities identified three interrelated national-level constraints to solving the problem of violence: * Extensive fear and distrust. The legacy of decades of civil war and armed conflict is an extreme level of fear, fre- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 9 quently manifested in a culture of silence. This has resulted in a lack of social cohesion within communities, distrust even of neighbors and friends, and associated low levels of both structural and cognitive social capital. * Discrimination and excluision of the indigenous population. Human rights violations and counterinsurgency policy particularly targeted at the indigenous population during the civil war, as well as continuing racial and cultural dis- crimination, has resulted in the persistent exclusion of these groups within Guatemalan society. This has exacer- bated their levels of fear and social cohesion even in the post-conflict context. * Lack of trutst or confidence in the police and judicial system. The severe lack of confidence in the government's capacity to provide adequate police or judicial protection fosters de- velopment of alternative informal social cleansing justice systems such as lynching. Nevertheless, the new Policia Nacionzal Civil is held in much higher regard than the former Policia Nacional-with associated lower levels of delin- quency, robbery, and violence in communities served by the PNC. Local-level recommendations for reducing violence can be sum- marized in terms of six priorities: * Rebuild trust in the police and juidicial system. Despite partial progress to address this issue through, for instance, the introduction of the PNC in some areas, fundamental mea- sures are still needed to rebuild trust at the local level if informal justice and social cleansing are to be eliminated. This includes countrywide introduction of the PNC, along with extensive interventions to build their capacity and reduce corruption. Fear and distrust on the part of the in- digenous population will remain until human rights abuses and reconciliation issues are transparently addressed through the judicial system. * Attack the problem of alcoholism. The high level of alcohol consumption was one of the most important concerns in 10 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT all communities. A comprehensive strategy must include prevention through increased public awareness as well as rehabilitation of alcoholics. Implementing such a solution requires collaboration among education, health, social welfare, and other sectors, as well as between the govern- ment and NGOs, such as Alcoholics Anonymous, that have long battled the problem. * Reduce society's tolerancefor intrafamiIy violence. All commu- nities acknowledged the high levels of social violence within the home. Dealing with both physical and mental abuse requires a strategy that encompasses both preven- tion and rehabilitation and can be constructively linked to alcohol-prevention programs. Given the high levels of tol- erance in Guatemala for intrafamily violence, a holistic approach, with extensive interagency, media, and NGO collaboration, may help to begin to meet the demand from communities to address this issue so that it includes the needs of women and children alike. * Prevent the spread of drug consumption. To date drug con- sumption is more concentrated in the capital and has not yet reached epidemic proportions on a nationwide scale. It is, however, a critical concern in most communities. While preventative programs are needed to control the in- creasing spread of drugs to towns outside the capital, larger urban areas also require rehabilitation programs. This re- quires collaboration across sectors in the government, as well as between the government and NGOs. * Transform marasfrom perverse to productive social organiza- tions. Given the growing preoccupation with maras in poor communities, and the distinctions among them-ranging from highly violent gangs to support structures for local youth-innovative inclusive programs could involve young people themselves in overcoming violence-related problems. Such interventions could include drug preven- tion, issues of self-esteem, as well as skills-training to ac- cess local employment opportunities. To dissolve the highly violent gangs in larger urban areas may require both punitive and rehabilitative initiatives. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 Develop mechanisms to blild suistainiable community-based membership organizations. Rebuilding the fabric of local com- munities and their social organizations whose trust and cohesion have been shattered by the civil war, presents particular challenges requiring community consultation. Locally based organizations that meet perceived needs are more likely to be sustainable. For instance, to address the severe problem of the lack of childcare among working parents-currently blamed for many problems-local or- ganizations for the care and support of both children and youth, run by women and men in the community, might be an appropriate initiative that serves both an immediate need while also rebuilding local trust and social capital. People living in poor urban communities recognize that in this post-conflict context the problem of violence is so complex that it requires cross-sector solutions. They also recognize that local ownership is crucial if the sense of fear, powerlessness, and lack of trust is to be overcome. Given the conventional sector di- visions in government ministries and NGOs alike, developing such solutions is likely to prove challenging. 1 Introduction G uatemala has long been one of the most violent societies in Central America. The conflict has been rooted in cen- turies of exclusion and inequality, largely along racial divisions-between ladino and indigenous populations.' The re- cent civil war involved extreme and brutal levels of political vio- lence, principally affecting the indigenous population. Despite the Peace Accords signed between the government and the Gua- temalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG) in 1996, which ended most of the political violence, generalized violence has in- creased. With homicide rates of 34 per 100,000 inhabitants, Gua- temala is currently considered the most violent country in Central America (CIEN 1998:1). Figures from the Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) compound these findings. High homicide rates existed in 1996 in the departments of Escuintla (16.5 per 10,000 inhabitants), Izabal (12.7 per 10,000 inhabitants), Jutiapa (11.4 per 10,000 inhabitants), Santa Rosa (11.1 per 10,000 inhabitants), and Guatemala (10.1 per 10,000 inhabitants). As noted by the PNUD, these departments have predominantly ladino populations, a marked absence of indigenous people, and, over- all, possess relatively high levels of human development (PNUD 1998:149). In the post-conflict context following the Peace Accords, Gua- temalans recognize the need to prioritize generalized crime and violence as a major concern. The political violence perpetrated 12 INTRODUCION 1O3 during the civil war was concentrated in the rural, northwestern, and north central departments of the country, in areas dominated by indigenous populations. Today, however, rates of violent crime are soaring throughout the country, especially in urban areas pre- viously immune from the worst ravages of the war. According to violence trends cited by the PNUD, the number of violent deaths increased from 2,699 in 1992, to 3,657 in 1995, although the figure dropped slightly to 3,281 in 1996 (PNUD 1998:148). Furthermore, the total number of crimes committed in Guatemala rose dramati- cally from 11,711 in 1992, to 22,742 in 1995, again decreasing only slightly in 1996 to 19,094 (PNUD 1998:148). Of particular significance was a marked increase in the number of kidnappings, in general executed in Guatemala City, from 162 in 1995, to 182 in 1996 (PNUD 1998:148). Finally, between 1994 and 1996, registered non-natural deaths increased from 1,409 to 1,451, peaking in 1995 at 1,687. These figures signify that Guatemala has become a substantially more vio- lent country since the end of the internal armed conflict. As violence continues to affect the daily lives of Guatemalan citizens, two major concerns have emerged; first, that high levels of violence may undermine current economic stability and con- strain economic growth; second, that the Peace Accords may be jeopardized unless violence and crime are addressed as priority issues (CIEN 1998; PNUD 1998; World Bank 1998). Underlying both these issues is the need to build sustainable peace by focus- ing on exclusion, poverty, and inequality. While these lie at the roots of the conflict, the civil war has tended only to exacerbate them further. Such issues were central to the World Bank's 1998 Country Assistance Strategy (CAS), which identified four main themes: (a) building social cohesion and strengthening participatory pro- cesses, (b) reducing poverty, (c) improving economic management to maintain stability and foster growth, and (d) modernizing the public sector to make it more efficient (World Bank 1998:i-ii). Objectives and Research Framework of the Study With the implementation of the Peace Accords, civil society groups have also continued to focus on human rights violations 14 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT of the peace process in rural areas (Palencia Prado 1996; MINUGUA 1998a, 1998b; ODHAG 1998, 1998). In contrast, the business community has increasingly become preoccupied with economic crime, kidnapping, and robbery (IEPADES 1998). Less well known, however, are the perceptions of violence among poor communities. To address this issue, the following report provides the results of a study of violence conducted in nine urban low- income communities in Guatemala. The study was undertaken as part of the World Bank's contribution to developing opera- tional interventions to build social cohesion and reduce poverty in Guatemala. The objective of the study is to document violence in Guate- mala as perceived by poor urban communities themselves in terms of the following four questions: * What categories of violence affect poor communities? Is it the crime and robbery that dominate the newspapers and pre- occupy the politicians or the human rights violations that concern civil society groups? Or are other types of vio- lence also important to poor communities? Building on the work of Guatemalan violence experts and the World Bank's Urban Peace Program (World Bank 1998; Moser and Shrader 1999), the study distinguishes among political, economic, and social violence-identifying each in terms of a particular type of power that consciously or uncon- sciously uses that violence to gain or maintain itself. * What are costs of the different types of violence? Does violence exact a financial or psychological burden on poor commu- nities, households, and individuals? The study distin- guishes four types of capital: physical, human, natural, and social, each with a number of associated assets that vio- lence can erode. Assessing the impacts of violence on a country's capital and its associated stocks of assets facili- tates a more comprehensive understanding of the true price of violence. * Does violence erode or foster social capital? Does "social capi- tal for some" imply "social exclusion for others"? (Harriss and De Renzio 1997:926). Not only may social capital gen- erate negative outcomes, but social capital itself may be INTRODUCTION 15 generated by activities that do not serve the public good. In examining this issue the study makes a distinction be- tween productive (positive) and unproductive (perverse) social capital (Rubio 1997). * Is violence the cause or consequience of exclusion? The com- plex relationship between violence and poverty has been widely debated. However, social exclusion-the process through which individuals or groups are excluded from full participation in the society in which they live-may be a more useful concept because it involves a more dy- namic and multidimensional conceptualization of depri- vation. The study thus seeks to identify the causal linkages between violence and exclusion. * The violence-capital-exclusioni nexuts. How best can the in- terrelationship among these three multi-layered phenom- ena of categories, costs, and causes and consequences of violence be analyzed? To identify the relationships that produce and sustain violence in poor urban communities in Guatemala and to begin to identify interventions to break this cycle, the study develops a violence-capital- exclusion nexus (figure 1.1). This analytical framework links different types of violence to both society's capital and the exclusion of its poor population. Figure 1.1 Framework for analysis: violence-capital-exclusion Violence * Political * Economic * Social Capital * Physical * Human *Natural * Social 4 > Exclusion 16 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT The Participatory Methodology and its Implications for Policy Recommendations Like poverty, violence can be measured in different ways (see Baulch 1996; Moser 1998). Both poverty and violence can be mea- sured objectively using large, random-sample household surveys that use measures of income or consumption as proxies for the variable being measured (Ravaillon 1992). Both can also be un- derstood subjectively using participatory assessments that col- lect data on multiple indicators that emerge out of the complex and diverse local realities in which the poor live (Chambers 1992, 1995). Statistical and political analyses of post-conflict violence in Guatemala, though scarce, do exist (IEPADES 1998; Palma 1998). To complement those findings with the rarely heard voices of the poor, this study uses a participatory urban appraisal methodol- ogy. This approach emphasizes local knowledge and enables lo- cal people to make their own appraisals, analyses, and plans.2 Its iterative approach to research is suitable for the investigation of the complex causal relationships that affect violence (Moser and Mcllwaine 1999). The reliability of the findings is increased through triangulation-the use of a variety of techniques and sources to investigate the same issues and verify results. Qualita- tive research such as this study, which relies on in-depth investi- gation of a small number of communities, also uses purposive rather than random sampling. This means selecting communi- ties that are considered representative of the issue under investi- gation and conducting a participatory urban appraisal with sufficient groups to be broadly representative of each commu- nity (see annex A for a summary of participatory urban appraisal techniques). Participatory urban appraisal involves an extensive number of different tools (see annex A). The most important ones used in the current study are listings that provided the basis for the quan- titative data analysis, causal impact diagrams that analyzed the causes and effects of particular issues, and the institutional map- ping diagrams that allowed the identification of social institu- INTRODUCTION 17 tions perceived as important within communities. All participa- tory urban appraisal tools were implemented in focus groups fa- cilitated by two researchers and comprising between 2 and 20 people (occasionally they were conducted with one person). The primary aim of participatory urban appraisal is to allow the people to express their own ideas and perceptions in an in- ductive manner. Therefore, in the focus groups people were en- couraged to design the diagrams and provide the associated text themselves. This process often is referred to as "handing over the stick" (in the urban Guatemalan context it usually involves pens and pencils). The rationale behind this methodology is the trans- fer of power from the researcher to the researched (Chambers 1995). Consequently, all the diagrams reproduced in this docu- ment were drawn by people in the communities themselves and use their language.3 The study describes community perceptions of the causes, costs, and consequences of violence and identifies local percep- tions of potential solutions to the problems described. Whether perception data can legitimately be used to influence or define violence reduction policies or strategies is currently an issue of debate. The Bank's recently completed report "Global Synthesis: Consultations with the Poor" (Narayan and others 1999) that is used in the latest World Development Report 2000/2001, and its en- dorsement by Bank President James Wolfensohn in his 1999 an- nual meeting address, have certainly given a measure of legitimacy to this approach in international agencies. During the past decade several innovative interventions have been proposed to reduce violence (table 1.1). All of the approaches reflect different solutions, although in general there has been a shift away from the control of violence toward violence preven- tion, and most recently toward rebuilding social capital. By presenting bottom-up solutions to violence, this study aims to contribute to the search for sustainable solutions. The solu- tions recommended are those that local communities themselves perceive as appropriate. The approach adopted here, therefore, is one of a number of approaches that can guide policymakers concerned with reducing violence. Table 1.1 Different policy approaches to violence intervention Category of violci.ce Policyl/pla aniing Approaclh Objective addressed ntervention Limitationis Criminal justice Violencedeterrenceand coni- Economic Top-down strengthening of Limited applicability to situa- trol through higher arrest judicial, penal, and police sys- tions of political and social vio- and conviction rates and tems and their associated in- lence; success highly dependent more severe punishment stitutions on enforcement Public Violencepreventionthrough Economic Top-down surveillance; risk Almost exclusive focus on indi- health the reduction of individual Social factor identification; resultant vidual; often imposed top-down; risk factors behavior modification; scaling highly sensitive to quality of sur- up of successful interventions veillance data; limitations in in- dicators CD Conflict trans- Achieving nonviolent reso- Political Negotiations to ensure conflict Often long term in its impact; of- formation lution of conflict through Social reduction between different ten faces challenges in bringing negotiated terms between social actors-often using parties to the table and in medi- conflicting parties tlhird party mediation. May be ating conflict top-down or bottom-up lluman rights Legal enforcement of humarn Political Top-down legal enforcement Legalistic framework often diffi- rights and documentation of Social reinforced by bottom-up popu- cult to enforce in a context of law- abuses by states, and other larparticipation and NGO lob- lessness, corruption, and im- social actors bying punity; documentation of abuse sometimes dangerous Social Building social capital to re- Political Bottom-up participatory ap- Less well articulated than other capital duce violence in both infor- Economic praisal of violence; institu- approaches; fewer indicators de- mal and formal social Social tional mapping to address veloped institutioins, such as fami- problems; community partici- lies, community organiza- pation in violence-reduction tions, and the judiciary measures INTRODUCTION 19 Problems Associated with Using a Participatory Urban Appraisal to Study Violence Determining perceptions of violence in communities deeply af- fected by violence is difficult for several reasons. The first and by far the most important constraint in all communities was the cul- ture of silence (cuiltura de silencio), which made people reluctant to discuss violence directly or indirectly. This fundamentally af- fected the research project, given the transitional post-conflict Guatemalan context. This culture of silence was most evident in communities that were directly affected by the civil war and had experienced threats and even killings of community members. It was also particularly pronounced among the indigenous popu- lation (see chapter 3). However, as demonstrated by the relatively recent assassination of Monsenor Juan Gerardi Conadera, such fear is indeed highly valid in all communities.4 Indeed, fear was widespread regardless of ethnicity in all the communities, de- spite slightly stronger concern expressed by indigenous groups. Second, intrafamily violence is a highly sensitive issue. Young people were often more willing to discuss the issue than older people, and women were more likely to raise the issue than men. The problem of alcohol abuse, a major cause of intrafamily vio- lence, was often used as a conduit to discuss violence in the home. To ensure the safety of the people who participated in the study and prevent retribution, the researchers changed the names of all study participants and communities.5 To ensure the re- searchers' safety and help negotiate with gatekeepers, the research teams included people with guaranteed access to the communi- ties, usually because they had previously worked there. Description of Researchers and Categorization of Communities Studied In the selection of research teams, the overall aim was to identify an academic team (AVANCSO), a women's NGO (AMVA), a commu- nity development NGO (FUNDESCO), and NGOs working at the national level (CIEN/SEPREDI). The team members were drawn from a diversity of backgrounds, ranging from formally trained 20 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT researchers (AVANCSO) to beneficiaries of community projects (FUNDESCO). Of a total of 16 researchers, nine were female and seven were male. Both FUNDESCO and AMVA had indigenous researchers-with four indigenous women in total. Furthermore, AVANCSO researchers in particular were especially sensitive to indigenous issues, given their long history of research on human rights and exclusion issues. Fieldwork was undertaken in nine predominantly low-in- come settlements or communities, located in six cities and towns that are broadly representative of Guatemala's urban areas (table 1.2). The communities selected reflect coverage of different geo- graphical areas of the country as well as prevalence of different types of violence and varying experiences of the internal armed conflict. For instance, effort was made to work in the western highlands, the southern lowlands, and the eastern lowlands, as well as the capital region. This included localities directly affected by the conflict (Santa Cruz del Quiche, San Marcos, and Huehue- tenango), as well as indirectly (Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa) and a community relatively untouched (Esquipulas). While an effort was made to include a range of different eth- nic groups by location, this was not the primary aim of the re- search. Furthermore, given that the research was on urban communities, the proportion of indigenous groups included was lower than the national average. Nonetheless, two communities were predominantly indigenous (Santa Cruz del Quiche and Chinautla), and many indigenous people were included in the research in other communities (see chapter 2). In collaboration with the local research teams, the study used a number of indicators to identify predominantly urban poor com- munities: lack of legal land tenure, limited access to basic urban services, as well as the detailed local knowledge of researchers. In addition, according to the PNUD (1998), the majority of the departments included in the research were identified as demon- strating extremely high levels of social exclusion (with the only exceptions being Guatemala City and Escuintla). The nine research communities can be categorized into four main regional areas. First is the "capital city and towns in central Guatemala," which refers to Guatemala City and its surround- Table 1.2 Characteristics of research communities COanlnnnnitity pseldOll ins Selcctionl NMcno cr1iteria Coneepci!in Horiizote La Merced Sani Jorge Saclin Linan111011cito CGnncinat: El Carnen Villa Real City Guatemala Guatemala Guatemala Chinautla Huehue- San Pedro Santa Cruz Santa Lucia Esquipulas City Citv City tenango Sacatep6quez, del Quiche Cotzumal- San Marcos guapa Administra- Capital Capital city Capital Small Depart- Depart- Depart- Town in Border tive status city in in central city in town mental mental mental southerni town and spatial central Guatemala central in central capital in capital in capital in lowlands in eastern location Guatemala Guatemala Guate- western western western lowlands mala highlanids highlands highlands to Socio- Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor Poor and Poor and Poor Poor economic middle- middle- status income income Intra-city Central Peri- Peri- Peri- Peri- Central Central Peri- Central location urban urban urban urban urban urban urban urban urban Date of 1979 1983 1983 Pre- 1969 1940 Pre- 1820 1980 establish- Colom- Colombian ment bian Form of Land Land Land Historic Urban Urban Historic Urban Urban establish- invasion invasion invasion commu- develop- development community develop- develop- ment nity ment ment ment Ethnic Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- Predom- composition inantly inantly inantly inantly inantly inantly inantly inantly inantly ladino latdino la11cUna indigenous ladin0o ladinlO indigenous latinaio ladino 22 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT ing area. In Guatemala City the researchers undertook fieldwork in Concepci6n, Nuevo Horizonte, and La Merced, as well as in San Jorge, Chinautla (a small town in central Guatemala ap- proximately 12 kilometers north of the capital city). While these are broadly similar communities, they also have important dif- ferences. All communities in or near the capital are vulnerable to envi- ronmental change, given their precarious location near rivers, roads, and ravines. In particular, San Jorge, Chinautla, was vul- nerable to erosion and increasing levels of pollution that have affected nearby rivers. Concepci6n, in zone six of the capital, was formed several years after the earthquake of 1976, when families invaded lands owned by afinca (large farm). Residents are, how- ever, still engaged in the process of trying to secure legal title to the land. Nuevo Horizonte and La Merced, both in zone 13, were formed toward the end of 1983 when residents initiated land in- vasions. Most residents now own the titles to their land. The popu- lations in all three communities, while predominantly ladino, except for San Jorge, in many cases originate from departments affected by the internal armed conflict, a major cause of displace- ment to the capital (see chapter 3). Compared with Nuevo Horizonte and La Merced, where problems with drainage and sanitation are particularly pervasive, residents in Concepci6n enjoy a comparatively high level of public services. This includes the supply of potable water, electricity, and drainage systems to 100 percent, and public telephone service to 70 percent of the houses in Concepci6n. A further salient point of comparison is the historically high level of effective organization and commu- nity mobilization in the community of Nuevo Horizonte that origi- nated with the invasion of land in 1983. In contrast to the communities located within the capital, San Jorge, Chinautla, is an indigenous Maya-Pocomam community founded prior to the colonial epoch. Residents have managed to maintain their cultural traditions, customs, and language despite pressures caused by proximity to the capital and high levels of poverty. One manifestation of this is the maintenance of the cofradia system,6 which continues to generate a certain level of cohesion and organization in the community. The predominantly INTRODUCTION 23 indigenous population does not enjoy substantial levels of pub- lic services such as access to water and electricity. The second urban category, "departmental capitals in the western highlands," is a region populated predominantly by in- digenous people and one of the geographical areas most af- fected by the internal armed conflict, and in particular by the military's counterinsurgency project. This category of communi- ties includes Sacuma in Huehuetenango, Limoncito in San Pedro Sacatepequez, San Marcos, and Gucumatz in Santa Cruz del Quiche. Gucumatz predates the colonial period and is located in the ancient capital city of the Maya-Quiche, renamed Santa Cruz del Quiche by the Spanish. In recent years the department and its capital, both predominantly indigenous in population, were the sites of popular, church, and guerrilla mobilizations and, conse- quently, were subject to acute state-sponsored violence. This has left a legacy of community violence and distrust. A high incidence of mobilization continues with human rights organizations and evangelical sects. In contrast, Sacuma, founded in 1969 with a predominantly ladi mo population, is reputed to be the most dan- gerous and violent colonia (neighborhood) in the departmental capital of Huehuetenango. Its political history is similar to that of El Quiche, although its common border with Mexico has meant an increased incidence of black market activity and illegal migra- tion activity (it is used as a route to the United States). As in Santa Cruz del Quiche, the legacy of the internal armed conflict is also evident in the lack of confidence in the judicial system. However, in Huehuetenango this has resulted in a relatively high occur- rence of community-led lynchings (see chapter 3). Limoncito, San Pedro Sacatepequez, San Marcos,7 was founded in 1940. The pre- dominantly ladino residents and minority indigenous (Maya- Mam) population, who have historically come from rural municipalities throughout the department, engage in a variety of economic enterprises. The community is dominated by small- scale, home-based enterprises such as weaving knitted sweaters using knitting machines. These enterprises supply companies in the capital, which, in turn, often supply foreign inaqutilas (world market factories). The department of San Marcos and its capital 24 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT were less affected by the internal armed conflict than the other two communities and, given their age, are served by adequate public services, yet as a town, San Marcos is one of the poorest in the country and in the department. The third urban category is "town in the southern lowlands" with fieldwork undertaken in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumal- guapa. A predominantly ladino community, El Carmen was formed around 1820. The town itself is located between the high- lands and the coastal plains in the Boca Costa area. This region is characterized by plantation agriculture, especially sugar cultiva- tion. The population increased dramatically during two histori- cal flash points, first in 1972 and again in 1982, mainly as a result of displacement caused by economic migration and the internal armed conflict. This has led to an increase in indigenous groups, especially from Quiche, from where most fled (see chapter 3). The community is relatively well serviced in terms of infrastruc- ture, given its age. The final urban category is "town in the eastern lowlands" with fieldwork conducted in Villa Real, Esquipulas, founded in 1980. The town of Esquipulas shares borders with Honduras and El Salvador, which has had a significant impact on the commu- nity: 20 percent of residents originate from these countries, which themselves suffer severe gang-related problems. Furthermore, the incidence of black market activity is also high. Located on the banks of a river, the community, although well-consolidated, is also subject to annual flooding. Notes 1. The term ladir-o describes the Guatemalan hispanicized (or niestizo) population, descended from Spanish-indigenous origins. The ladinos con- stitute approximately 40 percent of the Guatemalan population, the remain- der being made up of 23 indigenous ethnic groups, the largest of which is the Maya (with 21 distinct ethnic groups). 