56141 v1 Distortions to Agricultural Incentives in the United States and Canada Bruce Gardner Formerly of the University of Maryland Agricultural Distortions Working Paper 62, September 2008 This is a product of a research project on Distortions to Agricultural Incentives, under the leadership of Kym Anderson of the World Bank's Development Research Group. The author was grateful for helpful comments from workshop participants, for invaluable help with data compilation by Johanna Croser, Esteban Jara, Marianne Kurzweil, Signe Nelgen, Francesca de Nicola, Damiano Sandri and Ernesto Valenzuela, and for funding from World Bank Trust Funds provided by the governments of the Netherlands (BNPP) and the United Kingdom DfID) as well as the Rockefeller Foundation for use of the Bellagio Conference Center. Tragically Professor Gardner died in March 2008, so the editing of this paper (which does not include a discussion of the latest US Farm Bill but see Orden, Blandford and Josling 2009) was done as faithfully as possible, knowing Bruce would not be able to provide the final clearance. It will appear without the Appendix as Ch. 4 in Distortions to Agricultural Incentives: A Global Perspective, 1955 to 2007, edited by K. Anderson, London: Palgrave Macmillan and Washington DC: World Bank (forthcoming 2009). This is part of a Working Paper series (see www.worldbank.org/agdistortions) that is designed to promptly disseminate the findings of work in progress for comment before they are finalized. The views expressed are the authors' alone and not necessarily those of the World Bank and its Executive Directors, nor the countries they represent, nor of the countries providing the trust funds for this research project. Distortions to Agricultural Incentives in the United States and Canada Bruce Gardner There is much in common between the agricultural sectors of the United States and Canada. This chapter begins with a brief background on the two sectors, then reviews their histories of farm policy developments before reporting new estimates of rates of assistance to their farmers and their consequences for taxpayers and consumers. This is followed by an explanation of the politics behind the evolution and gyrations in farm policies in the two countries, and some speculation on the prospect for reform. Since the policy histories and their effects in the two countries are somewhat different, they are discussed sequentially in those sections. The number of farms in North America has been falling for decades, a well known story that has given the public a sense that agriculture is a hard-pressed industry in decline. What is less well known is that the decline has greatly slowed in the last twenty years. During the 1950s and 1960s the number of U.S. farms fell at the rate of 3.0 percent annually (falling by half in 20 years), but between 1995 and 2005 the number declined by 4 percent for the whole decade (Appendix Figure 1).1 To understand the situation it is necessary to look at the picture separately for farms of different sizes. The number of farms with sales over $500,000 annually quadrupled between 1978 and 2005, from 18,000 to 79,000. The number having sales between $100,000 and $500,000 has increased too. What is most surprising is that the number with sales of less than $25,000 per year has held quite steady. The category that has declined most significantly in recent decades are those between $25,000 and $100,000 in sales. U.S. land in farms has been gradually declining too, at an annual rate of 0.4 percent since 1950, which over the years since then has added up to a loss of about 230 million acres of farmland. However, available cropland acreage has remained almost constant over this period, with 345 million acres harvested in 1950 and 321 million acres in 2005. Considering 1 This chapter's coverage of the US draws to some extent on Gardner (2002). 2 the increase in irrigated and better-drained acreage, quality-adjusted cropland may even have increased slightly. Together with declining farm numbers, the acreage data imply an increase in the average size of farms. But as the decline in numbers has slowed a lot in recent decades, so has the growth in average farm size. In 2005 the average U.S. farm had 444 acres (180 ha.), and 30 years earlier the average size was 431 acres (175 ha.). The number of farms in Canada peaked in 1941. In the 40 years between 1961 and 2001, Canada lost half its farms, their number declining from 480,000 to 246,000 (Appendix Figure 2). This is a rate of decline of 1.7 percent annually, faster than the U.S. rate of 1.4 percent during this period. Canada's land devoted to cultivated crops has declined over the 1960-2000 period also, but less rapidly than the number of farms, so that Canada had 111 hectares of cropland per farm in 1961 and 147 in 2001 (as compared to about 75 hectares of cropland per U.S. farm in 2002). Yields and value of output per hectare of cropland were however lower in Canada than in the U.S., reflecting the cooler and drier climate of Canada generally. Total agricultural land declined much more slowly in Canada than in the U.S., indeed hardly at all, from 69.8 million hectares in 1961 to 67.5 million in 2001. While the number of farms is declining only slowly, the farm labor force continues to fall mainly because of less unpaid family labor other than the operator. At the same time, the use of material inputs (fertilizers, fuels, purchased feed additives) has doubled in the U.S. since 1950. USDA's aggregate input index is remarkably constant. It was 102 in both 1950 and 2000 (relative to a base of 1996=100). But agricultural output has continued to grow at a steady clip, so total factor productivity growth has been an impressive 1.9 percent per annum (Appendix Figure 3), with no evidence of slowdown in the trend in recent years despite energy price shocks, environmental constraints and concerns about exhaustion of TFP gains attributable to earlier breakthroughs in improved hybrid seeds and other innovations. So far continued advances in genetics, livestock management, capital equipment, and economies of scale have kept