2. Development practitioners use participatory urban appraisal as a research tool for sharing local people's knowledge and perceptions with outsiders. Chambers (1994a, 1994b, 1994c) provides comprehensive detailed reviews of the participatory rural appraisal approach. The techniques used in that methodology are also applicable in urban settings and are used here. INTRODUCTION 25 The World Bank's Participation Sourcebook includes participatory apprais- als as one of the techniques currently being integrated into the Bank's op- erational work (World Bank 1995). The methodology has already been incorporated into several recent Bank studies, including country poverty assessments in Ghana, South Africa, and Zambia. The first study on urban poverty and violence using this methodology was undertaken in Jamaica in 1996 (Moser and Holland 1997) and more recently in Colombia (Moser and Mcllwaine 2000). 3. For both translation and production purposes, the diagrams have been transferred into computerized form. 4. One of the most comprehensive analyses of political violence is the Catholic Church's Interdiocesan Project for the Recuperation of Historical Memory in Guatemala (Recuperaci6n de la Memoria Histdrica REMHI) (ODHAG 1998). Conducted by the Office of Human Rights of the Archdio- cese of Guatemala, and based on oral testimonies, the report documented 55,021 cases of brutal atrocities, of which 79.2 percent was attributed to the Guatemalan military. While it concentrates on the past, it also informs the present through highlighting how the legacy of the war permeates con- temporary patterns of violence. The assassination of the project's director, Monsenor Juan Gerardi Conadera, 56 hours after the findings were made public in April 1998, highlight the fragility of the Peace Accords. 5. One of the participatory urban appraisal ground rules is ownership of visual outputs through named acknowledgment. Given the nature of the issue being studied, however, anonymity was considered essential. 6. This is a hierarchical religious brotherhood based on kinship and age-grade ties between families and residents. 7. The areas of San Pedro Sacatepequez and San Marcos border each other and, while the community of Limoncito was located in San Pedro Sacatep6quez, its administrative base was in the city of San Marcos. For this reason, hereafter, the geographical location of Limoncito is referred to as San Marcos. 2 Summary Findings: Perceptions of General Problems and Violence R ather than ask community members specifically about vio- lence, the participatory urban appraisals first focused on people's perceptions of the main problems affecting them and their community. In this way, it did not assume that violence would necessarily be an important issue in people's daily lives. Characteristics of Focus Groups In all nine communities a total of approximately 1,860 people were involved in focus group discussions. Broadly equal proportions of women and men were included, either in male- and female- only groups or mixed sessions. The researchers made efforts to include all ages in various focus groups, usually classified as eld- erly, adult, adolescent, and children. Ethnically, approximately 30 percent of all community members included were of indig- enous origin.1 As far as possible, the diagrams throughout the text reflect this diversity of gender, age, and ethnicity.2 Perceptions of Problems in Poor Urban Communities Violence was the single most frequently cited problem facing the urban poor in the nine urban poor communities (table 2.1). Re- 26 SUMMARY FINDINGS 27 Table 2.1 Frequency listings of types of problems identified in nine urban communities Percentage of total Type of problemil problems cited Violence 48 Lack of physical capital 25 Lack of social capital 10 Lack of human capital 9 Lack of natural capital 8 Total 100 Souirce: 199 focus group listings of problems. spondents in focus groups identified 13 different types of vio- lence-related problems, with theft and gangs leading the list. Theft and robbery represented over one-fifth of all violence problems (21 percent) with gangs representing just under one-fifth (19 per- cent) (annex B, table B.1). It is important to emphasize that these two problems were invariably discussed as interlinked, with gang members cited as major perpetrators of robbery (see chapter 7). Important variations exist in perceptions of violence among different communities. For instance, Sacuma, Huehuetenango, had the highest proportion of violence problems (60 percent of the total), which community members blamed on the city's prox- imity to the Mexican border and its attraction for other Central Americans. In contrast, in San Jorge, Chinautla, violence repre- sented only one-third of the problems identified. San Jorge is a mainly indigenous Maya-Pocomam community in a small town established in pre-Colombian times north of Guatemala City. Here problems of violence were perceived to gradually spread geo- graphically from the capital itself. Ranking of Perceived Problems in Poor Urban Commnunznities Focus groups ranked problems according to their importance. In most communities problems linked with violence were most fre- 28 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT quently cited and prioritized as most important. Problems linked with gang violence were ranked as important in most settlements such as Concepci6n, Nuevo Horizonte, and La Merced in Guate- mala City; Limoncito, San Marcos; and San Jorge, Chinautla. Fig- ure 2.1 highlights how violence often dominated both the listings and prioritization of general problems. Particularly significant here is that children as young as ten years of age ranked death, rape, and kidnappings as the most important problems in their community. Indeed, the only problems not associated with vio- lence were pollution and AIDS (figure 2.1). Lack of Physical Capital Lack of physical capital represented one quarter of all problems identified in communities (table 2.1). Within this category, defi- ciencies in public services were mentioned most frequently (13 percent). These services included sanitation facilities, especially the lack of adequate drainage systems that plagued Nuevo Figure 2.1 "Onion" diagram ranking types of general problems in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, drawn by four children (aged 10-13) / / ~~~~~~streets\ \ g : Srfug eAt \ 8ots i ~~~~~n n Lots of bank robberies AIDS SUMMARY FTNDINGS 29 Horizonte and La Merced in Guatemala City and Villa Real, Esquipulas. In other cases, the physical capital category referred to lack, or irregularity of, drinking water supply, in terms of qual- ity and availability-a problem identified most frequently in four of the communities. It also included lack of rubbish collection, which was a particular problem in San Jorge, Chinautla (annex B, table B.1). Besides lack of urban services, the issues of poverty were iden- tified in all communities, although this was particularly signifi- cant in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, and La Merced, Guatemala City. This was viewed as more important than unem- ployment, which was not perceived as a substantive problem in the communities. In El Carmen, however, poor working condi- tions rather than lack of work per se were cited as a frequent problem. This was linked with the plantation economy that pro- vided seasonal, irregular employment. Indigenous groups, in particular, complained of poverty and poor working conditions. Lack of Social Capital Lack of social capital (10 percent) was identified more frequently than lack of human capital as a problem (see table 2.1). This lack of social capital referred to mistrust and lack of cooperation within the community. These were associated with widely held lack of understanding and unity, lack of communication between people, and the perception that "people don't care." Of particular impor- tance for indigenous people was the loss of traditions. This usu- ally referred to a decline in wearing traditional dress (traje), as well as loss of indigenous language. For others the loss of tradi- tional values related to lack of respect for the elderly. Discrimina- tion also emerged as a problem in a number of communities, again related mainly with indigenous peoples (see chapter 3). Lack of Human Capital Lack of human capital emerged in all communities (9 percent) (table 2.1). Important problems relating to education included the lack of services in primary schools, the poor quality of teaching 30 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 2.2 Child's drawing of fear in Concepci6n, Guatemala City provided, and the lack of secondary-level educational establish- ments. Health problems were linked to the dearth of health fa- cilities and their high cost, as well as the prevalence of diseases among local families. These problems were often associated with the lack of urban services. Lack of Natural Capital Members of communities cited problems relating to natural capital particularly where rivers ran through or adjacent to the settle- ment (Concepci6n, Guatemala City; Sacuma, Huehuetenango, Villa Real, Esquipulas; and San Jorge, Chinautla). Invariably people complained of the bad smell and associated health haz- ards-such as mosquitoes-of rivers as well as the lack of protec- tive walls to prevent flooding. Indeed, flooding was a major problem in all these communities in the rainy season. SUMMARY FINDINGS 31 Perceptions of Problems by Demographic Group and Ethnicity Focus groups highlighted problems that reflected their specific needs. These were differentiated mainly by gender, age, and ethnicity. Elderly women and men were more likely to discuss infrastructure deficiencies than other types of problems, especially those related to violence. Elderly women in particular also fo- cused on the loss of traditions and the lack of respect among youth in contemporary society. Adult women shared most of the con- cerns of the elderly, but also identified education and health prob- lems as priorities. They were also more likely to discuss intrafamily violence and its links to alcohol abuse. Adult men rarely mentioned such issues, since they tended to be the perpe- trators, and focused instead on infrastructure, especially deficient drainage systems. Adolescents of both genders were the most likely to identify problems related to gangs. They often linked this with drug con- sumption, citing the latter as a growing problem for young people. This affected male youth in particular. Young women were more likely to discuss sexual violence and assaults, both as a result of drug consumption and of alcohol abuse. Children were also keenly aware of violence issues, although they often discussed problems associated with their schools, such as the violence of teachers. The various indigenous groups included in the focus groups across the communities were most likely to identify poverty as a problem, as well as various social capital problems such as dis- crimination. Their perceptions of violence coincided broadly with those of the ladinio population, except in relation to human rights abuses, which were only identified in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche-a predominantly indigenous community (see chapter 3). Perceptions of Violence in Poor Urban Communities Focus groups in the nine communities listed an alarming aver- age of 41 different types of violence, with one community (Sacuma, Huehuetenango) distinguishing 70 different types. 32 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Types of violence ranged from gangs and drugs violence, to lynch- ings and assassinations, as well as violence within the home. Fig- ure 2.3 reveals the types of perceived violence faced by people in La Merced, Guatemala City, according to a young woman; she perceived robbery, gangs, rape, violence within the home, activi- ties of the local mafias, and violence linked with drug addicts as the main types. The majority of listings referred to types of violence (violencias), although in some cases a more locally acceptable term was dan- gers (peligros). Peligros referred to all types of violence and inse- curity affecting local communities, in contrast to violencias, which were often perceived as political violence and conflict associated with the civil war. Some focus groups qualified the term, listing its constituent parts. Table 2.2 shows how a group of young men distinguished between the two types and how they were mani- fested at the individual, group, community, and city levels. Gen- erally, danger denoted the threat of force, whereas violence denoted the act itself. Figure 2.3 Flow diagram of types of violence facing La Merced, Guatemala City (prepared by a 16-year-old woman) Rapists of 16 years and olderJ Woen of'- alt 14 years and older \ Watches -~~~~~~~ ~~~Thieves begin at 9 ya _ . < ~~~~~~~~~~~~~of age and upwZardsv Drug addicts t La Merced (l'eople and) relatives R~~~~~~~~ob money o~~~~" \ Because of / 4 ausause of deceit /a) \. v \ Mistreatment Gangs in \ + Dof childre (~~~~ ~O grandmotherss 'F SUMMARY FINDINGS 33 Table 2.2 Types of violence and danger in Villa Real, Esquipulas (identified by a group of three young men aged 14-17) Sphere of influenice Types of danger Types of violence Indiz7idiial People who kill Parents who hit their children Drunk people Children in prostitution Adults who abuse children Group Gangs Drugged people who can kill Arms Inhalants Conlmunlity People from other Drunk people who push places who come people over with negative People who mistreat others attitudes physically and verbally City Some people that Child abuse carry arms Gangs that abuse people Adolescents carrying Assaults arms Gangs going out at night Differences Among Economnic, Social, and Political Violence Listings of violence were grouped together under three rubrics: political, economic, and social. Social violence was disaggregated into violence within the home, violence outside the home, and either (to categorize rape when it was not clear where it occurred). These types of violence represent a continuum of categories that overlap and are not mutually exclusive.3 Both social and economic violence were more frequently men- tioned than political violence across all nine communities, in broadly equal proportions. However, social violence was slightly more dominant, representing exactly half of all types of violence 34 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLIICT CONTEXT Table 2.3 Types of violence faced by nine urban communities Percentage of total types Types of violence of violence cited Economic 46 Social 50 Inside the home 14 Outside the home 28 Inside-outside the home 8 Political 3 Total 100 (50 percent). Economic violence represented just under a half at 46 percent nationally, while political violence constituted only 3 percent (table 2.3).4 Among communities, the frequency of violence reflects con- text-specific complexities. In Limoncito, San Marcos, economic rather than social violence was the most prevalent (59 percent), with one of the higher levels of robbery, assaults, and delin- quency of the nine communities. However, levels of robbery and assaults were highest in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzu- malguapa, because of the instability of the local plantation economy. In contrast, in San Jorge, Chinautla, social violence represented three-quarters of all types of violence (75 percent), with the highest incidence of intrafamily violence nationally (29 percent) (annex C, table C.1). Political violence was identified in seven of the nine commu- nities. It was most frequently cited in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche (8 percent) and in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (7 percent) - both areas in the indigenous highland region that was particu- larly affected by the civil conflict and where the majority of massacres took place during the war (REMHI 1998). These low proportions are not surprising given the official cessation of the civil conflict in 1996, as well as the culture of silence that sur- rounds the issue (see chapter 3). SUMMARY FINDINGS 35 Ranking Types of Violence As with discussions of general problems affecting communities, focus groups also identified the most serious types of violence through ranking or prioritization. Mara or gang issues were the most commonly prioritized as important in five of the nine com- munities: Nuevo Horizonte and La Merced, Guatemala City; San Jorge, Chinautla; Limoncito, San Marcos; and El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. In the other communities, robbery, as- saults, and delinquency were the most commonly ranked as im- portant. Intrafamily violence in particular, and sexual violence in general, also emerged as especially important in a number of com- munities, often ranked in second or third position (box 2.1). Perceptions of violence varied by gender and age, and fol- lowed broadly similar patterns to those described in relation to problems. For instance, the elderly and adults of both sexes were more reluctant to discuss violence in general. When violence was discussed, elderly and middle-aged women tended to focus on intrafamily and sexual violence, often in relation to alcohol abuse. Box 2.1 Ranking Types of Violence in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, Conducted by a Mixed Group of Four Teachers in a Local Primary School A group of four teachers identified the main types of violence in the community and then voted which they considered the most important. They prioritized both child abuse and child abandon- ment, reflecting their particular focus on problems affecting the young. Tiype of violence Rankinig by votes Child abuse 3 votes Child abandonment 3 votes Gangs 2 votes Drugs 2 votes Child sexual abuse 1 vote Family disintegration 1 vote 36 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Men, on the other hand, concentrated their discussions on rob- bery, delinquency, and maras. It was among children and adolescents that maras were most frequently discussed, with males linking gang members with rob- bery and delinquency, and females with sexual violence, espe- cially rape. In terms of ethnicity, indigenous groups were more likely to identify political violence in relation to human rights and police abuses than ladino groups. However, both indigenous people and ladinos equally identified social and economic vio- lence as important problems. Perceptions of the Spatial Nature of Violence Within urban areas, many focus groups identified spatial con- centrations of violence. These were commonly identified as the zonas rojas (red zones) linked with prostitution and drugs, as well as the markets, bus terminals, and sometimes entire communi- ties. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, a group of community leaders noted how the mayor, the municipality, and the rest of the population of the town had until recently labeled the colonia as roja (red) and peligrosa (dangerous). Figure 2.4 shows a map of Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, where this group of young men also identified a cemetery and some colonias (communities) in addition to these areas. In addition to the link with drug consumption, there was also a strong association between danger and drunks (the latter some- times referred to as bolos). This was a common pattern in many communities where the cantinas (bars) and brothels were usually identified as dangerous. However, women rather than men tended to fear drunks and the cantinas; the latter were out of bounds for women of all ages. In addition to places being per- ceived as dangerous in general, some are only dangerous at night or during the day. Moreover, this may also differ according to gender, with market perceived as more dangerous for women than for men (figure 2.4). At the community level, maps highlighted concentrations of violence with variations depending on the community. However, SUMMARY FINDINGS 37 Figure 2.4 Map of dangerous areas of Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (drawn by a group of young men aged 20-30) /1 a ~~~~~~olo.la L ibertad Market II X M oet a Li b l and bus X M e |/terminal ____ i__ ___c X Inec re hurch S u ( ri eat night Centra S ...l k'Re I : e re during the day I se re for men * * Colonia se e o o .. Jordania \/rssroa Is of plc \ 'Los Can ros' X \ \ tmx t ~~~~~~~~~~~La Sultanita Colonia las Delicias many places identified as dangerous were linked with gangs and, in Guatemala City in particular, with drug consumption. Those most commonly mentioned were football pitches, basketball courts, parks, and riverbanks-all places where gangs congre- gated. This is particularly marked in the map shown in figure 2.5 of La Merced, Guatemala City. This shows how different gangs are linked with particular spaces and territories within the com- munity, which in turn, are co-opted and become associated with violence and danger. 38 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 2.5 Map of dangerous areas in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by a group of young male gang members aged 12-22) t ( * ~Bakt t- SX ector C2SetrD l couirt _ A Sector etr \ 3 X <0 k Sector C r _ / defenud /cr \ \ Sector B ~~~~~~~The meetir/ uXt themselves/ Gaof ganXon 1 Towzer MarijtLana a e it Gan It * El X Dangerolus Pic piedras ( nsecure at l Football Eqootbal t>Insecure in ieh td the day F7 ~~~~~~~~~At Drtunks Notes 1. Identification of indigenous people was often difficult, especially in Guatemala City, where many had stopped using traditional dress and used Spanish to communicate (see chapter three). 2. The diagrams do not explicitly refer to ethnic groups because it would have been cumbersome to include this level of detailed information in ev- ery focus group discussion. 3. Drugs, for example, are categorized as economic violence, because drug consumers were perceived mainly as a problem linked to robbery to feed their habit. For drug consumers themselves, taking drugs was linked primarily with succumbing to peer pressure, therefore making it a social violence issue. 4. The figures do not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. This ap- plies throughout the text. 3 Political Violence in the Transition to Peace he legacy of the civil conflict and political violence in Gua- T temala continues to affect-both directly and indirectly- the nature of conflict in that country today. This legacy pro- vides important contextual background. The particular brutality experienced by the indigenous populations during this period makes it important to comment explicitly on political violence in describing the setting. Political Violence During the Civil War In the participatory appraisal, political violence was not viewed as a major issue in the daily lives of the urban poor-an average of only 3 percent of all types of violence identified (table 2.3). Nevertheless, seven of the nine communities identified some political violence, with Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche; Sacuma, Huehuetenango; and Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, reporting the most. During the civil war political violence was concentrated predominantly in the rural highland region rather than in urban localities. This has shaped present perceptions and patterns of violence in communities in Santa Cruz del Quich6 and Huehuetenango. In addition, political violence has left an indelible imprint, especially in Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, as well as in some communities in Guatemala City. 39 40 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Although both ladino and indigenous populations were af- fected by the internal armed conflict, the indigenous population suffered the most. For instance, the REMHI report (ODHAG 1998) and the report of the Historical Clarification Commission (CEH 1999) verified the complete destruction of 440 indigenous villages during the 1980s. Furthermore, the CEH (1999) stated unequivo- cally that the violence to which the indigenous population was subjected represented genocide. In the post-conflict context of the study, political violence was still affecting the indigenous popu- lation. For instance, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, one indigenous woman commented: "Without doubt some political violence is the most serious problem that affects Santa Cruz del Quiche. It's a problem that is not often verbalized and what's more people don't want to discuss it. " While continuing to affect indigenous populations disproportion- ately, the legacy of this violence and the resurgence of new forms of social and economic violence have also affected the ladino popu- lation, reaching historically unprecedented levels. Furthermore, some of the counterinsurgency institutions ac- tive during the conflict, and now supposedly dissolved, were identified as a continuing problem in several communities. For example, the Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil (Civil Defense Patrols, or PACs), although officially disbanded in 1996, were mentioned in Santa Cruz del Quiche by a group of three ladino men who noted how "the patrols still take people."' The same group of ladinos also mentioned that the army still committed human rights violations-although less than in the past. Indeed, human rights violations were mentioned in Guatemala City, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, and Santa Cruz del Quiche. This counter- insurgency violence and its legacy affected both ladino and indig- enous ethnic groups. In this context, human rights organizations continued to be relevant. Previously, human rights organizations principally represented members of the indigenous population, but ladinos in a Guatemala City community were beginning to POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 41 use human rights organizations as a means of resolving intra- family violence. Despite the decline in political violence as an issue, it influ- enced and generated other types of violence in Guatemala. Fig- ure 3.1, for instance, shows how armed conflict was associated with a range of different types of political violence, such as mas- sacres, kidnapping, rape, and torture, all linked with delinquency through the migration process (often forced displacement) and lack of employment opportunities. Changes in Types of Violence in the Post-Conflict Context Community members reported that, although political violence had declined, other types of economic and social violence were increasing in the post-conflict context. Other than rural commu- nities where widespread massacres took place during the con- flict, people reported that they suffered more violence than they had during the worst years of the war. In Santa Cruz del Quiche a group of young indigenous people (aged 14, 15, and 26) dis- cussed changes in violence linked with the inaras. In 1990, they said there were no niaras because of the army and guerrilla, but since the Peace Accords some ex-military personnel have joined nmaras. Another group of two men and five women (aged between 25-35, all ladinos except one indigenous woman) in Santa Cruz del Quiche discussed the changes in violence. They noted that during the 1980s violence occurred because of the armed con- flict, rather than delinquency. Between 1990 and 1995 violence declined, yet after the Peace Accords, delinquency increased- because of the lack of work and because many refugees had re- turned to Guatemala from Mexico and Honduras. A statement from a group of six women from Sacuma, Huehuetenango, summed up these widespread experiences when they stated "in- stead of signing peace, they signed violence." With the end of internal armed conflict, there was a shift from mainly rural-based violence to urban-based violence. Most of the recent increases in violence linked with kidnapping and robber- 42 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT ies were perpetrated in the capital region, where a criminal act is reportedly committed every 41 minutes (CIEN 1998:6). There was also a shift toward increasing delinquency in secondary cities and departmental capitals, such as San Marcos and Huehuetenango (Palma 1998). This was a complaint made by community mem- bers, especially in the smaller towns. Political violence that pre-eminently affected the indigenous population during the civil war in the post-conflict context was linked to other forms of economic and social violence. Signifi- cantly, this process generated unstable conditions affecting all ethnic groups in both rural and urban areas. A group of three indigenous men (aged between 18 and 33) from Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, for instance, said, "Now the same violence af- fects all of us in the community, ladinos and indigenous." A group of three ladinos, including two women and one man (aged 15 to 30) from the same community, commented similarly on the chang- ing nature of violence noting, "During the conflict, the indigenous people suffered most from the violence, but now we all have simi- lar experiences of suffering." Comments such as these clearly demonstrate ladinos' recognition of the terrible suffering of in- digenous people during the conflict, while showing how both groups have been vulnerable to economic and social violence once the Peace Accords were signed. Other consequences of the internal armed conflict-such as the inefficiency of and lack of confidence in the judicial system, the proliferation of arms, and the breakdown of the social fabric- continued to influence levels of violence in urban communities. This manifested itself in a marked rise in practices of social cleans- ing and extra-judicial killing, such as lynchings. However, not all consequences were negative. One positive reaction to the in- efficiency of the judicial system, linked to the project of indig- enous cultural renovation, was the recuperation of indigenous systems of conflict resolution, namely of indigenous customary law. These indigenous alternatives were advocated by social or- ganizations such as Defensoria Maya. POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 43 The Culture of Silence One of the most important legacies of the armed conflict was the culture of silence (ciultura de silencio). This affected all communi- ties, both indigenous and ladino, although it was more widespread in indigenous communities. As a result of human rights viola- tions and the state's counterinsurgency policy during the civil war, silence had been a strategy used by victims of, or witnesses to, violence as a means to avoid violent repercussions. Widespread terror perpetrated during the 1980s, in particular, had created a society based on fear-with its effects on the indigenous popula- tion, documented in the REMHI report (ODHAG 1998).2 As an Figure 3.1 Causal impact diagram of the effects of armed conflict (prepared by an adult man and an adult woman in La Merced, Guatemala City) t Ll t 1i 1 iQ ~~~~Lack of work Armed conflict |Massacres Migration Delinquency Les Leg delin ency delin ency 44 VIOL ENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CO\NTEXT indigenous woman in Santa Cruz del Quiche noted, "Many women do not open their mouths for love of their children." It is important to emphasize that the culture of silence not only influenced the research findings, but also the research pro- cess itself. Because of their fear, people were often reluctant to discuss certain issues. In some cases, they refused to give infor- mation or sometimes gave incomplete information. For example, a focus group of four indigenous women working in a tortilla- making shop in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, abruptly ceased talking about an issue when they felt it had become too sensitive. In discussing how violence had changed over time, they said it had been highest in 1978 and then declined in 1982 during the government of Efrain Rios Montt. They would not carry for- ward their discussion past 1990, however, choosing instead to simply describe how violence had declined and was now carried out predominantly by thieves. Furthermore, none of the focus groups in Quiche was willing to draw diagrams of the causes and impact of violence. A group of indigenous people from Quiche, comprising a 40-year-old man and two women aged be- tween 40 and 50, simply stated that "people are afraid." Speak- ing of the conflict, the same group explained how people came from the authorities and asked them their views-if they dis- agreed with them, they were "taken by the neck." After this hap- pened, people often "changed sides." Discrimination Against Indigenous People Racial and cultural discrimination against indigenous people was both a characteristic of the war and part of its continuing legacy Discrimination did not affect ladinos in the research communi- ties, but in all the communities indigenous people referred to it as a problem. For example, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, one man, describing how discrimination linked political violence in the past and present, said, "Just by being from Quiche, they said that we were guerrilla members, therefore the institutions shut their doors on us." Since the late 1980s indigenous groups began to confront this discrimination to an unprecedented de- gree, through engagement in a diverse project of ethnic and cul- POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 45 tural renovation that precipitated changes in the politico-institu- tional realm and civil society at local, regional, and national lev- els. This "Maya Resurgence" (Wilson 1995) challenges historical patterns of discrimination and seeks the institution of a multi- cultural, multi-ethnic, and pluri-lingual nation-state.3 The symbols of indigenous culture were used as a source of discrimination among the ladino population in the research com- munities. An indigenous couple who had fled to La Merced, Guatemala City, during the armed conflict, discussed the declin- ing use of both traditional indigenous dress and language. With respect to the indigenous languages, they noted a marked de- cline in the use of their mother tongues (he spoke K'iche and she spoke Kachikel) when people came to Guatemala City. While this was partly for practical reasons, it also related to discrimination. For example, a woman explained that often people deliberately did not speak their languages so that others would not know they were indigenous. They said that if they spoke in an indig- enous language, then the ladinos treated them badly-"they call them Indians." Another man from San Jorge, Chinautla, for instance, com- plained that young people were copying ladino customs and los- ing their Pocomam language by mixing Pocomam words with Spanish. Two women in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, originally from Quich6, also cited language as a source of prob- lems. They complained that they didn't like or trust their Span- ish-speaking local health center because no one spoke their language. They spoke nostalgically about their pueblo (village) and how they could always get an appointment and medicines at the health center in Quich6, unlike in Santa Lucia. The couple from La Merced also expressed sentiments relating to the use of traditional clothing (traje). Figure 3.2 illustrates the reasons for not using traditional dress. These included both practical reasons, such as washing difficulties and the lack of economic resources (traje is expensive), as well as its association with discrimination. Another indigenous woman from Nuevo Horizonte, Guate- mala City, noted the danger of dressing in traje during the war, because of the tendency of the army to identify indigenous people with guerrilla groups. She noted that the army often "pushed 46 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 3.2 Diagram of the reasons for not wearing traditional Mayan dress in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by an adult couple) Cheap clothes- Difficult Money Husbands traditional dress to gel t doesn't don't earn is very expensive stretch enough Easier to wash non- /Nt wear ng traditional dress traditional clothes Sometimes we are looked down upon Because sve have to pay for the house and water around" indigenous peoples or kidnapped them when travelling on buses. She said that ladinos still referred to them as "dirty" if they wore their traditional clothes of huipil (blouse) and corte (skirt). As a result, men refused to wear traditional clothes at an even faster rate than women did. In Guatemala City many women would compromise with their traditional clothes and only wear the traditional skirt but not the traditional blouse. Others would wear their indigenous clothes when they returned to their village but change to nontraditional clothes when they went to the city. Many indigenous groups bemoaned the loss of traditional customs. This was most marked in San Jorge, Chinautla, a pre- dominantly Pocomam community near Guatemala City. A group of three indigenous men-a grandfather and his two grandsons- complained that, because they were close to the capital, young people were copying the customs of the ladinos rather than keep- ing their own cultures. The grandfather noted, "Chinautla feels smaller all the time, like an island surrounded by modernization, and on the road to extinction." A group of five young indigenous women clarified how young people from the capital brought with them bad ideas and habits that were affecting the community. Poverty and Exclusion Indigenous focus groups recurrently identified poverty and vari- ous types of exclusion as problems, which affirmed the ethnic POLITJCAL VIOLENCE IN THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 47 and gender bias of poverty in Guatemala. Between 80 to 90 per- cent of the Guatemalan population lived below the U.N.-defined poverty line and up to 75 percent lived in what the U.N. defines as extreme poverty, the latter meaning that they cannot afford even the products that make up the canasta bdsica (or basic food basket) (PNUD 1998; 1999). These figures were more extreme in relation to indigenous groups and women. For example, only 10.5 percent of the indigenous population lived above the pov- erty line, contrasting to 26 percent for the ladino population (PNUD 1998).4 Poverty was often discussed in association with racial discrimination, especially in terms of access to employ- ment. Indigenous people, with few material resources such as land and education, found it difficult to make ends meet and were most likely to mention poverty as a problem, although some ladinos also suffered similar levels of poverty. Discrimi- nation in access to urban employment particularly affected women, who were often forbidden from wearing their traditional clothes and speaking their indigenous languages in the work- place. Problems in accessing the Guatemala City labor market re- sulted in many indigenous people migrating to the plantations of Escuintla where seasonal employment required few qualifica- tions or little command of Spanish. A similar process had taken place from the late 1970s onward as indigenous people fled from the political violence in the highland areas of the country. This was especially the case in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. For example, one indigenous couple had fled the violence in Quiche 17 years previously but still complained of a lack of fixed work. The man collected wood for a living, and the woman washed clothes. As a result, they could not afford to send their children to school. Low levels of educational attainment were also common prob- lems cited by indigenous people. One elderly indigenous woman from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, complained that she thought she was blind because she couldn't read-she had never been to school. The problem, however, as suggested above, was more serious among her children (see figure 3.3 on the causes and effects of illiteracy). 48 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 3.3 Diagram of the causes and effects of illiteracy among the Mayan population in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (drawn by a displaced indigenous woman from Quiche) I didn't go to school to go to another village I can't write \ t I can't find N4 pC My parents had no ote wokmoney SThere w as no) school/ We fled to the Becaeofuirm Children don't To e and things that the studv' tachers Rape as a Form of Political Violence The alarming preponderance of rape among all the research com- munities had important roots in the armed conflict. The REHMI report documented, for example, how rape was used as a tool of war and political violence by both the military and the paramili- tary groups (ODHAG 1999). During the civil war rape became a fact of life and remained a constant fear for women in the post- conflict context. While fear of rape was noted by all women, it was especially so for indigenous women. A group of four indig- enous women living in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, discussed how in 1980 they had fled Nebaj, Quiche, one of the central arenas of the counterinsurgency, because of "the many massacres and rapes." They said that as indigenous people they experienced constant threats from the army, and, as women, this meant the constant threat of rape-which in this area was prima- rily perpetrated by the military. One woman described how afraid she was when living in Nebaj: "We were afraid because the army POLITICAL VIOLENCE [N THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 49 came into our homes and killed the people, even though they were innocent." She went on to say, "Many girls and women were raped by the army itself." Yet the same women demonstrated resistance to the tactics of the military, stating, "We wouldn't let the army destroy our people." Another indigenous woman, who had fled to Guatemala City and lived in La Merced, noted that in general rape was a source of great shame among indigenous people. However, given the scale of rape during the war, parents had to accept daughters who had been raped by the army; often this also included ac- cepting the children who resulted from rape. The same woman noted how raped women rarely married and remained trauma- tized all their lives. Political Violence and Household Structure Armed conflict led to household fragmentation, especially among the indigenous population. In particular, political violence re- sulted in widespread widowhood, with so many husbands and partners killed. Female household headship, therefore, was very common among indigenous women (see chapter 4). A group of two indigenous women (aged between 40 and 45) in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, described the predominant types of family structures among indigenous people. Although they described many extended households (comprising grand- parents, fathers, mothers, children, uncles, and aunts), they also identified the importance of women-headed households and wid- ows - the consequence of husbands disappearing, or being killed, kidnapped, or assassinated. Box 3.1 highlights the scale of female widowhood. Explaining widowed women's difficulties in making a living in Quich6, the two women noted that their own sources of livelihood were taking in clothes for washing, selling firewood, or making palm plaits for hats, as well as weaving and sewing. Displaced Populations During the conflict displaced populations, mainly indigenous, fled as refugees to both Mexico and Honduras. Internal displace- 50 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Box 3.1 Household structure among indigenous people, in Santa Cruz del Quiche, identified by two indigenous women aged between 40 and 45 years Type of household Number Reason Abandoned women 2,000 Because of the emigration linked with lack of work Widowed women 10,000- Because of the war; but now 15,000 there are fewer because some have remarried Widowed men 1,000 These are those that have not remarried Women alone 2,000 These are those who have never married Battered women Majority Because of the high levels of (sexually and alcoholism physically) ment also occurred within Guatemala. During the 1980s indig- enous populations moved for political reasons from highland departments to the Ixcan and Sierra regions where the resulting Comunidados de P6blaciones en Resistencia (CPRs)-clandes- tine mobile communities of indigenous civilians-were targeted by the military, which accused them of being allied to the insur- gency. Other indigenous populations moved from Quiche for both political and economic reasons to Guatemala City and Escuintla where they found short-term employment on the plantations. Displaced people in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, reported how isolated they felt. A 27-year-old indigenous woman said that when she was 14 years old, she and her husband fled Quiche. However, he beat her and had an affair with another woman, so she left him. Her parents and brothers and sisters were killed during the war, and she had no other relatives in El POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE TRANSITION TO PEACE 51 Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, except a niece. Another woman now in La Merced, Guatemala City, fled to the capital after seeing her parents killed by the army. Lynching as a Legacy of the Armed Conflict Lynchings were also a current major preoccupation in Guatemala. Usually linked with economic violence, lynchings involved a population taking the law into its own hands, usually dousing with petrol and setting alight someone accused of committing a crime, either injuring or killing them.5 Although lynching did take place in the past, the U.N. mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA) noted that they were taking place at the rate of one per week, mainly in rural areas (1998b:33).6 While official concern was growing, lynchings were met with public approval. For example, a public opinion survey undertaken in 1996 showed that 75 per- cent were in favor of taking justice into their own hands (Ferrigno 1998). The roots of the phenomenon of lynching lay in the armed conflict. Lynchings were concentrated geographically in those areas most affected by the war, such as Huehuetenango and Alta Verapaz. It was suggested that lynchings were most common in departments where the PAC were strongest and most numerous (de Le6n 1998). However, other key causes commonly cited were impunity and lack of confidence in (and effectiveness of) the for- mal justice system, as well as a history of authoritarianism and the role of the Protestant evangelical church (Ferrigno 1998). Lynching was part of a wider phenomenon of social cleans- ing.7 All the communities identified the presence of lynching, but especially in Santa Cruz del Quiche Huehuetenango; Concepci6n, Guatemala City; and Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. Although many participants reported the experience of lynch- ing, only a few specific cases were identified. In Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, a group of eight young women commented that the lynchings in their community were a good way of dealing with robbery and rape. In La Merced, Guatemala City, partici- pants noted how the recent lynching of a gang of men who had raped a young girl had been precipitated by the inefficiency of 52 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT the justice system. This was corroborated by the reports of a group of municipal employees (both men and women) from Santa Cruz del Quich6 who explained that lynching was integrally related to the impotence of the security forces and legal system. Political violence in the post-conflict context, as described in this chapter, provided the critical (if often invisible) backdrop for other forms of violence identified through the participatory ur- ban appraisals in the nine research communities. These other forms of violence are discussed in greater depth in the following chapters. Notes 1. The PAC was created in 1981 in approximately 8,000 communities as a major counterinsurgency tool of the military forces. The PACs were legal- ized in the 1985 Constitution, by which time it was estimated that 850,000 people (mainly men) belonged, some joining voluntarily, others coerced. The aim of the PAC-with tacit acceptance on the part of the state-was to identify and eliminate dissent and conduct military campaigns in support of the military forces. 2. Koonings and Kruijt (1999:2) point out that: "Of all the countries on the continent, Guatemala is one of the most significant examples of a 'soci- ety of fear."' 3. See Warren (1998) for a detailed discussion. 4. Carol Smith has argued that the ethnic divide reinforces class divi- sions in Guatemala (1990). 5. MINUGUA notes that 67 percent of those lynched had committed crimes against property. In most cases, they occurred when formal investi- gations into the offence or crime were not conducted, and people felt moved to punish the accused themselves. In turn, lynchings themselves were rarely investigated (MINUGUA 1998b:33). 6. Between August 1995 and October 1998,176 lynchings were reported to MINUGUA, making an average of 4.5 per month. 7. Defined as the eradication of particular groups to maintain neigh- borhood stability; targets are usually criminals, drug-addicts, youth gangs, street children, homosexuals, and prostitutes. 4 Social Violence in the Family and Household In poor urban Guatemalan communities the local populations prioritized social violence over both political and economic violence. While much of this social violence was endemic both inside people's homes and outside in the streets and bars, the particular anxieties, fears, and tensions inherent in the post-con- flict context have also taken their toll on human relationships, among ladinio and indigenous populations alike. This chapter fo- cuses on social violence within the family. Chapters 5 and 6 then examine social violence outside the home in terms of its close association with alcohol, drugs, and bar and street fights. Household Structure Intrafamily violence requires contextualization in terms of the predominant structures of households in the study communities (see chapter 2). Information from focus group discussions on com- munity characteristics showed clearly the diversity of household structures that existed. A number of issues emerged as impor- tant. First, reportedly less than half of all households were nuclear (male-headed, two-parent with children), representing an aver- age of 46 percent of all households across communities. These ranged from a low of one-third of all households in San Jorge, Chinautla, to 59 percent in Limoncito, San Marcos. 53 54 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Also significant was the high proportion of households headed by single female parents, known as "single mothers," particularly among indigenous women (see chapter 3). A group of three women in La Merced, Guatemala City, for instance, esti- mated that single women headed 40 percent of all households in the community. Indeed, they specifically noted that there were five single mothers in every block within the community. Pro- portions were also high in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche; one group of two indigenous women and one man estimated that 60 percent of households were headed bv females, while another group of seven middle-aged indigenous women suggested that the figure was nearer 30 percent. The causes of female headship were seen as diverse. In some cases, especially in Santa Cruz del Quiche and some Guatemala City communities, they were linked with the civil war. This was reflected in the high proportion of indigenous widows among single mothers, as well as women who had been raped by mili- tary men and became pregnant as a result. Also important was migration to the United States that left many women as de facto female heads; this was especially common in Santa Cruz del Quiche and Villa Real, Esquipulas. In the latter, for example, one focus group estimated that 70 percent of families in the commu- nity had relatives living in the United States. Abandonment of wives by husbands and vice versa was also linked with rnachisnio, alcohol abuse, and intrafamily violence (see below). In addition to nuclear and female-headed, single-parent households, other common types of households were headed by grandparents, representing an average of around 12 percent of all households. In some cases again this was linked to the civil war, where children were left orphaned, as well as abandoned when parents migrated to the United States. Another interesting phenomenon was the number of households headed by single fathers living alone with their children. In total this was around 5 percent; yet according to one focus group this figure was as high as 30 percent of all households in La Merced, Guatemala City. Finally, there were also many male- and female-headed extended households. In some cases, these referred to single- parent subfamilies or embedded female heads (where single SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 55 mothers were absorbed into large extended households). How- ever, many focus groups noted how extended households often comprised a range of aunts, uncles, cousins, nephews, and nieces. These were especially common in the Guatemala City communi- ties due to relatives migrating from the provinces to the city to find work in the capital. The Nature and Scope of Intrahousehold or Intrafamily Violencel Intrafamily violence emerged as a major preoccupation in list- ings of types of problems and in listings of types of violence in the nine communities. In the listings of problems, for instance, intrafamily violence was the third most important type of vio- lence-related problem mentioned (annex B, table B.1). In the vio- lence listings, social violence was the highest single category of violence affecting the communities, with violence inside the home representing 14 percent of all types of violence cited, and fights outside the home representing 28 percent (table 2.3). There were important variations among the nine communities. The highest level was identified in San Jorge, Chinautla (29 percent), and the lowest in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (6 percent). No obvious rea- sons for such variations emerged, although Chinautla had one of the highest proportions of indigenous populations. However, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, which also has a high propor- tion of indigenous population, the figure was far lower (11 per- cent). It is also significant that other types of social violence outside the home were twice as common as intrafamily violence (28 per- cent and 14 percent, respectively) (table 2.3). This may relate to the culture of silence; people were afraid to talk about violence for fear of retribution from others. Although this affected all of the violence discussions (see chapter 3), it was particularly perti- nent to intrafamily violence. The taboo meant that often it was only possible to explore intrafamily violence from the perspec- tive of alcohol abuse. Since alcohol was often identified as the cause of domestic male-female violence, this provided an entry point in focus groups for discussions of the issue. 56 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT In contrast, children and younger people were often more candid about the issue of intrafamily violence. Nevertheless the language used was general and nonspecific, as illustrated in the 18 different types of intrafamily violence identified from all com- munities (box 4.1). Types of violence included verbal, physical, and sexual abuse. Probably the most disarming fact that emerged was that the family as a unit itself was perceived as violent, and within it all social actors were involved in violence, as either per- petrators or victims. The relationships among three different sets of social actors within families emerged as most important in terms of intrafamily violence: spouses, children, and youth. Violence Between Spouses Violence between spouses was so widespread that it was an as- sumed occurrence within households. In the vast majority of Box 4.1 Composite listing of types of intrafamily violence * Verbal abuse and quarrels * Physical fighting * Men verbally abusive to spouses * Men physically beat/hit their wives * Sexual violence against wives * Parents hit their children (to correct them) * Fathers hit their sons * Mothers hit their sons * Sexual abuse of children * Robbery of children * Rape of girls and young women * Rape and strangulation of young women * Brothers beat each other * Sexual abuse between brothers * Killing between brothers * Young men hit their fathers * Older children hit younger ones * Violence against the elderly Source: 154 violence listings and 199 problem listings. SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 57 cases, men were the perpetrators and women the victims. How- ever, one focus group in La Merced, Guatemala City, noted that in 5 percent of cases of inter-spousal violence women were per- petrators. The most common type was physical abuse-wife beat- ing-that men usually inflicted when drunk (chapter 5). This usually involved men hitting their wives with their fists but some- times included knives and machetes. Numerous women who had escaped their husbands' violence said that they feared for their lives, as mentioned by a 35-year-old market seller from Limoncito, San Marcos. She left her drunken husband, not only because he constantly beat her, but also because he threatened to kill her with knives. Women rarely mentioned sexual violence on the part of hus- bands, mainly because of the expectation that they would serve their partners sexually. However, many women discussed verbal and psychological violence. There were numerous examples of women being told they were worthless by husbands. In La Merced, a single mother who left her husband said that he came home every night and told her she was "useless." She added that many women suffered from low self-esteem and psychological trauma because they believed the accusations made by their husbands. Violence Against Children Violence against children was also alarmingly widespread, and was referred to as "child abuse" (maltrato infantil) by community members. A group of five young girls (aged between 9 and 14) in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, noted that 85 percent of chil- dren suffered violence in the home. Violence against children took a number of forms and involved both mothers and fathers as perpetrators. For instance, a particularly common form was the physical beating of disobedient sons and daughters. Although not all parents necessarily considered this a form of violence, the participatory urban appraisal as a methodology also reflected the voices of children and adolescents. These groups were strongly opposed to this form of physical attack by parents. Sexual abuse was the main other type of violence experienced by children, with fathers, the main perpetrators, abusing their 58 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT daughters. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, for instance, a group of five primary-school students described how a father raped his daughter, who lived nearby. Since the father also beat her mother, the daughter felt she couldn't tell her mother for fear that the father would kill her. Another group of four teachers from the same community commented, "Often the mothers don't believe what their children are saying, because they're afraid of losing their husbands." In another example from Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, in a focus group of seven, each woman cited an ex- ample of an incest case with which they were all familiar. Sexual violence or incest perpetrated by stepfathers was the most serious form of intrafamily violence. In one example a man simultaneously fathered three children: one by his wife, and two more by two stepdaughters whom he had abused. In El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, a group of three women discussed how stepfathers raped their stepdaughters when the mothers were out at work. Stepfathers were also seen as responsible for physical as well as sexual abuse. The focus group in Santa Cruz del Quiche recounted the experience of a young girl who returned from a party to her waiting stepfather. During an ensuing argu- ment caused by his jealousy, he cut off her hair with scissors and then stabbed her in the head. Uncles within extended households were also identified as per- petrators who often took advantage of girls. Although it was mainly girls who suffered, in a minority of cases boys also suffered sexual violence. Teachers, in particular, noted the impact of incest on children's behavior in school.2 Figure 4.1, drawn by a 13-year-old girl, illustrated the fear of being sexually abused while asleep. Violence Among Children and Youth In addition to intergenerational violence, widespread physical and verbal fights within the home among siblings were also com- mon. In San Jorge, Chinautla, for example, a group of three girls (aged 14 to 15) discussed how they argued with their siblings over household tasks. While most of the conflict was verbal, it sometimes erupted into violence, especially on the part of broth- ers. Sexual violence among children in the home was also men- SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 59 Figure 4.1 Drawing of sexual violence against children in the home (drawn by a 13-year-old girl from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa) .J L eCv ct // / bo7uet, Note: Translation of text: "I'm afraid that when I'm sleeping I could be raped, that's what I'm afraid of." tioned. In La Merced, Guatemala City, two women (aged 25 and 35) mentioned that sexual relations sometimes occurred between siblings, when children were left at home on their own while their mothers were at work. Factors Affecting the Level of Intrafanily Violence Intrafamily violence in communities was viewed as deep-seated, stretching back centuries. As one woman from Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, noted, "Violence in the home has always existed." Alcohol abuse was identified as the primary cause of intrafamily violence (chapter 5 provides a more detailed descrip- 60 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT tion of the phenomenon). In all discussions of intrafamily vio- lence, and especially violence against women and children, alco- holism was mentioned (figure 4.2). Women repeatedly complained that when men came home from the can tina they beat their wives and children. In La Merced, Guatemala City, one woman reported how she hated the smell of alcohol, since it al- ways reminded her of being beaten by her husband. She said that when she smelt it on her husband's breath she jumped out of bed and fled the house so he couldn't beat her. Infidelity was cited as another major cause, again mainly linked with wife abuse. Although this included infidelity by both women and men (figure 4.2), it referred mainly to male unfaith- fulness. A focus group of four women from La Merced, Guate- mala City, cited "third parties" as one of the main causes of intraspouse conflict. They said that on average women gave hus- bands three chances to be unfaithful, after which the relation- ship was over. Infidelity was also linked with jealousy. Violent arguments often erupted as a result of accusations between men and women. Underlying violence against women and children was the so-called phenomenon of machismo-men (referred to as Figure 4.2 Causal impact diagram of mistreatment of women in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (drawn by a mixed sex group of four students and one young woman aged 18-22)) History repeats itself and Lack of Reports Lack of Infidelity mistreatment communi- made bv respect for bv both continues cation women' women Alcoholism of Bad vices husbands (alcohol and IF .1 drugs) Mistreatment of women Family Women Divorce disintegration viewed as sex objects SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 61 machistas) using physical force as an expression of power over women. This was also linked with lack of respect for women (fig- ure 4.2). Although mnachistas were not necessarily violent, most men who perpetrated violence in the home were machistas. Also linked with imiachismo was the fact that women often blamed them- selves for being beaten by men. A group of four women in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, said that they expected to be abused if they didn't look after their husbands properly in terms of cooking, cleaning, and washing clothes. Among the few men who discussed gender-based violence, an important motive for beating women was identified as their failure to perform their household duties. Consequences of Intrafamily Violence Family Disintegration and the Erosion of Social Capital Endowments When focus groups preferred not to discuss violence openly, they used the term "family disintegration" as a euphemism for intrafamily violence, which was identified as a major cause and consequence of familial conflict. Intrafamily violence undermined the way households functioned internally in terms of construct- ing norms, values, and trust (social capital). Since family rela- tions provided a primary source of cognitive social capital, the outcome of the interrelated processes of intrafamily violence and family disintegration was the severe undermining of cognitive social capital endowments. Many of the causes of family disintegration were similar to those associated more generally with intrafamily violence. These included infidelity and miiachisnmo (figure 4.3). However, intrafamily violence itself was also a cause of family disintegra- tion (figure 4.3). Other factors mentioned included "lack of un- derstanding" and "lack of affection" between parents and children. A group of three young girls (aged 13 and 14) from Concepci6n, Guatemala City, complained that a lack of parental support was a major issue affecting their lives. One of them com- plained, "I feel sad, sometimes they don't even love us." Another 62 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 4.3 Causal impact diagram of family disintegration in Limoncito, San Marcos (prepared by a mixed group of six primary school teachers) CAUSES Machismo I mmaturel marriags Searenta tEs V irresponsibilitya Single C D D hlstreatment n mothers (tharao)addictio Varciagelt for quency/ childrenlen w FAMILY u them tter IDISINTEGRATIONIcptlohe thanthei ow parnts-ho erefte fihtn dearmnyway The EFFECTS/ /I V\\ ( 4riage fr/ i( )() ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Epoitation of went as far as to say that other relatives understood them better than their own parents-who were often fighting anyway. The third girl pointed out that they sometimes had to miss a year's schooling as a result of their parents' failure to understand its importance. A mixed group of young people (all aged 17) from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, identified who benefited and who lost out in cases of family disintegration. They said that men ben- efited because they got another woman and that the beer-pro- ducing company, Gallo, increased its profits because men drank more beer. In addition, they suggested that maras benefited be- cause children's parents no longer went out to look for them, and prostitutes were better off because they made more money. Chil- dren, wives, and society all lost out: children because they were left alone, wives because they were left with no money and more responsibility, and society because women and children were ignored. SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 63 Intrafamily Violence Creates Single-Mother Households Another consequence of intrafamily violence was a change in household structure. This was associated with the creation of single-parent households, especially those headed by women (fig- ure 4.3). Many single parents identified discrimination against them as a major problem, while others cited single motherhood as an important societal problem in itself. Some community mem- bers noted that abusive partners often abandoned their wives to live with other women with whom they had been having an af- fair. A group of adult women from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, felt that single motherhood was caused by men getting tired of their wives, beating them, and finding younger women who had more money. In addition, women often married too young without getting to know beforehand whether or not husbands were violent. Equally, women were increasingly leaving abusive men. A group of single mothers from La Merced, Guatemala City, noted that many women who could no longer cope with the violence and miachisimzo of their husbands left them. Although they said that leaving their husband was a last resort, it was often the only option when women feared for their lives (figure 4.4). Intrafanily Violence Leads to Violence Outside the Honme Intrafamily violence generated other types of violence, includ- ing gang activity, drug addiction, and delinquency. Focus groups identified a process that started with intrafamily violence that led first to family disintegration and then to children and youth involvement in street violence. Children who had suffered or witnessed violence in the home were more likely to escape fam- ily problems by turning to the streets. This often involved gang activity where the niaras provided a form of social support lack- ing in the family (see chapter 7). Sometimes this was linked to substance abuse, usually in the form of drugs among young people (see chapter 6). A group of teachers from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, made a direct link between family disin- tegration and drug addiction. They said that when children felt 64 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 4.4 Causal flow diagram of the causes of single motherhood in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by a group of four adult women aged between 18 and 48) Sexual abuse Irresponsible men Mistreatment Alcohol as a motive / ~~~~~Machismo Motive Machismo Discrimination I > against women ngle moHe alwavs wants to "feel important" "unloved" and were subject to abuse in the home, they often turned to drugs for solace. Three women from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, dis- tinguished between two potential outcomes of intrafamily vio- lence for young people (figure 4.5). They identified one route Figure 4.5 Causal impact diagram of intrafamily violence in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City (prepared by three women aged 39, 20, and 18) They st_ improvement / ~~Makes\ im rovement another life wor ndaref of he_hlr The wsife / ith another < =/ ~ ~ ~~~~~~ ~She ccn abandonsml Chlren Lack of \ ongr cope the hom support r- xvi the Creates barrier standing h itiation between her 4 children The other sees that i e- Jtaan h ogt her ildren love her e re < > /They- feea herer M other is in the street happy 1; ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~They're Children They're jealous of her She loves end-up ed usan her children in the / them stree/Affects They XChildren \ /Make\ Vices -hi soy vondcr hate their lonely yrins heolyan rus and spirit Ivh mother thingt te The other man friends gives her svhat show her husband them did not SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD 65 where the wife and mother remained loyal to her children; in the other she found another partner, creating other problems for the children, who could get involved with bad company and turn to drugs and alcohol. Intergenerational Conflict and the Erosion of Human Capital Conflict between parents and children was both a cause and con- sequence of intrafamily violence. Teachers in particular noted that the lack of discipline in the home often led to violence and disin- tegration. A mixed group of teachers from Limoncito, San Marcos, for instance, blamed the low educational levels of the parents, and what they called "lack of culture," for intergenerational prob- lems. They linked the causes of conflict to machisno and infidel- ity (figure 4.6), highlighting the severe effects. Male children became "good-for-nothings," alcoholics, drug addicts, or joined maras, while female children became single mothers or prosti- tutes. Figure 4.6 Causal flow diagram of intergenerational conflict between parents and children in Limoncito, San Marcos (prepared by a mixed group of six teachers) g~~~~~~~~~~sorpt on\ o cnoi CAUSES me of parents )pl 3 \ \4h~~~o workv Lck of compati- lity of couples Intergenerational Lack of communi- conflict between cation between |parents and children parents and children EFFECTS f hlde =X ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~IV V doing nothine ) A \s ru ~~~~~~~~~dction 66 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT People rarely intervened or helped victims of intrafamily vio- lence or abuse. Three women in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, for instance, stated that despite the widespread phenom- enon of child abuse, people were afraid to intervene for fear of reprisals from neighbors. Similar responses to wife beating were discussed. A focus group of three women from La Merced, Gua- temala City, said that they only called the police when a husband was seriously harming his wife; otherwise they kept quiet. In the post-conflict context of Guatemala few people trusted anyone, and people still lived in constant fear of speaking out against others. The lack of cognitive social capital that pervaded the study communities is further explored in chapter 8. Notes 1. The terms "family" and "household" are used interchangeablvy How- ever, it is also recognized that the latter refers more specifically to the resi- dential unit, while the latter is more broadly conceived and may include relatives not living within a particular household unit. The term "family" also incorporates more intangible notions such as value systems. The same applies to the distinction between intrafamilv and intrahousehold violence. However, more frequently it is referred to as intrafamily violence, as this is the term used by people in the communities themselves. 2. Children also complained of teachers beating them in school; in some extreme cases this caused children to withdraw altogether from school. 5 Social Violence and Alcohol Consumption S ocial violence outside the home was primarily linked with alcohol. Heavy alcohol consumption was a major problem in all nine communities both as a problem in itself, and in terms of its links to other types of violence. Outside the home, it was closely related with street fighting and disturbances in local cantinas, while inside the home, it was linked with intrafamily violence, especially against women and children. Alcohol- and drug-related violence was associated with 23 percent of all violence-related problems in the study communi- ties (see tables 5.1 and 6.1), with alcohol-related violence repre- senting an average of 10 percent of all violence-related problems. Variations reveal that alcohol-related violence was reported as most common in Limoncito, San Marcos, and in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (table 5.1). Because they were viewed as endemic, or "normal," alcohol- related problems tended to be underreported. With such a long history of alcohol abuse in the communities, it was frequently not mentioned as a problem. In all communities the phrase "there has always been alcoholism here" was repeated, signifying that heavy drinking was viewed as a normal activity. This accounted for the differences in reported figures for alcoholism as compared to drug-related problems. 67 68 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLTCT CONTEXT Table 5.1 Alcohol-related violence as proportion of all violence-related problems (percentage) Alcohol-related Violence-related violence as a problem as a percent of all percent of all violence-related Community problems problems Concepci6n, Guatemala City 54 7 Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 51 12 La Merced, Guatemala City 46 11 San Jorge, Chinautla 33 12 Sacuma, Huehuetenango 60 7 Limoncito, San Marcos 49 16 El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa 47 15 Villa Real, Esquipulas 36 8 Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche 51 14 Total 48 10 Source: 199 focus group listings of general problems. Types of Alcohol-Related Problems While alcohol in itself is not a type of violence, it is closely associ- ated with violent behavior and conflict within communities. Al- cohol-related violence was categorized as social violence, mainly because it involved the use of violence for the exercise of social power, although in some cases in the study it involved economic violence-when inebriated people stole money to buy alcohol. In El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, for instance, one fo- cus group noted how men from the local cantinas would rob people coming from the market in order to get enough money to buy more rum. For this reason, people avoided walking near the bars. Overall, people in the communities identified 16 different types of problems related to alcohol (box 5.1). Most commonly they cited "alcoholism"-a catchall term for a range of problems and conflicts. These included problems ranging from street fights SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION 69 Box 5.1 Alcohol-related problems identified in nine communities Alcoholism Clandestine alcohol consumption Drunks lying around in the streets Drunken youth Fights among drunk men in the streets Bar (cantina) fights Knife attacks by drunks Drunk men fire guns in the air in the street Men urinate outside bars and contaminate the community Men expose themselves to young girls when they urinate in the street Alcoholic women Alcohol-induced rape of women Drunks killed in traffic accidents Drunks frighten children in the street Drunks hassle people for money in the street Children grow up traumatized because of alcoholism Source: 199 listings of problems and 154 listings of violence. among drunks, to drunken men raping women and girls, inside and outside the home. Indeed, the link between alcohol abuse and sexual violence in the streets and in the home was particu- larly strong in all the communities. Also common was street fight- ing associated with alcohol abuse. These were generally fistfights, although occasionally they involved gun fights (especially in Villa Real, Esquipulas). In the majority of cases it was men who fought, although arguments were often over women. Changes in Alcohol Consumption over Time Heavy alcohol consumption has been widespread in most com- munities for as long as people can remember, reflected in the fact that all communities had an Alcoholics Anonymous group lo- cated within the colonia (see chapter 8). Despite heavy overall 70 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT consumption, people noted variations across shorter time frames. Over the period of a year, for instance, peak times identified for alcohol consumption and alcohol-related violence were New Year, Easter, Mother's Day, Independence Day, and Christmas (figure 5.1). Celebratory occasions such as these were closely associated with large consumption of alcohol. Many focus groups noted increasing or decreasing levels of intrafamily violence relating directly to alcohol consumption levels over different time peri- ods. For example, a group of four women from La Merced, Gua- temala City, directly linked the week days when men were more likely to drink-Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, and sometimes Monday-to the days when most intrafamily violence occurred. Men were paid on Friday or Saturday and then drank until the following Monday.' In all communities, the most important drinking day was Sunday. In addition to increased intrafamily violence over the weekend, the number of robbery and assaults grew when it was known that paid workers had money in their pockets and were less vigilant under the influence of alcohol. Figure 5.1 Timeline showing changes in alcohol consumption and related violence over the period of one year (prepared by an 83-year- old man in San Jorge, Chinautla High level of alcohol use and Newtr Year Ea Motr's Independence violence celebrations I Low level J F M A M J J A S 0 N D Month SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION 71 Linked with this cycle, fights in the bars and the streets also rose over weekends. Types of Alcohol Available In the research communities a number of different types of alco- hol were common. While beer was most widespread, it was rarely linked with heavy drinkers or alcoholics, who usually drank vari- ous types of rum or, if desperate, antiseptic alcohol (box 5.2). In La Merced, Guatemala City, a woman street stall-owner selling beer noted the distinction between alcoholics who consumed guaro (rum) or chemicals, and social drinkers who drank beer. Illegal or clandestine alcohol made from fermented fruit-known variously as kuto, kuixa, and kuisha-was also mentioned in three communities. In Santa Cruz del Quiche and Esquipulas clandestine alcohol was freely available in the local cantinias. In the former, for in- stance, a police official reported that this was an extremely cheap, traditional drink, especially among the Maya population. A fo- cus group of 14 adults from the same community ranked clan- destine alcohol as the most important problem affecting them. They blamed its pervasive use on poverty-since it was the cheap- est available.2 They maintained that the authorities (the police) did nothing to curb its sale, in some cases even buying it them- selves. The group listed a range of consequences, including vio- Box 5.2 Types of alcohol available Beer Guaro (rum) Aguarliellte (rum) Antiseptic alcohol Qirinzicos (chemicals-methylated spirits) Kuto (clandestine alcohol) Kusha (clandestine alcohol) Kuxa (clandestine alcohol) Souirce: Focus groups in nine communities. 72 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT lence against women and children, rape, incest, and family disin- tegration, as well as further impoverishment. Characteristics of Alcohol Consumers Alcoholics and heavy drinkers were called a range of names in addition to alcoh6licos (alcoholics): borachos, bolos, charamileros, or charamilos (when someone is physically disintegrating because of alcohol abuse), and chibolas. As well as using the verb "to drink," other verbs such as chupar ("to suck") were used. While some indigenous groups reported especially high lev- els of alcohol use linked with trauma and poverty, alcohol abuse was widespread regardless of ethnic group. The majority of heavy drinkers in communities were male. In El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, for example, three women (aged in their twen- ties) noted that 90 percent of men in the community drank heavily and dangerously. Similarly, in La Merced, Guatemala City, a woman, whose husband had been killed in a traffic accident when drunk, maintained that 75 percent of men were alcoholics. Usu- ally the only men who did not drink heavily were those who belonged to one of the evangelical churches that required a vow of abstinence. However, some women also drank heavily. For instance, a 40-year-old man in La Merced, Guatemala City, suggested that for every 100 adult women, 60 drank alcohol. However, he also pointed out that few women had drinking problems, whereas most men were heavy drinkers. Similarly, a focus group of adult women in Villa Real, Esquipulas, said that 50 percent of all men were alcoholics, whereas 25 percent of all women drank heavily. While men drank in public, usually in the cantinas, women drank at home in private. In contrast, a 52-year-old woman in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, noted that women also drank in cantinas, with women often found unconscious on the pavements alongside drunken men. Also important is that it was drunken men rather than inebriated women who were associated with violence. All age groups drank alcohol, with many boys starting at 12, 13, or 14 years of age (according to a 17-year-old woman in Santa Cruz del Quiche). When compared with drug use, alcohol was associ- SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION 73 ated with the more mature, while drugs were linked with youth (see chapter 6). Causes of Heavy Alcohol Consumption Many communities listed the same key causes of heavy alcohol consumption. Most common was the notion that poverty caused a level of desperation that made some men drink heavily. This was closely linked to unemployment. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, for instance, two women in their thirties noted that because there was no work there were lots of drunks in the streets. They observed that in the past the government had cleared the streets of drunks and sent them off to public works schemes. Similarly, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, three men (aged between 14 and 26 years) cited poverty and disillusionment as the key causes of alcoholism. Figure 5.2 highlights poverty and disillusionment as primary causes, according to a focus group from La Merced, Guatemala City. Figure 5.2 Causal impact diagram of men who drink in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by three women aged 16, 34, and 40 years) CAUSES Poverty Friends teach them Disillusionment to drink Parents have Custom treated them badly Mnwho drink EFFECTS Gives no money for Start with alcohol and household budget end with drugs Treats wife 4- Hits them badly Deaths through drinking the es / \ household budget Treats children Withholds badly money Lack of food 74 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Family problems were also frequently cited as root causes of alcoholism. In figures 5.2 and 5.3, for instance, parental mistreat- ment was identified as a key reason for turning to alcohol abuse. A 40-year-old woman from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, stated that when parents drank in front of their children, the chil- dren were likely to learn to drink. Heavy drinking usually re- sulted from intrafamily violence, especially when fathers, under the influence of alcohol, beat their children. Both marital conflict and disappointment in a romantic affair were identified as causes inducing men to drink heavily. The focus group from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City and Villa Real, Esquipulas, for ex- ample, distinguished such causal factors as "because your wife treats you badly" and "marriage without love, or premature marriage" (figures 5.3 and 5.4). Other causal factors were associated with "bad company" and peer pressure (figures 5.2 and 5.3). Drinking alcohol was a major leisure pursuit in most communities, revolving primarily around cantinas, and, to a lesser extent, brothels. Men went directly to the cantin as after work and often spent all their free time drink- Figure 5.3 Causal relations diagram of alcoholism in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City (prepared by five adult women and one man) causeoTa Violence from Bad they drank bcause theo to cheese habitfst _ _/92 / / MP\ / eLcause vL i~~~~ /9° ) /ot nowik m= C~~~~~~~~~ SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION 75 Figure 5.4 Problem tree of alcoholism in Villa Real, Esquipulas (drawn by two women aged 35 and 17 and one man aged 15) CP C ing with friends. One woman in Limoncito, San Marcos, com- plained that her husband was a heavy drinker who forgot about his wife and children when he drank with his friends. Indeed, she blamed his friends for turning him into an alcoholic. Consequences of Heavy Alcohol Consumption The consequences of heavy alcohol consumption were both eco- nomic and social, and related to different types of violence. Eco- nomic hardship within households, caused by breadwinners using the family budget to buy alcohol, was most commonly cited. Women, in particular, noted how they were often left without food to feed their children, because their husbands had drunk the family budget. In figure 5.2 a focus group shows that alcohol 76 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT and drug abuse can lead to the death of family members, which through the subsequent lack of labor capacity in the household can lead to the family having less food. In another case from San Jorge, Chinautla, a middle-aged man noted that, "Rum kills ev- erything; many sell all they own in order to be able to drink." Another woman from Villa Real, Esquipulas, stated that alcohol destroys the home; not only does it mean that the family is left with no food, but alcoholics lose their jobs as well. Alcoholism was also associated with indebtedness within communities. Two carpenters in Villa Real, Esquipulas, noted that very few carpenters did not drink heavily, and, as a result, all of them owed money. They often developed debt relief networks among themselves since they regularly spent 100 percent of their weekly earnings. If not spending on their own alcohol consump- tion, they bought drinks for their friends. One carpenter noted that many women had to go out to work because their husbands drank all their wages. One of the main violence-related consequences of heavy drink- ing was an increase in intrafamily violence.3 Although conjugal conflict was perceived as a cause of alcoholism, it was more com- monly seen as an outcome. This was not only associated with verbal, physical, and sexual violence against women, but also with the mistreatment of children. In some extreme cases alco- holism was blamed for husbands killing their wives. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, for example, a number of focus groups noted that there had been cases of men killing their wives when they were drunk. In another case, a young boy of 10 from La Merced, Gua- temala City, noted that because his father was a drunk he hid from him when he came home from the cantina. He also pointed out that his father often sent him out to buy rum or marijuana from local shops or dealers. Alcohol, both legal and clandestine, was also associated with sexual violence in the streets, particularly the rape of women and girls. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, five mothers identified the community's main problem as rapes of local girls by drunks. In a number of communities, drunk men also urinated in the streets and exposed themselves, which are referred to as "environmen- tal contamination and lack of respect" in figure 5.4 from Villa SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION 77 Real, Esquipulas. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, women and children were afraid to go near bars, because of the threat of rape; in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, an 11-year-old girl said that she didn't like going near the cantina because of the drunks who "touched her." Also related with cantinas were fights among men. In all com- munities, people reported brawls among men who had drunk too much. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, in particular, street fighting linked with alcohol was especially widespread. Here, drunk men went around the community shooting their guns indiscriminately. Another related problem was "crimes of passion," which involved assassinations during bar or brothel fights. For example, one woman who owned a shop in the community reported how her husband had been shot the previous year in the local brothel during a drunken fight over a prostitute. Alcohol consumption is an important problem in the research communities. It is also increasingly perceived to be interrelated with drug consumption as a cause of violence, as discussed in the next chapter. Notes 1. Monday was referred to as din de caldo or caldo de mlano, which trans- lates roughly as the "day of the bull." On this day local cantinas prepared a stew from bull meat or shellfish reputedly as a hangover cure. However, often men who went to the cantina for the caldo ended up drinking heavily again. 2. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, a bottle of kuto cost 2 quetzales, whereas a liter of beer cost 10 quetzales and a quarter bottle of rum cost 3.75 quetzales (at the time of the study $1=7 Quetzales). 3. In a number of cases the only way women would talk about intrafamily violence was through discussing alcohol abuse in communi- ties. From a methodological perspective, this provided the means for intro- ducing this sensitive issue into focus group discussions. 6 Economic Violence and Drug Consumption In urban communities drug-related problems were perceived as more serious than those relating to alcohol, despite the fact that the actual consequences of drug-related violence were less acute than those resulting from alcohol. This difference in perception was influenced by the fact that while alcohol-related problems were endemic in communities, those relating to drugs were far newer and consequently were considered to be more alarming. Drug-related problems were a major concern in communi- ties, linked to 13 percent of all violence-related problems (table 6.1), yet the importance of drug-related problems varied across communities. In Nuevo Horizonte, for example, drugs were iden- tified as related to 20 percent of all violence-related problems. In contrast, in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, drugs were perceived to be related to only 6 percent (table 6.1). Types of Drug-Related Problems The difference in perceptions about drug-related versus alcohol- related problems was due to the fact that drugs were a relatively new phenomenon, whereas alcohol abuse had become a way of life. Of the different drug-related problems cited, drug addiction 78 ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AND DRUG CONSUM STION 79 Table 6.1 Drug-related violence as a proportion of all violence-related problems Drug-related Violenice-related violence as a problenms as a percenit of all perceint of all violence-related Commnlliiity problemls problems Concepci6n, Guatemala City 54 7 Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 51 20 La Merced, Guatemala City 46 13 San Jorge, Chinautla 33 9 Sacuma, Huehuetenango 60 13 Limoncito, San Marcos 49 12 El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa 47 6 Villa Real, Esquipulas 36 17 Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche 51 12 Total 48 13 Son rce: 199 focus group listings of general problems. was most commonly identified as a general problem affecting communities (box 6.1). Overall, 10 different drug-related problems were identified. While drug-taking itself was not necessarily violent, drug con- sumption was a crime. In addition, drug-taking was often asso- ciated with economic violence, because of the petty theft and robbery undertaken for cash needed to feed drug habits. This tended to be more widespread than robbery linked with alcohol abuse. Other violence associated with drug consumption included sexual violence (such as rape) and delinquency (such as throw- ing stones and fighting among gangs). Violence linked to drug distribution was also mentioned frequently, especially in rela- tion to narcotraficanites (drug dealers). In terms of variations among the communities, drug-related problems were perceived as much more serious in colonias in Guatemala City and in the border towns of Huehuetenango and 80 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Box 6.1 Types of drug-related problems identified in nine communities Drug addiction Drug distribution Drug consumption Gang fights over drugs Social cleansing of drug addicts Glue sniffing Robbery by drug addicts Rapes by drug addicts Drug-addicted delinquents Youth drug violence Source: 199 listings of problems and 154 listings of violence. Esquipulas than in other communities. In communities with greater access to different drugs, people tended to be more knowl- edgeable about both drug consumption and distribution. Changes in Drug Consumption over Time While drug consumption was a relatively new phenomenon in all the communities, it became a serious issue in the 1990s and, in many cases, had increased since the signing of the Peace Ac- cords in 1996. Drug consumption tended to have a longer history in Guatemala City than in other places. In Concepci6n, Guate- mala City, for example, a group of three adult women and two female adolescents said that drug consumption had been increas- ing steadily since 1989. In contrast, in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, drug trafficking and consumption had become problems more recently (1998-99). A group of six men noted that the narcos (drug dealers) had emerged as a new phenomenon in 1999; these traffickers paid local farmers or farm administra- tors to use their cane fields as landing strips. They said that the most obvious manifestation in the town were the new cars- there was even a Porsche. Because of this trafficking activity, lo- cal consumption in the town had also increased. Similarly, in Santa ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AND DRUG CONSUMPTION 81 Cruz del Quiche, a group of adults noted that drug traffickers had been coming from the United States to sell cocaine to the local gangs; this was also a new phenomenon since the Peace Accords. In terms of variations over shorter time frames people noted few marked variations. However, more drugs tended to be sold and consumed in the evenings after 10 o'clock and also during the weekends when people had more money to buy drugs. This also depended on the types of drugs consumed; those addicted to hard drugs took them all the time, while others who took them on a more recreational basis tended to do so when they went to local discos. Types of Drugs Available A variety of drugs were available in low-income communities. Overall, glue was the most common type of drug, followed by marijuana. However, this pattern was most common outside Gua- temala City. In contrast, in communities in the capital, people tended to consume hard drugs such as cocaine, including crack cocaine, although marijuana was also very popular. When glue was not available, people sniffed paint thinner or white spirits available from hardware stores. It is significant that many people were fully aware of the dif- ferent types of drugs available. Figure 6.1, drawn by an 18-year- old man in Nuevo Horizonte, shows the types and usage of different drugs. In another example from La Merced, Guatemala City, a group of boys (aged between 10 and 12 years) were able to list the drugs they knew in their community. In terms of the drug costs, some types were cheaper than al- cohol. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, for instance, a focus group of three young people reported that a cigarette of mari- juana cost 30 centavos, compared with 2.25 quetzales for a bottle of soda.1 Similarly, glue was only 25 centavos for a tube. Crack co- caine and cocaine were much more expensive at 300 quetzales for a stone of crack cocaine, and 100 quetzales for an ounce of co- caine. Indeed, a police official in Santa Cruz del Quiche reported that cocaine was mainly a drug for the middle and upper classes 82 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 6.1 Drawing of types of drugs available in Nueva Horizonte, Guatemala City (by an 18-year-old man) x~~~~~~~~~~ .c r, , Note: Se inqectan diferentes drogao = they inject different drugs; fiiia rnanariguano = they smoke marijuana; inhalan coca = they inhale cocaine; to vi'udoul = theV sell it. in the region because of its expense. In La Merced, Guatemala City, drugs were much cheaper than in the peri-urban areas, which partly explains the higher rate of consumption. For instance, crack cocaine cost 15 quetzales per stone, while cocaine cost 25 quetzales per ounce. Nevertheless, drugs were generally still more expen- sive than alcohol in Guatemala City. Characteristics of Drug Consumers Drug consumption was associated with men rather than women, although in the Guatemala City communities women reported consuming drugs. In La Merced, Guatemala City, where drug con- sumption was widespread, a 40-year-old man estimated that ECNOOIIC VIOLENCE AND DRUG CONSUMPTION 83 about 10 percent of women in the coloniia smoked marijuana. In terms of age, most drug addicts were young. A group of adoles- cent women in La Merced said that most drug addicts in the com- munity were male (between 17 and 22 years old), who later, by the age of 30, became alcoholics. Another adult man, also from La Merced, said that if they didn't die first, people continued to take drugs until they were 50 because of addiction. He also sug- gested that the majority of youth in the community took drugs. Finally, a group of adult women reported that boys begin to sniff glue at the age of 10 and then moved on to marijuana at around age 15. After that they move on to harder drugs such as cocaine and crack cocaine. In Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, a group of adults reported that boys as young as 11 were taking cocaine and crack cocaine. Outside Guatemala City, levels of reported consumption were lower, with young men tending to start later, at around 15 years, and consuming mainly glue and marijuana. For example, in Villa Real, Esquipulas, a group of male adolescents stated that only 10 percent of the young men were involved in drug taking, while pointing out that some parents were clandestine glue sniffers. Similarly, in Limoncito, San Marcos, around 15 percent of the male youth in the community were said to be taking drugs, although they rarely took hard drugs, and in some cases the drugs taken were even referred to as traditional herbs and plants. Causes of Drug Consumption The perceived causes of drug consumption and addiction in com- munities were similar to those discussed in the case of alcohol- ism. However, the key difference was generational, with children and youth more likely than their parents to turn to drugs rather than to alcohol. This was identified as a continuum from fathers abusing alcohol, which in turn encouraged their sons to take drugs. In Figure 6.2, for instance, a couple from Villa Real, Esquipulas, explicitly identified alcoholism among parents as a cause of drug use among their sons. As with alcohol, one of the most commonly mentioned causes of drug addiction was intrafamily violence and family disinte- 84 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 6.2 Causal impact diagram of drug addiction in Villa Real Esquipulas (prepared by a 35-year-old man and a 54-year-old woman) CAUSES ac o oge Young people experience between parents and Poverty trauma or Insecriyhlde t r ddictsr ne from their are r cted anddntko) \/ Drug Addiction/ par (They cause disturb-) j Alcoholism amongA ances at night ~~~~~~~~parents EFFECTS Thy plyDu dit epeare scared music steal of dr~ug addicts gration. This referred to the lack of love and communication be- tween parents and children within families, as well as the lack of parental discipline of children. in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, a group of four teachers identi- fied all three factors as primary causes of drug addiction in their school, along with the influence of television and loss of moral values in society. Similarly, in figure 6.2, the Villa Real couple cited "lack of dialogue between parents and children" as a major cause of drug addiction. In some cases, causes were rooted in physical, sexual, and verbal abuse of children within the home. In Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, three middle-aged women discussed the cause of drug addiction as "the bad example of the parents getting drunk and hitting them on a daily basis." In all communities, mothers who "abandoned" their children to go out to work were cited as a reason for children's drug use. Left alone without discipline, children were easy prey for drug addicts and dealers recruiting new consumers. One woman in La Merced, Guatemala City, suggestecl that all drug addicts were originally abandoned children, either because their parents had separated, or because the mother went out to work, leaving the children alone. ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AND DRUG CONSUMPTION 85 Peer pressure and a desire to belong were also important among youth, especially when they suffered violence in the home, either as victims or witnesses. Knowledge of drugs meant that this easily became a way of dealing with problems. In Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, two women at a women's group meeting pointed out: "Children begin to take drugs when they're young, they look at young men who do it, and then they want to do it as well." They went on to say that older people continued to take drugs because they are addicted. It should also be noted that some did take drugs as a recreational activity, as well as to deal with adverse circumstances. In a few cases, poverty was also cited as a reason young people take drugs (figure 6.3), especially when they were unemployed. In these cases, they took drugs to pass the time or to forget about trying to get a job. In some cases young indigenous people re- ported that they turned to drugs when they felt discriminated against. Some people, especially the elderly, blamed increased drug consumption in communities on increased drug sales and traf- Figure 6.3 Causal impact diagram of drug consumption in Concepcion, Guatemala City (prepared by five mothers) Discrimiation Tey don't feel what Thev have to rob to eontinue using d Drug addicts kl,rape Fam Drug Consumpltion an a < r e \> Aarents don't loo 2\ after their children and , Mistreatment don't listnt hm *= r i h ( r Lac of cmmuncation, >\~ "children get out of control" causes Drug addicts offend thosc they love most _their parent 86 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT ficking at unprecedented levels. This was partly linked to increas- ing drugs on the market, but also related to drug consumers be- coming "pushers" to feed their habit. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, for instance, two women (aged 37 and 39) stated that young people started to deal because of ambition for power and money, and also because they could make "easy money." They also noted that this should be understood in light of the fact that few young people could secure very good jobs without turning to drug dealing. Consequences of Drug Consumption Drug consumption led to different types of violence, primarily economic in nature. The most common was robbery. To feed ad- dictions drug users either committed burglaries or robbed indi- viduals (figure 6.3). The latter usually involved assaults, muggings, and robbing wallets, handbags, and jewelry. Robbery on the part of drug addicts was also interrelated with delinquency and mara activity. In both cases, violence perpetrated by these groups was associated with drug consumption and sometimes drug sales and distribution (see chapter 7). Drugs were also linked with sexual violence, especially rape. As five mothers from Concepci6n, Guatemala City, noted, "Drug addicts kill, rape, and steal." Two men from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, discussed how drug addicts were more likely to rape those girls who walked around the streets in "provocative" clothing; men under the influence of drugs, according to them, were less able to prevent themselves from raping. This was re- peated many times, often in conjunction with the phrase: "They don't feel anything they're doing while taking drugs." Death was also discussed as a frequent outcome of drug taking, from ill- nesses, overdoses, or violence associated with drugs. In some cases, fighting over drugs and drug sale territories among maras within communities led to deaths of gang members, especially in Guatemala City. Such consequences generated acute levels of fear of drugs within communities, weakening cognitive social capital. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, an adult woman pointed out that "the drug addicts are a problem because when they're drugged ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AND DRUG CONSUMPTION 87 they will do anything; they are violent and dangerous." People avoided certain parts of communities such as riverbanks, bridges, and cemeteries where drug addicts congregated. In Limoncito, San Marcos, for instance, everyone avoided the local cemetery in the evenings because of its association with drug addicts and, in turn, with maras and rapes. In summary, it is important to emphasize that the drug prob- lem in Guatemala, although in its infancy, has not really taken hold of communities outside Guatemala City. Having said this, it is still perceived as a major problem, although levels of drug use were often very low. Note 1. There are 100 centavos in a quetzal. 7 The Violence of Maras, Robbers, and Delinquents A s poor urban communities struggle to rebuild in the post- ,A,conflict context of Guatemala the predominant problem articulated was the rapidly expanding presence of gangs (rnaras), robbers (ladrones), delinquents (delincuentes), and so- called loiterers (vagancia) (tables 7.1 and 7.2). As four young women (aged between 15-17) in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, so aptly stated, "The maras and rob- bers are always the principal problem; we lack money because they make assaults in the street and on the passenger buses." The Nature and Scope of Violence Related to Gangs, Robbers, and Delinquents When focus groups specifically listed different types of violence that were a problem, gangs, thieves, and delinquents dominated economic violence (table 7.2). Together, these three types of vio- lence constituted the most important category, representing al- most half of the violence identified in all nine communities (46 percent). In addition, much of the rape outside the home identi- fied as social violence (constituting 8 percent of all violence) was attributed to gangs. Within such a broad category it was difficult to distinguish between different subcategories, particularly as the term niaras 88 THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 89 Table 7.1 Gang-, robber-, and delinquent-related violence as a proportion of all violence-related problems Gaoig-, robber-, Violenice-related delinquenit-related problem as a violence as a propor- proportion of tion of violence- Conuintunity general problems related problems Concepci6n, Guatemala City 54 55 Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City 51 45 La Merced, Guatemala City 46 63 Sacuma, Huehuetenango 60 60 Limoncito, San Marcos 49 42 El Carmen, Santa Lucia, Cotzumalguapa 47 57 Villa Real, Esquipulas 36 63 Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche 51 43 San Jorge, Chinautla 33 42 Total 48 55 Solurce: 199 Listings of general problems. increasingly had become a catchall term for male street violence. Listings of general problems and types of violence demonstrated a large number of overlapping categories (box 7.1). Robbers or gangs were often perceived as either synonymous, or as very closely causally interrelated. For instance, in La Merced, Guatemala City, a focus group of elderly people identified rob- bers and gangs as the same. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, a group of 11 indigenous women drew a diagram to show the compli- cated links among gangs, delinquents, and drugs. They also iden- tified the consequences of gangs, delinquents, and drugs in terms of other problems manifested (figure 7.1). Figure 7.2, drawn by a 12-year-old boy, illustrates yet another categorization of differ- ent types of gangs. On closer examination, however, a useful distinction was made in this seemingly heterogeneous group of social actors, based on two criteria in particular: first, the type of violence per- Table 7.2 Types of economic violence perpetrated by gangs, delinquents, and robbers in nine communities (as percentage of economic, social, anid political violence) Type of economlic violence Inse- Robbery! Delin- Loiter- Maras/ Prosti- Kidnap- Armed Conullnliulity Drigs ciurity assault quency i11g gangs tittioti pfing attacks Total Concepci6n, Guatemala City 12 1 11 3 - 5 1 3 8 44 Nuevo Hirozonte, Guatemala City 8 - 11 7 1 6 2 2 2 39 La Merced, Guatemala City 12 - 12 3 1 19 - 1 10 58 Sacuma, Huehuetenango 12 3 5 3 - 11 - 11 3 48 Limoncito, San Marcos 15 3 18 5 - 18 - - 59 El Carmen, Santa Lucia, Cotzumalguapa 10 - 22 2 2 10 4 - 2 52 Villa Real, Esquipulas - 2 6 1 - 18 - 2 11 40 Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche 12 1 18 5 5 6 2 6 - 55 San Jorge, Chinautla 6 1 4 - - 9 - - 1 21 Total 10 1 12 3 1 11 3 3 4 46 Souirce: 154 listings of violence. THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 91 Box 7.1 Types of gang-, robber-, and delinquent- related violence Maras Maras' abuse of women Robbers Delinquency Assaults Kidnapping Loiterers Assassinations Fights Violence between men Street violence Dangerous places Thieves Killing fights Young people who Panidillas make problems Danger in the streets Problems with youth Young men who go around Youth who insult upsetting people Clholos who disturb Gang fights-to the death Fights at night Danger in the streets Guerrillas People with guns Maras who paint the walls Maras killing people Actions between nizaras Maras breaking windows Note: Maras-Specific Central American term for gangs C7rolos-Slang term for maras; literally means "mixed race" Pan,dillas-Common Latin American term for gang Source: 199 Listings of general problems and types of violence in nine communi- ties. petrated; and second, whether or not the actors were also mem- bers of a social institution. In terms of these criteria, robbers, delinquents, and loiterers were very generally categorized together on the basis that they all perpetrated economic violence-with their motive economic gain. They could also be categorized on the basis that generally they were not formally, or even informally, members of a spe- cific group or social institution-although a group might join together to undertake a particular robbery or other act of violence. In contrast, mairas formed a separate distinct category on two counts. First, in addition to robbery and assault, they were at- tributed as primarily involved in other distinct forms of violence 92 VIOLENCE TN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 7.1 Causal impact diagram of relationships between different types of violence in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (identified by a group of indigenous women aged 22-46) nl. tN4 e - \ >: OGt \, Because they want Oetruto of including physical fighting with other gangs and rape of women and young girls-neither of which were primarily economic in motive. Second, and more important, they were members of a distinct, widely recognized, social institution. This distinction was clearly identified by, for instance, the deputy chief of the police station in La Merced, Guatemala City, when he drew a diagram of causal relationships of different types of violence (figure 7.3). He identified the linkages between common delinquents and gangs, and also the differences between delinquents who rob and gangs who also fight among each other. For this reason the fol- lowing section focuses separately on these two subgroups, while recognizing the close interrelationships between them. Equally, because the mara is a very specific Central American phenom- enon, the study uses this term throughout. The Phenomenon of the Maras Description of Maras In all the nine communities focus groups perceived maras as hav- ing a number of similar, clearly defined characteristics (table 7.3). THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 93 Figure 7.2 Drawing of different types of gangs in La Merced, Guatemala City (by a 12-year-old boy) IL P-dillas~~~~ - tvp f t_ n . i_~~~~t I Nigue: 7sr3 robber; amoos=tp of ginange inflnelnuencydb S asin av = scand membr;si 4~ ~~~~~~~M RA S } Our parcentsGuatemalaCity(identified bey d betw e gt >} ft~~~~~~~~#anits police station) Hou Dm tpobbe ro COMMON <~DELINQUENCY/ J t th~ernselves 0 & ,,, V ba~~ndt 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~mg tooo prope o >\ 94 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Table 7.3 Descriptive information on maras from focus groups in seven communities Community Descriptive information on numbers and names of maras La Merced, First established in 1989. Gangs include La 13, La Guatemala City 18, Picapiedras, White Fence (WF), Maras Salvatruchas (MS), and Latin King (LK), of which four are predominant in the area. Sacuma, 30 groups in total in Huehuetenango; three in Huehuetenango Sacuma. Limoncito, San First established in 1990; called 18, 13, Los Cholos, Marcos Pirana, Los del Tope, Los Duendes Metalicos. El Carmen, Santa Described as cholos; Salvatruchas (from El Lucia, Salvador) and La 13 and La 18 from the United Cotzumalguapa States: identified as well organized. Villa Real, Some are known as grupos satanicos (satanic Esquipulas groups); 10-15 percent were women's maras. Gucumatz, Santa AVQ (Asociaci6n de Vagos Quichenses)-more than Cruz del 100 members and most important gang; Bichos, Quiche BN (Barrio Norte)-more than 50 members; Cachudos, 13,18, MS, Las Chicas Big-more than 15 members; Las Chicas-new; Calambres- more than 20 members; Salvatruchas, Cholos, Escorpion, Lenguas, Los Duendes-more than 20 members. San Jorge, Established in 1990; three to four groups in area Chinautla including Satan, Escorpiones, and Salvatruchas. Most important, they were a widespread phenomenon. On aver- age, between three and four groups of maras existed in each of the communities in which the appraisal was undertaken. As a young woman in La Merced, Guatemala City, stated, "The com- munity is full of maras. All the youth are integrated into the maras THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 95 simply for solidarity." In addition, the number of youth joining the maras and the number of the groups themselves had increased fundamentally during the past decade and was very much a phe- nomenon of the 1990s. In La Merced, Guatemala City, for instance, the maras first came into the area in 1989, and 1999 was the year of greatest proliferation. On the other side of Guatemala, in Limoncito, San Marcos, focus groups identified the ntaras as first forming in 1990 (table 7.3). All the niaras had specific characteristics in terms of their cloth- ing, tattoos, and identity. Most common were the large baggy denim trousers that gave maras the nickname of cholos. In addi- tion, strict adherence to particular color combinations in cloth- ing was important. In La Merced, Guatemala City, for instance, three out of four groups wore red and white clothing. Finally, maras were closely linked to the "ownership," control, and de- fense of physical space within communities. Related to this terri- toriality, conflict between gangs was a critical component of gang life with groups often forming and reforming alliances among themselves. In La Merced, Guatemala City, there were four main groups, and each controlled a different spatial area. While fights to maintain turf occurred, so too did collaboration between dif- ferent groups as depicted by three young men who were mem- bers of maras that drew figure 7.4. A mother and her daughter in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, included both gangs and vengeance in a list of violence problems, stating, "There is vengeance be- tween maras, they fight between themselves. If one does some- thing against the maras they take revenge." Variations and Causes of Mara Activity The causes of the phenomenon of the maras, and the associated reasons for joining, varied widely. This related not only to re- gional location, but also, and more importantly, to the function of the group and the associated age and gender of its members. In addition, perceptions varied among focus groups particularly depending on their age and whether they were themselves mem- bers of the mnaras. As social institutions maras formed a continuum. At one end, young people considered them to be informal groups 96 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 7.4 Diagram of collaboration among mara groups in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by three young men who were members of maras aged 18-20) Do not get along WF No one tolerates them BREAKS I Do not get along \\, e tiv help eah othler / Note: La 18, MS, WF, and Rockers are all the names of local mnaras. that provided youth cultural identity and mutual support for young urban adolescents. At the other end of the continuum, people-particularly older people-described the maras as dan- gerous robbers, drug addicts, and killers. In the latter case they sometimes substituted the word bandas (literally bands) for maras. For instance, in Santa Cruz del Quiche one group based the dis- tinction between maras and bandas on the fact that maras join to- gether to amuse themselves, while bandas are armed. In other cases, such as in Villa Real, Esquipulas; and Limoncito, San Marcos, the word pandillas (literal term for gangs) was also on occasion substituted for maras. Although informal groups of boys and young men have long been associated with the process of reaching male adulthood in urban areas, the maras as a Central American phenomenon have accelerated rapidly in the past decade. They were closely linked to external influences and the "phenomenon of imitation," as defined by an elderly man in Limoncito, San Marcos. This re- THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 97 lated particularly to the post-conflict return-migration of many individuals and their families from other Central American coun- tries such as El Salvador and Honduras, as well as from the United States. In addition, it was one of a number of consequences of globalization, in terms of the transnational transfer of influence of violent movies, designer and sport clothing, and popular rap and rock music. Both the maras called La 18 and the Salvatruchas, which were common in many of the research communities (table 7.3), had their origins in El Salvador. In some cases their leaders came from El Salvador or the United States to form the mara group in Guate- mala. In La Merced, Guatemala City, the White Fence (WF), LK (Latin King) and La 18 had the same names as gangs in Los An- geles, California, with youth returning from the United States bringing their gang experience back with them to Guatemala, often after having been deported. A focus group of an elderly couple and their eldest son in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, stated, "The miaras are not from here, they come from over there, they are Salvadorian by their clothing." In Villa Real, Esquipulas, in eastern Guatemala, a local shop owner said that the maras came from El Salvador and Honduras. They were young men who wanted to go to the United States, who, when they could not get through, or could not find a guide (coyote) to the United States, remained in Esquipulas forming miaras. The increase in the maras was not only associated with exter- nal influences, but in some parts of the country with the peace process itself. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, an area of the country seriously affected by the civil war, a group of six women described how they perceived the importance of the mnaras had increased (figure 7.5). Of particular relevance for them was that they con- sidered the maras to be signing accords of violence at the same time that the Peace Accords were signed in 1996. A young 16-year-old female named Cristina, from La Merced, Guatemala City, although not a member herself, described the different stages in the process of joining the maras (figure 7.6) on the basis of her knowledge gained through her friends who be- longed to mlaras. On the one hand, she said that joining mnaras was part of growing up: 98 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 7.5 Timeline of changing levels of mara activity in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (according to six women aged 30-60) High 7; E Medium ec & Low _ 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 Year It's a way of being a young man. Male youth be- gin drinking with their friends, go to discotheques and in this way get to know members of maras. But those who actually join maras are more likely to be young boys who have suffered at home and been badly treated by their fathers. The effects of this are very serious. The youth first get involved in drugs, rob to service their habit, families no longer want them as they rob them, and as a re- sult are rejected by the whole community. Although primarily a male social institution, in some con- texts a small number of female maras also existed. Cristina also explained that girls joined maras for very different reasons from those of men. One of the principal reasons for joining was to ac- quire a boyfriend or fianc6. However, when their fathers at home mistreat girls, their friends encouraged them to leave home and join a mara that could protect them from this mistreatment. In some cases "It's better to be with the mara than with the family," as Cristina stated. Some girl mara members get involved in drugs THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 99 Figure 7.6 Causal impact diagram of the causes and effects of being a male and female gang member in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by a young girl aged 16) CAUSES EFFECTS Me Godwill they have Men /ow- - *hey with friends e mis e ~~~~~~~~~~~~~them heir fathers treat thmbadly Male and female gang Women member / / Th~~~~ev become sure drugs r mies tohave boyfriend rette Their fathers treatA < them badly > fThere are men that drug There are alsoX their friends' ) | ~~~~~~~~~drugs that the Girl gang members badl advisea tr teir friends to move away from3 Familie __thei hoe hey try their friendsdrgs for pleasure, while others are forced into drugs by their boyfriends "who take advantage of them." Mistreatment at home, as described by Cristina, was the most commonly cited cause of joining the maras in all communities. A 39-year-old carpenter in Villa Real, Esquipulas, said that youth joined the maras because their fathers did not give their sons at- tention, and consequently there was "little communication be- tween them." Two middle-aged women in the same community explained that the lack of communication meant that parents did not have time for their sons; consequently, young people looked for confidence and a better life outside their homes. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, five women health workers in the local health center cited "rejection by parents" and "lack of edu- cation in the family" as the two main reasons for joining a mara. In San Jorge, Chinautla, one of the members of a group of four young people said: "Children grow up without love so they stay 100 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT in the streets and look for love from the maras; what their families don't give them, the maras do." A group of indigenous women of mixed ages in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, listed lack of relationship between par- ents, lack of respect of society, and badly brought up children as three causes for joining the maras. This was also linked to a de- cline in respect for their parents on the part of the younger gen- eration. Associated with mistreatment at home was the bad example provided by parents. An elderly man who worked in the mayor's office in Limoncito, San Marcos, described how his 14-year-old grandson was a member of the maras because of the bad example of his parents. His father smoked marijuana and his mother was an alcoholic, and the young boy himself was also addicted to marijuana. Don Jose was highly concerned about the grave con- sequences of being a member of the maras that could result in his grandson ending up in hospital or even the cemetery. Equally important was the "breakdown" of the family caused by divorce or separation-often caused by fathers coming home drunk and beating up their mothers-with families disintegrating and chil- dren not knowing to whom to turn. Figure 7.7 provides a com- prehensive summary of many of the family-related causal factors as identified by three schoolteachers in Sacuma, Huehuetenango. Another reason for joining maras related to conflicts among both children and youth at school. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, three young indigenous women (aged 14-20) described the general tendencies in terms of youth joining the nara (figure 7.8). Youths from 10 to 12 years often joined the maras because they have problems with companions at school, and older mem- bers of the maras will defend them. The majority joined between 13-16 years because of the attraction of the fashion in clothing and music associated with maras. The older maras of 18-20 years, and on occasions even older, committed assault and were dan- gerous. A 14-year-old schoolboy from La Merced, Guatemala City, identified that there were only two ways of leaving the nlaras: either by marrying or by leaving the community. An elderly woman from the same community recounted how each of her three sons had been a member of the niaras as a normal part of THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 101 Figure 7.7 Problem tree of causes and effects of maras in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (drawn by a group of three primary school teachers aged 20-40) Family disinte rate MARAS Has perverted the youth wiTth thesale o.fdrugs the process of growing up in the community. But, as each in turn had found a girlfriend, settled down with a regular job, and had children, they had systematically left the mnaras. In some cases, as noted earlier, there were female-only maras. A mixed group of indigenous people from Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, comprising a 14-year-old boy and two young women aged 15 and 26, explained that among the indigenous popula- tion in their community there were two groups of girl maras. These were young adolescent girls who had abandoned their traditional traje (costume) for large trousers, they were all the girlfriends of members of male mnaras, and many had become pregnant. Of the two groups identified, Las Chicas Big (literally the Big Girls), had more than 20 members and were the girlfriends of members of the male gang called Los Calambres, while the other, Las Chicas (the Girls), were female gang members in their own right. Again, the strong desire of young people to join the maras because of their association with U.S.-influenced youth culture was a widely reflected theme. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, the same group identified the following three reasons for joining the mlaras: for the music-rap and rock that "allows 102 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 7.8 Timeline on age of joining the maras in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche (identified by three women aged 14-20) 120 s TOo Adolescents c / ss7~~~~~~~anting to \ .E f be in fashion Those in charge and cc 80 _They join as a those who devote diversion or to themselves to) assault ~ 0defend Xi 60 _themselves/\ , 41) 20 Age l l l l l l 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20) much violence"; for the wardrobe-for the fashion; and, finally "for respect." Again, they also mentioned that if a youngster has a fight at school he could call on an older mara member to defend him. Consequences of the Maras Consequences of the mara phenomenon depended on the per- ceptions of different social actors. For the maras themselves such institutions provided important support structures, solidarity, and a mechanism for group identity in a difficult and changing world. As one young mara member in La Merced, Guatemala City, stated, "Belonging to the maras means I have friends to help me, loan me money, and provide activities on the weekends." This was corroborated by two young men in the same community who confirmed the importance of maras for local youth in terms of providing leisure pursuits for the weekend. They maintained that, since the majority of maras either attended school or were in some type of employment during the week, maximum activity occurred at the weekend when they had more free time. THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 103 However, for others in the communities the impact of the mnaras had become more serious. As noted earlier, it is important to dis- aggregate between different types of maras, by age and location. Three schoolteachers in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, who were con- cerned about the impact of maras in school, for instance, identi- fied a range of consequences at the individual and community level (figure 7.9). These ranged from practical constraints relat- ing to reducing mobility for studying at night-with impact on human capital-to more serious issues such as the breakdown of order when authorities lacked control over the maras-in this case with implications for community-level social capital. The fact that the police were afraid of the imaras was also identified by focus groups in other communities such as Limoncito, San Marcos. Another group of teachers in San Jorge, Chinautla, (a mixed group of five indigenous and ladinos) identified gratuitous and unprovoked damage to local community facilities caused by maras, attacking the local school and breaking windows and paint- ing the walls with graffiti-showing its impact on human capi- tal. The group claimed that there was nothing they themselves Figure 7.9 Causal impact diagram of maras in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (identified by three primary schoolteachers aged 20-35) F er that TeCnaiae rese ~tey wil be community young girls students attacked lved in fear l Road Auth/orit w>ithout \ \ t don't have stric end ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~control f~~~~~~Fa of robbery Terror atn ngt 104 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT could do. They did not know the individuals concerned (although they knew the group of maras that had perpetrated the crimes), but more importantly they feared reprisal. Across communities maras caused irritation by painting walls to mark their presence in their territory. The aim of this was to intimidate people by walking around the streets shouting and swearing, and disrupting dances and other local events by fight- ing between different groups while drinking heavily. Adults and the elderly were the most concerned with these activities, caus- ing widespread intergenerational tension. Figure 7.10 shows the perception of two young men in La Merced, Guatemala City. They described the manner in which groups of maras start on broncas (fights) during the weekends-either among themselves or with gangs in neighboring communities. The range of activities described by a group of young people in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche (box 7.2), is representative of more serious problems associated with some of the maras across all communities. They closely associated maras with drugs and alcohol. In many communities this was linked to selling drugs and introducing drugs to schoolchildren and young people. Figure 7.10 Timeline of weekly activities of maras in La Merced, Guatemala City (according to two men aged 20-24) Level of violence High Medium -_ Low M T W T F S S Days of week THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 105 Box 7.2 Activities of maras in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche (identified by a mixed group of nine young people (aged 14-20) * Drink alcohol * Look for problems with other maras-to see who is the better mara * Fight with other maras for girlfriends or for vengeance * Paint walls with graffiti-to let people know who they are, mark their territory, and insult other maras * Consume drugs-when they have money (including paint thin- ner, glue, cocaine, and marijuana) * Rob when necessary . Traffic in drugs . Attend dances where they start fights with other gangs Equally serious was revenge fighting between gangs, which on occasion resulted in killings. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, a group of four ladinos (three men and one woman, aged between 22-40) said that assaults and killings between maras were desta- bilizing the peace process. Rivalry between different maras was not only based on territorial disputes. A group of 17- to 22-year- old young men in La Merced described how it was also the con- sequence of differences of opinion over types of music (rap or rock), rivalry for particular young women in the community, and amounts of alcohol consumed. Most grave was the association of maras with the rape of young women, particularly when the perpetrators were high on drugs or inebriated by alcohol. A 22-year-old woman in San Jorge, Chinautla, described that "they fight among themselves using knives and machetes and threaten girls because they are pretty and they want to rape them." In Villa Real, Esquipulas, a group of young women, reluctant to be specific, stated that "the princi- pal problem for men was they beat them, and to women they did other things." In San Jorge, Chinautla, two men identified as members of the maras had recently raped a 14-year-old girl. This violent act was reported by numerous focus groups including 106 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT four school-aged adolescents, a group of teachers, and three girls aged 14-19-demonstrating the gravity with which the incident was viewed. In totality, the increasingly widespread presence of maras in all the communities studied exacerbated levels of fear felt by the community members. Associated with this was a reduction in people's mobility, both within the community and outside it, par- ticularly at night. As two women from Nuevo Horizonte, Guate- mala City, said, "People cannot walk in safety, you do not go out in tranquility." A group of male workers in a ceramic arti- san workshop in San Jorge, Chinautla, confirmed that because of the maras, "there is fear of going out at night and on Satur- days," sentiments echoed elsewhere in Santa Cruz del Quiche and San Marcos. Five female health workers in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, identified maras as a source of severe area stigma for their community; they stated that because of the maras' presence in their community people from outside the neighbor- hood no longer visited them, and they could no longer get credit from banks. This reduction in mobility had important implications at in- dividual and community levels. Many young people were not able to participate in evening educational activities, and com- munity groups who might have met after work hours were un- able to do so-thus affecting community-level social capital (see chapter 8). The Phenomena of Robbery and Delinquency Description of Robbers and Delinquents There were differences as well as similarities between maras, rob- bers, and delinquents. In addition, there were differences within the latter category, despite a tendency for community members to speak of them interchangeably. Delinquents were most com- monly boys and young men who had dropped out of school and who hung around on street corners. Out of boredom, forced idle- ness, and consumption of less serious drugs such as marijuana, they were often involved in petty crimes such as snatching hand- bags or shoplifting. THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 107 Robbers, in contrast, were more likely to be older in age, more serious criminals, far more violent in nature, and often associ- ated with assault. As one elderly woman in Villa Real, Esquipulas, stated: "They (robbers) bother us a lot in the community. They rob everything, even shoes." Most communities identified that the phenomenon of individual robbery had existed since the es- tablishment of the community. However, more recently robber- ies took place not only in private homes, but also in public areas, such as attacks on people and trucks, theft from local street mar- kets, and, in some areas of the country, kidnapping for financial extortion. A less obvious type of economic violence was that of bus drivers fighting among themselves to get passengers. As il- lustrated in table 7.2, robbery (the largest single category of eco- nomic violence), together with armed attacks and kidnapping, represented 19 percent of the 46 percent of economic violence (expressed as a percentage of total economic, social, and political violence) perpetrated by gangs, delinquents, and robbers in the communities studied. Variations and Causes of Robbery and Delinquency Many groups in the nine communities considered that delin- quency was the outcome of a lack of adequate parental care. A 30-year-old woman in La Merced, Guatemala City, for instance, identified a variety of factors including parental irresponsibility, neglect because of vices such as alcohol, and the fact that many working parents left their children on their own at home. This affected the children in a number of ways. Some did not want to study and so dropped out of school; others were afraid when left on their own at home; while still others were left without food. All of these were important reasons for children to spend their days wandering around the community and loitering on street corners. Robbery was associated primarily with lack of employment, and here the causes varied. Older people, in particular, cited an unwillingness to work as a reason for stealing, while younger people were more likely to associate this with the inability to find work. A 26-year-old woman shopkeeper in Villa Real (a single 108 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT mother whose husband had migrated to the United States) com- mented, "There are no sources of work for young people so they become robbers; however, there are also young people who want an easy life." A group of five youths in Nuevo Horizonte, Guate- mala City, identified the causes of robbery as a combination of lack of work, laziness, and lack of study (figure 7.11). In Limoncito, San Marcos, timelines showed the relationship between robbery and different employment strategies. A group of three women (aged 22-61 years) highlighted differences in the level of robbery over both the weekly and monthly periods. There were more robberies around the fifteenth and thirty-first of each month when workers received their pay packets and "were walk- ing around with money." In a context where many of the male wage earners worked during the week in Guatemala City (five hours' bus ride away) returning home only on weekends, rob- beries were highest on Sunday afternoons and Mondays. This was when the men had returned to the city, and "the women were making their purchases with the money their husbands had left them" (figure 7.12). Figure 7.11 Causal impact diagram of causes and effect of robbery in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City (drawn by five youths aged 14-16) EFFECTS CProvoke illness Death /^ ROBBERY / /~ ~azns I/F , os ~not ha~ve Neestv fr v money as poor Lack oS CAUSES THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 109 In both La Merced, Guatemala City, and San Jorge, Chinautla, different groups of young women (aged 8-15 and 14-19, respec- tively) identified Semana Santa (Easter Week in March/April) and Christmas (December) as times for peak robbery activity. Not only did robbers want to acquire goods themselves, but people had more money at this time or had left their homes empty to cel- ebrate with family in other parts of the country. In some areas robbery was closely linked to the annual agri- cultural cycle. According to a group of four young men in El Carmen, Cotzumalguapa, scarcity of work when the harvest (zafra) finished meant that men were so desperate that they robbed. A second mixed group (aged 22-25) complemented this with the information that May to November was the period of the highest incidence of robbery "because the sugar refineries do Figure 7.12 Timelines of robber activity in Limoncito, San Marcos (drawn by a group of three women aged 22-61) Monthly activity Level of activity Thev are paid \ eple are paid andThyaepi \ae money Some people are/ High paid on the l5th Low i 1 15 31 Day of the month Level of activity People go to the capital, leaving wages High Less monev Low Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday Sunday Day of the week 110 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT not have activities and consequently there is no work for many people." Another group of six young men (aged 20-35) from the same community linked this to the fact that lots of foreigners from El Salvador and Honduras had come to the community. Groups in this community specifically listed kidnapping as a form of violent robbery. A group of three adults (aged 40-72) associ- ated kidnapping with out-of-work agricultural workers at loose ends once the harvest was completed. Some communities identified a decline in robbery. In Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, a middle-aged couple commented that lack of employment had been the main cause of robbery, but this had declined, first, because some members of the commu- nity had taken justice into their own hands and had killed iden- tified perpetrators. Second, and more recently, increases in employment had led to a decline in robbery. Above all, changes in levels of robbery were also closely linked to changes in the police force, and here perceptions differed across communities depending on whether or not the new Policia Nacional Civil (National Civil Police) had been introduced. In El Merced, Guatemala City, for instance, an elderly couple summa- rized their perception of the changes as follows (figure 7.13). Be- tween 1980 and 1995 the numbers of robbers had increased along with their increasing lack of fear of the policing system. How- ever, following the Peace Accords in 1996 everything had changed. The new Policia Nacional Civil had been introduced into the community and this had assisted in reducing the level of rob- bery. Interestingly enough, in the same community, community members did not necessarily agree that the Policia Nacional Civil had had the same impact on the levels of mara activity. Consequences of Robbery and Delinquency The presence of a large number of robbers and delinquents was similar in impact to that of the maras. It increased levels of fear and reduced mobility, particularly at night. However, because of the specifically economic nature of the violence, it had several specific economic consequences. A group of six highschool boys in San Jorge, Chinautla, felt that robbery most affected the poor- THE VIOLENCE OF MARAS, ROBBERS, AND DELINQUENTS 111 Figure 7.13 Timeline of changes in robbers' activity between 1980 and 1999 in La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by an elderly couple aged 64 to 70) Level of activity High /Robbers do not\ fear the police More respect than before for the police Low I~~~~ r 1980 1985 1990 1995 1996 1999 Year est in the community. They could not defend themselves because their houses were built of corrugated iron sheets. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, the diagram drawn by a woman (figure 7.14), high- lighted the fear felt, while also identifying the consequences for the robbers themselves. The consequences for robbers were prison, as well as the possibility of people taking the law into their own hands and killing the robbers (lynching). In El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, a group of six men (aged 20-35) distinguished between inaras and robbers. They agreed that the large number of robbers had affected the reputa- tion and image of the community, creating area stigma. This had resulted in a reduction in the number of tourists to the area: "Tour- ists do not like to come because they are robbed. Before, they 112 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 7.14 The causes and effects of robbers in Villa Real, Esquipulas (drawn by an adult woman aged 26) CAUSES Unwvanted childre No parental Single g4There is not an discipline mothers integra te Lack1 o f wo r k RBERS EFFECTS S d no I~~~~~~~ \ C o to prison) People taeathela came to see the piedras [literally the stones but referring to the prehistoric stone carvings], but there they were grabbed [by rob- bers]." While the study showed that maras, robbers, and delinquents all had adverse impacts on communities, perceptions from dif- ferent members in the nine communities showed the importance of not making sweeping generalizations about them. Young male maras viewed the gangs as important positive social institutions. Other groups, however, viewed them negatively because they were responsible for eroding human and social capital in com- munities. Similarities and differences among maras, robbers, and delinquents all highlighted the context-specific complexity of such groups. 