the real cost of U.S. farm products on a pronounced downward path. These cost declines have been largely reflected in lower prices of farm products and hence lower costs of raw materials for foods. While the average price of farm products rose 40 percent between 1978 and 2005 (1.2 percent per year), the GDP deflator rose at an annual rate of 3.2 percent. Thus the real price of agricultural output fell by an average of 2.0 percent during this period ­ essentially the same as the rate of TFP growth. Overall farm size (in terms of total land and output per farm) increased in Canada at a rate faster than in the U.S. As of 2001, the average Canadian farm had 670 acres as compared 3 to 440 in the U.S. The more extensive nature of Canadian agriculture has not hindered output or productivity growth though: real output per farm increased more rapidly than farm size (Appendix Figure 4), reflecting increased yields per hectare and a strong trend in total factor productivity growth, which has been estimated to increase 2.5 percent annually in recent decades (Furtan 2006). The fact that farm prices have fallen in real terms largely in parallel with cost decreases indicates that real incomes of farmers may not have benefited from farm productivity growth. Yet the incomes of farm people have in fact grown, in real dollar terms and relative to real incomes of the nonfarm population. Not only in the 1930s Depression/Dust Bowl years but also through the 1960s, farm households could be reasonably categorized as a low-income population. Sustained equality between the two populations was however reached by the 1990s, and since 2000 U.S. farm household incomes have been significantly higher than nonfarm incomes (Figure 1). How has this income growth been achieved, given that the decline in real prices has equaled the decline in farmers' costs of production? The answer is the increasing importance of farm households' integration into the nonfarm economy, so that in recent years off-farm income sources account for 85 to 90 percent of average U.S. farm household incomes (Appendix Table 1). These data suggest that income from farming itself may indeed be quite low. However, a full understanding of the farm income data requires consideration of differences between farms of different sizes. Numerically a majority of farms, 87 percent of them in 2004, have less than $10,000 annually in sales. The costs of farming at this scale are such that these farms on average earned only $1,020 from farming, and more than half are estimated to have losses from their farm enterprises. Nonetheless, the average household income of these farms is $71,500 thanks to off-farm income. At the other end of the spectrum, family farms classified by USDA as commercial scale operations (those which have $250,000 or more in sales) earned an average of $145,300 from farming plus $46,038 from off-farm sources, and these latter farms produce more than two-thirds of U.S. agricultural output.2 2 There is one category of farms in the USDA classification that has low incomes both from farming and from off-farm sources, called "limited resource farms". There were an estimated 199,000 such farms in 2004, ten percent of all farms, and their average household income was $7,700. Their average farm earnings was a loss of $5,900. Apart from these farms, the other 90 percent of U.S. farm households are doing well economically, either from farm or off-farm income sources. The data underlying this and subsequent information about farm household economics are developed by the Economic Research Service of USDA, using their Agricultural Resource Management Survey of about 10,000 farms annually. 4 Net income from farming in Canada over the five years 2001-05 averaged almost the same as the average U.S. net income per farm, and Canadian net farm income is similarly highly variable from year to year.3 However, Canadian farm households receive on average less off-farm income than in the U.S. Agricultural Policies We begin with an extensive discussion of U.S. policies, and then discuss the somewhat different experience in Canada. United States Legislative proposals in the U.S. to improve the economic situation of farmers through governmental intervention in commodity markets were first developed conceptually as remedies for the precipitous fall in product prices in the aftermath of World War I. After several failed attempts to enact farm support bills in the 1920s, the further decline in agriculture's situation with the onset of the Great Depression of 1929-32 led to legislative success in the landmark New Deal programs beginning in 1933. These programs had the principal purposes of increasing the incomes of farm people (with an explicit goal stated in terms of "parity" of farm income with reference to a pre-World War I standard) and stabilization of farmers' revenues. The fateful choice was to attempt to achieve both these goals by means of supporting farmers' prices received for a subset of commodities ("basic" commodities in U.S. law -- initially wheat, corn, cotton, rice, tobacco, pork and milk). Already in the 1930s the four main feasible means of market intervention in pursuit of higher producer receipts had been implemented for key commodities: production controls; government purchases of commodities for stockpiling at price support "loan rates" at which farmers could forfiet the basic commodities instead of making repayment of the loan plus interest; disposal of surplus stocks through distribution or subsidized sale for export or to domestic consumers; and direct payments to producers. The first direct payments, in 1933, 3 For 2001-05 the annual net incomes per farm that yields the C$11 thousand average are, respectively: 11.0, 6.0, 11.1, 16.4, and 10.6 (Statistics Canada 2006). 