8 Community-level Social Institutions and Perverse and Productive Social Capital V iolence not only affects individuals and households but also communities themselves through its impact on par- ticular social institutions and their associated social capi- tal. Structural social capital, the main focus here, refers to inter- personal relationships in formal or informal organizations or networks. Cognitive social capital refers to values, norms, atti- tudes, and beliefs that exist among neighbors, friends, and rela- tives at the community level. The two kinds of social capital are intricately linked; structural and cognitive social capital can be identified along a continuum from the societal to local to indi- vidual levels (Uphoff 1997). Prevalence and Importance of Social Institutions Community members identified 322 social institutions in the nine research communities studied (table 8.1). The total number of institutions identified was used as a proxy for perceptions of the prevalence of social institutions. The number of times an institu- tion was cited was used as a proxy for perceptions of its impor- tance (Groothaert 1998, 1999). Institutions were also classified according to their membership, ownership, and decisionmaking control. The study distinguished between membership groups in which people participated, either formally or informally, in 113 Table 8.1 Prevalence of social institutions by type (percent of total nulmnber of institUtion1s) El Carinen, NJeezao Satta Concepcion, Horizointe, La Merced, San ,orge, Saciuna, Villa Real, Gucinnatz, Lucfa Guatemala Guatem7ala CGtateima?la Clii- tnleelll- Limonzcito, Esq ii- Santa Cruz Co tz tumal- Type of inistituttioni City City City nautla tenango San Marcos pulas del Quichld guapa Total Membership Organizations Religious groups 2 5 2 6 2 7 3 2 8 37 (44) Neighborhood 3 3 3 0 1 2 3 1 2 18 committees (21.4) Violence-related groups 0 1 3 2 1 2 2 0 0 11 + ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(13.1) Fp Youth, sports, and recrca- 2 3 3 0 2 0 0 1 0 Hl tional organizations (13.1) Women's and childcare 0 2 2 0 0 () 0 2 0 6 organizations (7.1) Organizations for the () 0 0 () 0 0 ( 1 0 1 elderly (1.2) Subtotal 7 14 13 8 6 11 8 7 1() 84 Service Delivery Organizations Social service 2 12 9 7 9 10 1 8 10 68 organizations (28.6) NGOs 4 12 7 5 1 2 3 23 5 62 (26) State/government 2 0 4 5 2 1 1 21 5 41 organizations (17.2) Productive service 1 2 0 1 2 9 1 10) 5 31 organizations (13) State securitv/ () 1 2 0 2 1 2 5 5 18 justice institutions (7.6) DLrug/alcohol rehab- 2 1 I) l 1 1 3 1 2 12 ilitation centers (5) Private sector 0 0 0 1 5 0 0 0 0 6 organizations (2.5) Subtotal 11 28 22 20) 22 24 11 68 32 238 Total 18 42 35 28 28 35 19 75 42 322 Notes: Figures in parentheses represent percent of total. T he category of religious groups refers to churches and prayer groups only. Religious organizations that provide social services are included in the appropriate service deliverv categorv. Soturc,: 126 institutional listings, institutional mapping/Venn diagrams, and institutional preference matrixes from focus groups. 116 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT the functioning of the organizations, and service delivery orga- nizations, in which community members did not make deci- sions. 1 In terms of the prevalence of institutions, the largest single type was those providing social services (mainly schools and health centers). While some were privately run, most were owned and run by the government. Thus the state played an extremely important role in the institutional make-up of communities. The second most prevalent type was NGOs, followed by state/gov- ernment institutions and the church (both Roman Catholic and evangelical) (table 8.1). Violence-related organizations were only identified in a mi- nority of cases. Although the maras emerged as a significant prob- lem within communities, people tended not to view them as institutions. However, there were as many violence-related or- ganizations as there were youth, sports, and recreational organi- zations (table 8.1). Prevalence patterns varied according to community, ranging from only 18 institutions identified in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, to 75 in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche. In Quich6, al- most one-third of all the institutions were NGOs-the highest of all communities-with another third state institutions. This re- lated to the influx of organizations and social movements in the aftermath of the civil war, many linked to the indigenous move- ment. There were also more NGOs in communities in Guatemala City and nearby Chinautla than in communities in more remote departmental capitals, such as Huehuetenango and San Marcos. Service delivery organizations were significantly more preva- lent than membership organizations. Just over one-quarter of all institutions involved membership (26.1 percent), compared with almost three-quarters that delivered services (73.9 percent). Reli- gious organizations were the most prevalent membership groups in communities (44 percent), with social services and NGOs the most significant types of service deliverers (table 8.1). Differences among communities highlighted the low pro- portions of membership organizations (table 8.1) in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche (9.3 percent of the total), and in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (21.4 percent)-both departments previously COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 117 affected by the civil conflict and with high component indigenous populations. In contrast, communities in Guatemala City and Villa Real, Esquipulas, had higher than average proportions of mem- bership organizations. Similar patterns emerged in terms of the importance of insti- tutions, with social service delivery organizations perceived as most important, followed by NGOs, which were particularly important for indigenous groups. The church and religious groups were also important, representing almost half of all membership organizations (table 8.2). Truist in Social Instituitions Community members were asked to indicate whether they viewed each institution positively (interpreted as indicating a high level of trust) or negatively (interpreted as indicating a low level of trust). Among membership organizations, youth, sports, and recreation groups received the highest percentage of posi- tive rankings (82 percent).2 Drug and alcohol rehabilitation cen- ters-primarily Alcoholics Anonymous-received the highest percentage of positive rankings for service delivery organizations. Also receiving high percentages were religious groups (79 per- cent) and women's and childcare organizations (76 percent). (See table 8.3.) From a negative perspective, lack of trust in state and gov- ernment institutions was marked, prevalent among ladino and indigenous groups but particularly notable among the latter. State security and justice organizations such as the police and army received the highest percentage of negative rankings among ser- vice delivery institutions (61 percent), while the least trusted membership organizations were those associated with the per- petration of violence (table 8.3). Characteristics of Productive and Perverse Social Institutions The study also distinguished between productive and perverse institutions. Productive institutions aim to provide benefits to Table 8.2 Importance of social institutions by type (total niumber of inistitutiOIs) El Carnen, Nueoo Santa Villa Concepci6n, Horizonite, La Merced, San Jorge, Scunina, Loin c Reail, Gucumilatz, Guaten inala GLu7teimiala Gu atecoiala Clii- HI-iehte- Liiouncito, Cotzuin a- Esquai- San ta Cruz Type' of in1stitiutionl City City City nantla tenango San Marcos guapa pulas del Quiich Total Membership Organizations Religious groups 7 15 13 20 8 9 15 13 5 105 (49.3) Neighborhood 8 8 13 0 1 2 3 10 2 47 committees (22.1) Youth, sports, and recrea- 8 8 5 0 3 0 0 0 1 25 Otional organizations (11.7) cc Women's and childcare 0 ll 6 0 ( 0 0 () 2 19 organizations (8.9) Violence-related groups 0 2 3 4 1 2 0 2 0 14 (6.6) Organizations for the 0 0 0 0 0 0 () 0 3 3 elderly (1.4) Subtotal 23 44 40 24 13 13 18 25 13 213 Service Delivery Organizations Social service 7 27 30 14 18 18 31 1 36 182 organizations (32) NCGOs 7 28 19 8 1 2 7 6 48 126 (22.1) State/governmcnt 2 0 4 6 5 6 14 7 49 93 organizations (16.3) State, security/justice 0 6 11 0 7 3 18 6 20 71 institutions (12.5) Productive service 1 2 0 1 3 11 10 4 23 59 organizations (10.4) Drug/alcohol rehabi- 2 4 0 5 4 2 9 9 3 38 litation centers (6.7) Private sector 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 4 organizations (0.7) Subtotal 19 67 64 34 42 42 89 33 179 569 Total 42 111 104 58 55 55 107 58 192 782 Note: The category of religious groups refers to churches and prayer groups onlv; religious organizations that provide social services are included in the appropriate service delivcry category. Soiurce: 126 institutional listings, Venn diagrams, and institutional preference matrixes from focus groups. 120 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Table 8.3 Evaluation of trust in social institutions (percent of respondents) High level Low level Type of Institution of trust of trust Membership organizations Neighborhood committees 68 33 Women's and child care organizations 76 23 Groups for the elderly 100 0 Youth, sports, and recreational organizations 82 18 Violence-related groups 0 100 Religious groups 79 21 Subtotal 68 32 Service delivery organizations Social service organizations 76 24 Drug/alcohol rehabilitation centers 81 19 State/government organizations 60 40 State, security/justice institutions 39 61 NGOs 66 34 Productive service organizations 49 51 Subtotal 64 36 Total 65 35 Note: A total of 558 evaluations of those in social institutions were undertaken through institutional mapping exercises in which "+" and "-" were put next to institutions to denote whether or not people trusted them. These identified 121 membership organi- zations and 437 service delivery organizations. Source: 126 institutional listings, institutional mapping/Venn diagrams, and institutional preference matrixes from focus groups. improve the well-being of the community. Perverse institutions benefit their members but are usually detrimental to the com- munity or society at large (see Rubio 1997). Most organizations identified in the nine communities were productive and linked to the state, NGOs, and the church. Per- verse institutions were much less frequently mentioned and re- COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 121 ferred primarily to maras, drug dealers, or brothels and cantinas. A male community leader in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, iden- tified four "illicit" groups in the colonia as two families who sold drugs, a man who organized adoption of babies for money, groups of maras, and a "runner" (coyote) who smuggled people across the U.S./Mexican border. Maras were the most commonly identified perverse group. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, two groups were identified as nega- tive or harmful institutions (Figure 8.1). A focus group of moth- ers distinguished between one group of maras from within the community and another from outside. The latter comprised people who had come to Huehuetenango en route to crossing the Mexican border on their way to the United States. Unable to cross, many returned to the Guatemalan border towns, settling temporarily before trying again. The focus group noted that most of the maras from outside the community were Salvadorans (iden- tified through their distinctive accent). In Sacuma, Huehuete- nango, and Villa Real, Esquipulas, both border towns, Salvadorans and Hondurans formed maras when unable to cross the U.S./ Mexican border. Figure 8.1 Institutional mapping of Sacuma, Huehuetenango (drawn by a group of 10 mothers) Note: Large circle denotes the boundary of the community. Size of circle denotes importance of institution; + and - denote whether trusted or not. 122 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Lack of Institutional Diversity Despite over 300 institutions identified in the nine communities, most colon ias lacked institutional diversity. The majority of the institutions were service delivery organizations, with church groups the only membership organizations consistently present. With the exception of Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, and some of the Guatemala City communities, community members often had problems pinpointing organizations. Those most commonly identified were schools, health centers, churches, the mayor or municipality, the police, one or two NGOs, and Alcoholics Anony- mous. A carpenter from Villa Real, Esquipulas, for instance, identi- fied only four organizations within his community-the cantina, Alcoholics Anonymous, the evangelical churches, and a neigh- borhood support committee-with a further three located out- side (figure 8.2). The three external organizations-the police, the Figure 8.2 Institutional mapping of Villa Real, Esquipulas (prepared by a 39-year-old male carpenter) l 'olice) \ committee latonei sles iclt <\-\/ ;\/< 1"'o=>< tn. ~ ~ ~~~~~~a - / \ ~~~~~Cantb(3()/\ espanola ~~~Good/\ 70% Notes: Large circle denotes the boundary of the communitv. Size of circle denotes importance of institution. Arrow denote relationships between institutions. Percentages denote the level of trust, with a high percentage denoting high level of trust. COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 123 Cooporaci6n Espahola (Spanish Cooperation, the Spanish bilat- eral donor agency), and the municipality-were all perceived as more important than organizations within the community. Hierarchical Institutions and the Role of International Agencies Most institutions identified were hierarchical service delivery organizations. Community members recognized few grassroots- level organizations that were horizontal in structure. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, for instance, the police were the most trusted insti- tution in the community, followed by the municipality and Cooporaci6n Espafiola (figure 8.2). Although none of these had a physical presence in the community, they inspired greater trust than those located within the community. The impetus to estab- lish an improvement committee came from the Cooporaci6n Espafnola through a municipal social worker. Community mem- bers were encouraged to address the canalization of an adjacent river, one of the main problems affecting them. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, three international organi- zations-Medicine Without Borders (Medecins sans Frontieres), the Norwegian church, and World Vision-played an important role in the community's development, especially during crucial phases of securing a water supply, and buying and legalizing plots of land (figure 8.3). Another focus group (comprising an elderly man and a young woman) identified five different organizations that had played an important role. In addition to the Norwegian church (active between 1986 and 1993) and World Vision, Care International assisted the municipality in the provision of drain- age between 1986 and 1987, and Medicine Without Borders and UNICEF provided the first drinking water supply in 1994. A Gua- temalan NGO involved in youth training programs has taken over the work of the Norwegian church. Local politicians had also played a role in the community, through the former President, Alvaro Arzu, when he was mayor of Guatemala City, and later when he was a presidential candidate. However, focus groups were disillusioned with the failed promises of Guatemalan politi- 124 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 8.3 Institutional mapping of Concepci6n, Guatemala City (prepared by a group of six adult men) Introduction of water supply - Retaining walls for the river World Assistance in Economic support ' Vision , construction of communitv hall ,'Medicine Without", Borders .' Committ ----------AVcmmteS ------ i Community) Legalization of,.- '` S, t A in land, buying ," Norwvegian ou th rainingsistance in plots Of °-, church ; oam rojects land, and ' - Food for wor improving Fahrprogram roads Chld Manol ) CatholicA rga adoption church wrogramy_ Child adoption Mcl Note: Dotted circles are institutions that have worked in the community in the past and had a large impact. cians and considered international organizations more trustwor- thy, because they were presumably not interested in vote buying. This orientation toward foreign organizations reinforced pa- ternalism within the organizational culture of communities. Al- though as in Villa Real, Esquipulas, some external agencies created local improvement committees, in other places, their pres- ence discouraged grassroots organizing. In San Jorge, Chinautla, for example, one woman, said that: "The people in San Jorge want everything to fall from the sky," referring to their inability to or- ganize themselves. Similarly, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, the plethora of NGOs that arrived during the civil war has affected the nature of community organizing. One man noted how people have become accustomed to being given everything, rather than lobbying and organizing for them- selves. He noted: "Before, everything was given away and the people grew accustomed to it; now nobody collaborates un- less they are given something in exchange; now there is no community participation." COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 125 The Nature of Weak Community Social Capital One reason for the orientation toward foreign, external, hierar- chical organizations related to high levels of mistrust or, in other words, weak intracommunity cognitive social capital. In all communities weak social capital ranged from outright violent conflict among neighbors to attitudes of people "keeping themselves to themselves." In Villa Real, Esquipulas, one woman commented about the relationship among neighbors: "We live like cats and dogs." Fights over access to land and legal tenure were a perennial source of conflict. In La Merced, Guatemala City, this related to the division, distribution, and legalization of plots of land through an urbanization program.3 One woman, for ex- ample, noted that because of legal land tenure arguments, her house was set on fire and she and her family nearly burned. She was threatened with lynching for confronting some community leaders. In Limoncito, San Marcos, violence occurred among commu- nity members fighting over market stalls located within the com- munity. Although the mayor had tried to encourage market sellers to move to a new market area nearer the center of the town, people wanted to stay in the original area. Two men who had stalls in the market showed how arguments over space often erupted in street fights (figure 8.4). Quality and access to water was another source of physical and verbal conflict among neighbors. Widespread contamination of water caused diseases (especially of the digestive tract), and disruptions in access to water often resulted in fights. When water supplies were cut off for long periods of time, people stole water from others who had it stored-or accused them of stealing it. These water-related problems were especially marked in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche; and Limoncito, San Marcos. In Santa Cruz del Quiche, the municipality was set on fire as a protest about water shortages in the town. While both men and women participated in these fights, some broke out between women. These were mainly verbal, although some resulted in physical violence. Conflicts included arguments over men or children, usually in the form of gossip. These often 126 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 8.4 Causal impact diagram of fights over market stalls in Limoncito, San Marcos (prepared by two adult men aged 23 and 32) Re ucedpr ces, \ ( rfailure us teN roof fr Fights over mrket stalls 4 Quarrels =~~~~~~t ; ( ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Bad traffic ) Street fights) _/ People move to other commercial sector started among schoolchildren. In Sacuma, Huehuetenango, for instance, a group of girls from the local primary school identi- fied that reasons for fights among girls ranged from jealousy to envy relating to men and beauty (figure 8.5). Lack of cohesion also manifested itself in the nature of people's spatial awareness within the community. They were of- ten unwilling to discuss the colonia as a whole, instead being pre- pared to talk about their block, street, or alley. This was associated with resistance to engage in the lives of neighbors. In Limoncito, San Marcos, an elderly woman stated that: "No one gets involved in the lives of others," while another woman in the same colonia said, "Everyone lives their own lives." People rarely went out in the evenings, locking themselves in their homes for the night between 6 and 8 o'clock in the evening. This obviously undermined people's willingness to partici- pate in community activities. In La Merced, Guatemala City, an adult woman said that no one participated in any communal ac- tivities because of resulting conflict and gossip. She stated, "We don't like to participate because there are neighbors who talk about us, and we don't want to get involved in problems be- cause people will talk about us." COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 127 Figure 8.5 Causal impact diagram of fights among girl students in Sacuma, Huehuetenango (prepared by a group of 11 girls in primary school) Because they don't get on ts among gir Many focus groups cited accusations of corruption against neighborhood committees. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, a woman treasurer of the neighborhood improvement committee admitted that, even among the members of the board, there was little communication or trust. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, one man pointed out that weak leadership was because community leaders had either been killed or had disappeared in the 1980s. As a result, people were still afraid to participate in activities that could potentially cause reprisals. The Causes of Weak Community Social Capital As noted in chapter 3 lack of cohesion in all the communities related directly, or indirectly, to Guatemala's post-conflict status, rebuilding itself after a civil war. Throughout the country the vio- lence and brutality of the political conflict have destroyed trust and the social fabric of communities.4 Even in the research com- munities that had not directly experienced the political violence of the war, regardless of ethnicity, an aura of mistrust prevailed. Undermining social capital was the culture of silence that affected all the communities, but it was most pronounced in the predominantly indigenous community of Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, which suffered considerably during the political con- 128 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT flict. One man from this community recalled the 1980s when the conflict was most severe: "If someone talked, he was a dead man; for this reason, people kept silent." Another remembered how a gathering of two or more people was regarded as sub- versive and could lead to murder, recounting that they couldn't even hold a funeral without fear of being killed themselves. This reluctance to speak has continued today, with another man in the same community noting, "Today no one takes responsibil- ity for anything; only dead men...the survivors live in silence." Many people from Gucumatz pointed out that despite the Peace Accords they were still afraid of repression. While ladinos ex- pressed such views, indigenous people in focus groups were most likely to comment on the implications of political conflict. Underlying weak community social capital was fear, linked to potential or actual violence. Although people still feared the return of political violence, in many cases this was now mani- fested in fear of delinquency, robbery, and maras resulting from insufficient state security force protection. A mother and daugh- ter from La Merced, Guatemala City, showed how fear of theft and rape (figure 8.6) limited their mobility, with the gossip about the types of crimes committed in the colonia underlying much of this. As noted in an earlier chapter, people complained of the stigma associated with their colonias. In Concepci6n, Guatemala City, for instance, residents explained that people from outside refused to come into their colon ia because they were afraid of vio- lence, and that shops wouldn't give them credit when they heard where they lived. Indigenous people more commonly mentioned fear than did ladinos (the mother and daughter in figure 8.6, for example, were indigenous). Indigenous focus groups noted that the atrocities of the civil war had contributed to the culture of silence and the generation of fear in their communities. One man in Gucumatz noted: "How do I know you are a good person ... you think I'm stupid, that's what they did in the past.. .when you turned round they changed their shirt/tune." However, many also suggested that increasing economic and social violence since the signing of the Peace Accords generated a different form of fear. Because of a COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 129 Figure 8.6 Causal impact diagram of fear in La Merced, Guatemala City (identified by a mother aged 38 and daughter aged 16, who worked in a tortilla-making enterprise) Don't go out in the street Because of!ca_ evrthn on Because Dof n't go out a heas pBeosple killk night when there) , ,> w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~s more danger One has to be\ / careful so thatl nthighapn FEAR Th plce ply thic part tradition of persecution and fear among indigenous groups, they were the most likely to express these sentiments. The Role of Churches In all the communities, churches were among the most prevalent and important membership organizations. Indeed, in San Jorge, Chinautla, churches were the only membership organizations identified besides the maras. These included Roman Catholic and evangelical churches (especially the Church of Nazarene, the Church of God, the Church of God is Love, Pentecostals, and Jehovah's Witnesses), with evangelical churches the most wide- spread in communities.5 All the colonias had at least two or three evangelical meeting houses as well as many private evangelical primary and secondary schools. According to two shoemakers in Limoncito, San Marcos, for example, the evangelical church dominated community institutions in terms of the number of actual churches and church-run primary and secondary schools (figure 8.7). Indeed, as in Limoncito, San Marcos in many com- 130 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT munities the most commonly identified institutions were churches, cantinas, brothels, and Alcoholics Anonymous (figure 8.7). Despite their preponderance, evangelical churches were not always positively evaluated, and frequently criticized for creat- ing divisions within communities (although perceptions differed between Catholics and evangelicals). In Villa Real, Esquipulas, there was marked tension between Catholics and evangelicals. One Catholic woman said that when her neighbors became evangelicals they stopped talking to her. Another woman who knew many men had joined the church while continuing to beat their wives, complained of the evangelical church's hypocrisy. More pragmatically, two young women from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, noted that the Catholic church was better because it organized trips to Esquipulas-while the evangelical churches only organized fasts.6 Generally the Catholic churches were perceived to be less controversial and viewed more favor- ably. However, there were variations; in San Jorge, Chinautla, Figure 8.7 Institutional mapping of Limoncito, San Marcos (prepared by two shoemakers aged 28 and 50) geli al egative relations hur E tapse of the ~~~rimar~ ~~~~~~~ncsta f ange laeal \ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I se ~~~hurcl~ ~~~~~egt nonlaiosmbcasesh rnratr e 0 0 -00o 0 o c ) Negative relations because the inebriated create problems Note: Size of circles denotes the importance of the institution to the community. +/- denotes the perception of positive or negative for the community. COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 131 divisionism between the two churches was blamed on the Catho- lic priest who was held in very low regard, yet in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, the local priest was widely respected. Overall, within communities that already suffered from lack of solidarity, the evangelical churches created even more tensions and mis- trust. Cofradias7 were an additional religious and political institu- tion, identified in communities with predominantly indigenous populations-such as Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche; San Jorge, Chinautla; and to a lesser extent in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. Originally a lay brotherhood within the Catho- lic church, Mayan groups transformed cofradfas into a political organization responsible for maintaining Mayan customs and beliefs. Comprising male elders, the cofradias took care of the pa- tron saint. However, because of the persecution of associations related with Mayan identity, cofradias were not that widespread. Nevertheless, in Gucumatz they were viewed as important insti- tutions and as ways to strengthen the social fabric of the indig- enous community. One man viewed their meetings as very successful, noting, "Around 80 families come to the cofradia and we share nine days of prayer and four days of marimba, alcohol, and food." However, in San Jorge, Chinautla, the cofradia was viewed with less enthusiasm; while one community leader stated that their meetings were just an excuse to drink, another said that they existed as a symbol rather than doing anything very useful for the community. Perceptions of the Police Confidence in the state security and justice systems was very low, with over 60 percent of people mistrusting them. However, atti- tudes varied, depending on whether the community was served by the reformed police force-the National Civil Police (Policia Nacionial Civil, PNC)-or the "former" force-the National Po- lice (Policia Nacional, PN).8 As a result of police reform involving retraining police officers and appointing new recruits, the new PNC was held in much higher regard than its predecessor (see also chapter 7 on niaras, robbers, and delinquents). 132 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT In stark contrast, the PN was universally condenmed. A 50- year-old woman in Limoncito, San Marcos, commented that the PN was worse than the delinquents and robbers they were sup- posed to be catching. They drunkenly traversed the community firing their guns indiscriminately so that people had to hide. She concluded that it was the "old police force" that destroyed the community. Contempt for the PN led to violent protest in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa. One focus group recalled how the police station was burnt down twice; first in 1990 be- cause the police did nothing about a North American woman accused of stealing children to take to the United States for adop- tion; second, in 1991, in protest that the police were not bringing delinquents to justice. In most of the study communities police reform and the re- placement of the PN by the PNC had been introduced. While perceptions of the "new police" were not always favorable, they were more positive than those of their predecessors. For instance, in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, a woman working in a tor- tilla-making shop spoke of the PNC: "The police are good now that they're the civil force; they look after the community and when they're called they come and investigate." In the same com- munity numerous people confirmed that they felt much safer now than before. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, people reported that the police made twice-daily "tours" of the colonia and distributed their phone number for emergency needs (figure 8.8). An elderly woman also noted that they had intervened in domestic disputes a number of times, something that the "old police" (PN) would never have done. In communities such as Nuevo Horizonte and La Merced, Guatemala City, and Villa Real, Esquipulas, where the PNC were generally welcomed, many noted that violence had declined since the PNC arrived. The Deputy Chief of the Police Station in La Merced, Guatemala City, noted that three types of violence he considered as most significant in the community-delinquency, maras, and intrafamily violence-had all declined since the PNC arrived. He suggested that delinquency had decreased 40 per- cent, and that violence in general had declined by 60 percent. He considered that this had been achieved through greater vigilance COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 133 Figure 8.8 Perceptions of the police in Villa Real, Esquipulas (prepared by one elderly man and one elderly woman) Now there are no They are adhering to problems ... before the The aw people were afraid the law They haveii/ behaved verv well < They help to bring They close Policia Nacional Civil children to their the brothels (PNC) homes They have performed their They help duties people at night The people are grateful because they can go out without fear on their part through patrols, as well as paying more attention to community members' complaints. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, where community members re- ported similar patterns, a focus group discussed how violence levels had changed over time (figure 8.9). In 1994, the colonia was dominated by armed groups, described by some as paramilitaries organized by the military and police force to deal with delin- quency. The height of the assassinations came in 1996, due to high levels of "social cleansing," with a marked decline after the death of Tito (who was responsible for the social cleansing-see box 8.1) and the arrival of the PNC in 1999. Despite such favorable perceptions of the PNC, many still mistrusted them and reported police corruption everywhere. This was most marked in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, espe- cially among Mayan-dominated focus groups. One focus group of young indigenous people maintained that the police were only interested in causing damage in the community, creating rather than solving problems: "The police are really bad because they are not helping the community and they are interested only in 134 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 8.9 Timeline of changes in violence in Villa Real, Esquipulas, 1990-99 (drawn by two young women aged 22 and 23) Level of violence High Assassinations Armed pes Tito grou,r ,asinated < ; \ ~~~~~~~~PNC / E i | ya~~~~~~~~~~~~~~rrived Low I I I I I l 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 Year causing damage because they don't practice justice." In El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, a Mayan couple noted that the police took bribes of 3,000 quetzales ($429) to release prison- ers, and that there was no justice in the town. A ladino man in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, commented that there was no po- lice support in the community because they did nothing to help the population: "I have never gone to the police because one just becomes another name on the list that is put into the archives." Perceptions of Justice and Lynching All communities noted the lack of justice and the inefficiency of the judicial system on the part of the police and other state ac- tors, including the military. Indeed, in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, one group of three men and one woman considered po- lice inefficiency as a form of violence, complaining of the "slow- ness of justice-because when a thief is captured he is released immediately." Even the mayor in Esquipulas identified lack of COMMLNTTY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 135 justice as one of the major problems affecting the town. He re- ported as the cause of this the "lack of application of justice by the judges," "lack of police agents," and "fear of police agents." The outcome of the lack of justice had been massacres and fights, especially revenge killings and people taking justice into their own hands. Extrajudicial killings or lynchings had increased since the signing of the Peace Accords (PNUD 1998:147). Lynching usu- ally involved injuring or killing someone accused of committing a crime, often dousing the target with petrol and setting them alight.9 Lynching was directly related to impunity and lack of faith in the formal justice system (Ferrigno 1998). Although lynch- ing was not common in the communities, most had some experi- ence of the phenomenon. In La Merced, Guatemala City, for example, numerous focus groups recalled the recent lynching of three men who had been accused of gang-raping a young girl. Community members had pursued and murdered the men in their frustration that the police and judicial system had done nothing about it. A group of two female and three male munici- pal employees in Santa Cruz del Quiche identified lynching as a major problem in the town, commenting that the inefficacy of the police meant this was the only way that people felt they could secure justice. They felt pessimistic about the future, stating that lynching would continue until the authorities implemented a just justice system. In Villa Real, Esquipulas, in particular, there was a long history of systematic lynching through social cleansing (linmpieza social) (box 8.1). The Reconstruiction of Produictive Social Instituttions and Women-Doniinated Organizations Although women's organizations and childcare groups were only identified in three of the research communities-Nuevo Horizonte and La Merced, Guatemala City; and Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche-they played an important role in these com- munities. In La Merced, for example, there were six of these or- ganizations, outnumbered only by churches and neighborhood committees. One of these women's organizations, UPAVIM, pro- 136 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Box 8.1 Social cleansing in Villa Real, Esquipulas: The case of Tito In Villa Real, Esquipulas, many community members discussed how social cleansing had affected their colonia in the past. It began in 1995 with the arrival of a person called Tito, who previously had been a member of the army, forming part of a military network responsible for recruiting young men to the army in the 1980s. Tito had received military training, including "kaibil" that taught ex- tremely violent counterinsurgency strategies. According to those who knew him, training courses such as these made Tito insane, turning him into a killer. Tito, together with some companions, was in charge of killing all the "undesirables" and delinquents in the community. He was ordered to carry out this task by the "highly corrupt authorities in Esquipulas." When the bodies began to appear, an atmosphere of terror engulfed the colonia. Yet, at the same time, levels of delin- quency declined considerably. While, on the one hand, Tito was considered a hero because most people approved of the extra-judi- cial murders, on the other hand, people were afraid of him. Fear of him increased when he began to kill people who had nothing to do with delinquency. For instance, he began to work as a paid assassin conducting revenge assassinations. In addition, he killed former companions because they had witnessed the murders. Over time, people hated rather than feared him. On January 7, 1998, some unknown men from outside the colonia shot him dead in the back. After his death, many people felt that levels of violence had decreased in the community. Source: Various focus group discussions, Villa Real, Esquipulas. vided a wide range of services including income-generating ac- tivities, childcare, health care, and training courses. For those involved, UPAVIM was referred to as a "lifeline," while others, on the waiting list to join and without access to the center, dis- cussed it in a disparaging way. Overall, though, UPAVIM and other women's organizations strengthen and foster social capi- tal. One woman in La Merced, for instance, identified a creche, another women's training center, and Dofna Elsa who was per- ceived as an institution herself as well as UPAVIM (figure 8.10). COMMUNITY-LEVEL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 137 Figure 8.10 Institutional mapping of La Merced, Guatemala City (drawn by an adult woman) Crche of Sector 'Al olic~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Mnciat / +E E, --------------------- ---- tEvan e Ccahe (ome's thenng c urc sy kCatholic ch.",) ete Fmilyhossweelt Note: (''') very positive; -) positive; (++-) regular; negative; (-I-) very negative. This chapter describes the impact of different types of vio- lence on social organizations, both informal and formal, within communities, with particular reference to the impact of violence on social capital. Within the limitations of local community-based institutions highlighted here, the following chapter concludes by documenting community perceptions of strategies and solutions to violence in Guatemala. Notes 1. Information on individual organizational membership was not gath- ered since the participatory urban appraisal methodology does not use questionnaire surveys (see for example, Groothaert 1999; Narayan 1997). However, a particular advantage of participatory appraisal is its ability to identify illegal or criminal violence-related groups in a context of anonym- ity. 2. Although organizations for the elderly were evaluated at 100 per- cent, this referred only to one organization. 3. This program, PROUME (Proyecto de Urbazizaci6n Mesquital) is funded by the World Bank and implemented through UNICEF. 4. See, for example, ODHAG (1999). 138 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT 5. This reflects wider patterns in Guatemala as a whole. Evangelical churches began to flourish in the early 1980s, encouraged by the evangeli- cal General Rios Montt who became president in 1982. He opened Guatemala's doors to many U.S.-based evangelical churches (O'Kane 1999). 6. Esquipulas is a city of religious pilgrimage where people go to visit the Cristo Negro (Black Christ) who they believe performs miracles. 7. Cofradias are historically recognized institutional structures among indigenous groups of political and social importance. 8. Reform of the police force was part of the Peace Accords of 1996. More specifically, this included "The Agreement on the Strengthening of Civilian Power and the Role of the Armed Forces in a Democratic Society" through which the government agreed to form a new civilian police force. 9. MINUGUA notes that 67 percent of those lynched had committed crimes against property. In most cases, they occurred when investigation into the offense or crime was not conducted, and people felt moved to pun- ish the accused themselves. In turn, Iynchings were rarely investigated (MINUGUA 1998b:33). 9 Community Perceptions of Solutions to Violence T he final chapter documents community perceptions of so- lutions to violence in the communities. A salient issue is how community members identified solutions to violence as linked with social capital and human capital. Interventions designed to reduce political violence were confined to solutions relating to human capital. The overall failure to acknowledge the capacity of physical capital to resolve violence suggests that com- munity members did not identify solutions to economic, social, and political violence as having a direct relationship with wider structural issues. Instead, they tended to think in the short term, as reflected in discussion groups relating to both coping strate- gies and solutions. Coping Strategies to Deal with Violence Strategies for coping with violence can be divided into four cat- egories: avoidance, confrontation, conciliation, and other strate- gies (Moser 1996, 1998) (table 9.1). Most people reported adopting avoidatice miechianismis that in- cluded changing their mobility patterns and "ignoring the situa- tion." Widespread fear of retribution, of powerlessness, and of exacerbating the situation induced these responses. Maintaining silence was particularly notable with regard to economic crimes, 139 140 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Table 9.1 Strategies for coping with violence (percent of total) Type of coping strategy Frequency Percentage Avoidance strategies Avoid 'bad company/friends' 8 4 Avoid those involved in violence related activities 4 2 Silence/ignore situation 17 9 Change spatial mobility patterns 21 11 Change mobility patterns temporally- don't go out at night 19 10 Scream 4 2 Leave your husband 2 1 Flee 7 4 Change habits of dress (in the case of rape) and be a good wife (in the case of intrafamily violence) 2 1 Don't carry valuables 2 1 Leave barrio 5 3 Lock houses/put bars on windows 8 4 Confrontation strategies Confrontation 4 2 Carry weapons 4 2 Use violence 6 3 Conciliation strategies Develop relations with those involved in violence 2 1 Turn to religion/pray for those involved 8 4 Others Report to human rights institutions 2 1 Report to the judge or other institutions 10 5 Report to family members, neighbors or teachers 21 11 Report to police 27 15 Submit, cry, abort pregnancy (in the case of rape) 3 4 Total 187 100 Note: The types of violence-related problems include drugs, insecurity, intrafamily violence, perverse social institutions, rape, robbery, murder, and fights in the street. Source: 176 focus group listings. COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF SOLUTIONS TO VIOLENCE 141 such as robbery and gang violence. However, as in Concepci6n, Guatemala City, participants noted that silence was also a strat- egy used in the case of rape (see chapter 3). In San Jorge, Chinautla, silence was also maintained in the case of intrafamily violence (see chapter 4). One woman from San Jorge stated, "Often we just stay silent, do nothing, when there's violence in the family." The other predominant avoidance strategy entailed chang- ing mobility patterns within communities, both temporally and permanently. Many people avoided places where gangs and drug addicts congregated, changing their walking routes to avoid such places, and at night, seeking areas with streetlights. In the case of Sacuma, Huehuetenango, this strategy was women's response to rape. Community members also reported how they severely restricted their activities after dark, locking themselves in their houses from as early as 6 o'clock, but in most cases after 9 o'clock when the incidence of violence dramatically increased. Women were most likely to report these responses, although both men and women explained how they avoided going out alone. Par- ticipants from La Merced and Concepci6n, Guatemala City, spelt out that they tried to ensure their children stayed in at night to keep them away from gangs and drugs. A male adult from Concepci6n stated: "We have to keep our children entertained and teach them skills so that they don't get involved in gangs." Other strategies included avoiding perpetrators of crime and violence-related activities. Young people kept away from people, they feared would lead them astray, such as drug dealers and friends involved in gangs, drug taking, or delinquency. Parents from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, described how they tried to keep their children busy on weekends to reduce the likelihood that they would be in contact with drugs. Other people described the way they fled from violent situations as a means of coping- particularly with gang- and drug-related violence, whether as witnesses or victims. Participants, especially women, also stressed that they do not wear jewelry, to avoid robbery. A similar strat- egy was described by a young woman from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa: "You have to take care of yourself to deal 142 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT with rape and one way is by dressing decently and not wearing short skirts." Confrontation and conciliation strategies were far less common, because of fear of violent repercussions. A group of two men and one woman from Concepci6n, Guatemala City, reported carry- ing firearms or other weapons with which they could defend themselves against robberies and assaults. A similar strategy was reported by a focus group of four youths in San Jorge, Chinautla, who described how they would defend themselves against gangs by using arms. Women in Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, noted self-defense as a form of response to rape, stating that it was important to "bite or scream in response to rape." Although most people avoided perpetrators, on a few occa- sions, some young people reported getting to know those in- volved in crime as a means of protecting themselves. The predominant conciliation strategy, however, involved religion. Participants prayed both for those involved in crime and for their victims, and they joined the evangelical church, in particular, as a means of responding to violent circumstances. This tendency was particularly notable in Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, where an adult woman stated that "religious sects are important for solving violence" and that "thieves are scared of God." Other mechanismns for dealing with violence involved report- ing conflicts or violent events to the authorities. This was par- ticularly apparent in the case of robbery or gang-related crime. A man from Sacuma, Huehuetenango, identified that when a vio- lent event took place, "We go to a human rights organization that will investigate the crime or sometimes to the police that follow up the report through the public ministry." Levels of re- porting intrafamily violence and rape were especially high and, in the case of rape, included informing both doctors and the lo- cal judge. In Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, and La Merced, Guatemala City, strategies to deal with intrafamily violence also included making complaints to human rights institutions. School- teachers often instructed children and young people about the dangers of violence. In other instances, participants reported vio- lent activities to the local judge. In some cases of sexual abuse COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF SOLUTIONS TO VIOIENCE 143 and intrafamily violence, however, fear caused people to cope with their problems alone, without reporting them. Interventions to Reduce Violence Participants combined both short-term strategies and longer-term interventions to deal with the violent conditions in their com- munities. More than half the solutions were associated with strengthening or building social capital (see tables 9.2 and 9.3). Within this category, the promotion of dialogue and unity (cog- nitive social capital) and the formation of organizations (struc- tural social capital) within communities were the most important recurrent interventions. For example, a young woman from Concepci6n, Guatemala City, stated that "we need to communi- cate well and advise each other, and we have to treat our chil- dren well to create trust in the community." Figure 9.1 Interventions for reducing violence in Villa Real, Esquipulas (identified by an adult woman aged 38) Types of danger Strategies Solutions Who could help? Abus, of thLase sthct,e PuI.a|ICnishthutonoe Pl ic l girClns 1ept repc abueatr vglsc 144 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Table 9.2 Summary of interventions to reduce violence (percent) Intervention Percent of Total Increase social capital Productive social capital 35 Perverse social capital 23 Increase human capital 31 Increase physical capital 11 Total 100 In figure 9.1 a woman from Villa Real, Esquipulas, showed the way in which strategies and solutions to reduce violence needed to be combined. The different interventions identified brought together strengthening social capital (dialogue between people and community mobilization), human capital (especially talks concerning alcoholism), and physical capital (the construc- tion of floodwalls and increased security in the home). This clearly showed the necessity for diverse strategies and solutions to si- multaneously confront the different types of violence. Increasing Social Capital Social capital interventions were the most important type of in- tervention in all communities. Productive social capital interven- tions outnumbered perverse social capital interventions in seven out of the nine communities. However, in total, perverse social capital constituted over 40 percent of social capital interventions. The most significant productive solutions were aimed at the generation of trust, family values, and unity, and the creation, reactivation, or strengthening of community organizations. These interventions addressed the building of both cognitive and struc- tural social capital. In many cases, the latter consisted of foster- ing community-wide participation in local development committees and neighborhood watch-schemes. A woman from Nuevo Horizonte, Guatemala City, explained that "we have to COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF SOLUTIONS TO VIOLENCE 145 organize ourselves and raise awareness in the community" in order to reduce violence. Similarly, a young woman in Villa Real, Esquipulas, explained the need "to generate dialogue and form a group of neighbors that will take care of the community." Some communities, including Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quiche, em- phasized the importance of religion, in particular of evangelical Protestantism, in generating trust and social capital. Of the 40 percent of social capital interventions involving re- pressive and potentially violent activities, the most widely re- current negative solution concerned strengthening the presence of the state and the military. For example, an adult male from Sacuma, Huehuetenango, stated that, "We need more control by the authorities and they need to practice better justice in the com- munities." Other measures emphasized the need for offenders to serve long prison sentences and for the authorities to implement measures that would ensure they did not escape. Social cleansing was also prioritized as a means to address violence. This included killing drug addicts, thieves, prostitutes, and delinquents, and the castration of rapists. For example, a fo- cus group of women from El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, stated that rapists should be shot and killed (that is, lynched) (figure 9.2). However, such measures were combined with less repressive interventions such as prison sentences for offenders and strategies for taking care of oneself, such as keep- ing doors locked in the home. In contrast to demands for "more authority," social cleansing was a very different repressive social capital solution. This was a direct response to community mem- bers' perceptions concerning the absence and ineffectiveness of state institutions and the judicial system. Perverse solutions were most often recommended in Sacuma, Huehuetenango, followed closely by recommendations for re- pressive interventions in Villa Real, Esquipulas, and San Jorge, Chinautla. There was also an important gender dimension in the suggested perverse social capital interventions. Men were more likely to likely to favor such perverse solutions, although in some contexts women too supported such measures, most notably in the case of rape. This was particularly marked in the community of El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (figure 9.2). 146 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Figure 9.2 Intervention for reducing rape in El Carmen, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa (identified by 38 young women aged 12-17) KLlothem n Sootfthe Don't let men kniow one's body Dress decently Doni't give men house keys Order and respect Don't wear skirts Don't let them touIch us Lock the dour if mommy isn't home In San Jorge, Chinautla, a focus group of three young men emphasized the importance of combined strategies to deal with rape (figure 9.3). In illustrating their male perceptions of tackling the problem, they advocated avoidance mechanisms (not going out at night or not going to lonely places) together with solu- tions to strengthen social capital. This included both generating productive social capital by more police presence in the commu- nity, and repressive social capital interventions such as increased military presence in the community. Finally, they also included interventions to strengthen physical capital (the installation of streetlights and security in unlit places) (figure 9.3). COMMUNTTY PERCEPTIONS OF SOLUTIONS TO VIOLENCE 147 Figure 9.3 Interventions for reducing rape in San Jorge, Chinaulta (identified by three young men aged 14-17) Rape Don't go out at night //4 M~~ore police vigilance //XE ~More police in the community \\ ~~~Increased armv presence Security in unlit places Installation of streetlights Increasing Hunman Capital Human capital solutions represented almost one-third of the to- tal interventions identified by community members, among which drug and alcohol rehabilitation and programs focusing on the young were the most commonly cited solutions. An in- digenous teacher from San Jorge, Chinautla, for example, stated that "We need educational and rehabilitation programs in our community to reduce alcoholism, but these are hard to organize because people lack motivation." A group of eight young women from La Merced, Guatemala City, not only identified a number of different solutions, but also listed a diversity of social actors and institutions that "should do it" (box 9.1). 148 VIOLENCE IN A POST-CONFLICT CONTEXT Box 9.1 Perceived solutions to drug addiction, in La Merced, Guatemala City (identified by eight young women aged 14-18) Who should Expected Problem Solution do it? changes Drug Give advice to Adults No robbery addiction young people, Young people No drug addiction children, and Those it has Tranquility drug addicts happened to Well-being Security forces Provide Government rehabilitation Parents Friends Strengthen com- Church munication be- Friends tween parents School and children Increasing Physical Capital References to the increase of physical capital were rare, repre- senting 10 percent of all proposed interventions. In almost all cases participants prioritized the need to generate employment as a means of addressing violence. For example, an adult male from Gucumatz, Santa Cruz del Quich6, explained how "It is necessary to create work and share it throughout society as a way of confronting violence." However, people also focused on the need for infrastructural development, most notably for streetlights in their communities (figure 9.3), and for the regulation of the sale of alcohol and firearms. Violence Reduction Solutions and Ethnicity No fixed patterns linked specific ethnic groups to particular so- lutions to violence in the research communities. Both positive and negative social capital solutions were chosen to confront di- verse types of violence, regardless of ethnic group. Positive so- Table 9.3 Interventions for reducing violence, by type of capital and community (percent of total) El Carmen, Nuievo Santa Villa Concepci6n, Horizonte, La Merced, Sacudma, Liucia Real, Guicumtatz, Sani Jorge, Guatemala Guatemtiala Guatemac(tla Huiehilue- Linoncito, Cotzuinll- Esqui- Santa Cruz Chi- Type of capital City City City tenango San Marcos gunapa pulas del Quiche nautla Total Physical capital solutions 5 8 11 15 12 8 16 16 7 11 job creation 2.5 5 9 9 5 5 2 12 3 5 Infrastructure provision 1 7 3 2 2 3 1 Build more prisons 1 1 Household security (locks, bars) 2 1 Urban planning 1 1 us Disarming offenders/ control of firearms 2. 5 1 7 1 Poverty reduction 2 1 Prohibition of the sale of alcohol 1 2 2 5 2 1 Human capital solutions 37 34 37 31 42 24 24 22 26 31 Academic and vocational education and scholarships 10 5 9 1 5 6 5 6 ll 7 Drug and alcohol rehabilitation 8 13 5 9 10 2 12 2 4 8 Talks on drugs, sex education, and violence for youth 8 10 5 10 4 6 2 6 2 7 Training, orientation, and therapy 2 4 2 5 3 6 3 Sports and recreation 3 2 2 2 10 2 2 Conflict resolution education 3 1 4 1 Family counseling 5 1 16 5 7 5 2 2 7 3 (Ta71e continlues on next page.) Table 9.3 (comtirUed) El Carmen, Nu cuo Santa Villn Con cecpcitin, I orizoatc, La Merced, Saciona, Lticita Real, GC c mlla tz, San) Jor