5 were tied to farmers' idling of land or destruction of livestock, so from their inception they were not classical production-inducing subsidies. In 1936 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the federal government had no authority to administer land-idling acreage controls under New Deal farm legislation, on the Constitutional grounds "that powers not granted are prohibited. None to regulate agricultural production is given, and therefore legislation by Congress for that purpose is forbidden." (U.S. Supreme Court 1936). Subsequently, the Court's alleged respect for precedent was not extended to this decision, and many later production control measures have passed Constitutional muster.4 At the time, the result of the Court's decision was a merger of prior concerns about conservation with measures to remove acreage from commodity production. This was done in the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act of 1936 principally by defining "soil-depleting" crops (the main basic commodities) and "soil-conserving" crops (grasses and legumes), and paying farmers to substitute the latter for the former. Trade policy was almost negligible in the 1930s' programs. The policy proposals of the 1920s, in contrast, had given a central role to export promotion. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff, signed into law in July 1930 (despite a petition to President Hoover signed by over 1,000 economists asking that he veto the bill) protected manufacturing much more than agricultural products. It is notable, however, that the crossover Democratic votes needed to pass the bill in the Senate (the Republicans then being the main protectionists and the Democrats free-traders) were lured by the desire to protect sugar (Louisiana), wool (Wyoming), and Florida fruit (Benedict 1953, p. 251). By 1934 it was clear that even these elevated tariffs were insufficient to protect sugar, and the first Sugar Act added sugar to the list of basic commodities, authorizing import and production quotas. With respect to overall agricultural trade, by 1934 the combination of Depression and trade restrictions in the US and elsewhere reduced both US agricultural exports and imports to about $600 million per year, one-sixth of the levels of 1920. Experience during and after World War II made it apparent that export demand was capable of creating farm prosperity to an extent, and with far less cost and turmoil, than a decade of intensive effort by the federal government had been able to deliver in the 1930s. Under the Marshall Plan, U.S. exports of foodstuffs were 19 million tons annually in 1947- 4 The Court changed its view in decisions of 1939 and 1942 upholding, respectively, tobacco and wheat marketing controls enacted in legislation of 1938 (Mulford v. Smith (1939) and Wickard v. Filburn (1942)). The reasoning was that agricultural production affected by such programs influenced national markets and so could be legislated under constitutional powers to regulate interstate commerce. 6 50, compared to 4 million tons in 1935-39. However, three aspects of the situation in the U.S. were obstacles to free-trade ideas in agriculture. First, the Marshall Plan and subsequent agricultural exports were in large part financed by subsidies rather than being bought abroad at world market prices. Second, U.S. commodity policy held some domestic commodity prices above world levels, so that import restrictions were vital to these policies (otherwise the program would have to support the world price and not just the U.S. price). Third, the relatively few US importable farm commodities, notably sugar, dairy products, and some meats and fruits, had sufficient political power to maintain protection via tariffs or quotas even when giving them up as part of a larger trade liberalization agreement would have been beneficial to the nation as a whole. Section 22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 required import quotas to be imposed if imports threatened the effectiveness of a price support program. This situation led the United States to join Europe in pressing for a waiver of agricultural products from agreements of GATT members to reduce export subsidies or provide increased import access to their markets. Some experts argued vigorously for changing U.S. farm programs to make them compatible with liberal trade, notably in the "Brannan Plan" of 1948 and other proposals to replace production controls and price supports by payments to farmers and adjustment assistance (Johnson 1950). But U.S. policy did not turn to favoring the inclusion of agriculture in the GATT until the 1960s. By then European farm policy had decisively taken a protectionist path that precluded significant agricultural trade liberalization. Beginning with the Agricultural Trade and Development Act of 1954 (P.L. 480), U.S. policy followed a path suggested by the Marshall Plan of using food aid to foreign countries as a mechanism for surplus disposal. During 1956-64 about one-fourth of U.S. agricultural exports that were shipped under this program. P.L. 480 exports had varying degrees of concessionary pricing, depending on the status of the importing country, but overall there is a substantial subsidy element in these exports. Since the 1970s the program has shipped a fairly constant amount of just under $1 billion in commodities annually. In addition, going back to 1935, government-provided export credit and guarantees of repayment to private sector lenders have been used to stimulate foreign demand for U.S. commodities. Exports have also been promoted through USDA grants to farm or commercial interests for the purpose of informational and sales efforts abroad. Revamped as the Marketing Assistance Program in 1990, such programs still spend about $100 million annually. 7 More explicit export subsidies were paid through most of the post-World War II period, most notably in wheat where their role was negotiated under the International Wheat Agreement starting in 1949.5 In the 1960s more than 85 percent of U.S. wheat exports were assisted by subsidies. Then during the worldwide commodities boom of the 1970s it appeared that the era of export subsidies might be replaced by commodity scarcity, with trade policies restraining rather than subsidizing exports. The US embargoed grain shipments to the Soviet Union and a few other countries for short periods during 1974-80. Commodity scarcity proved temporary, however. The worldwide collapse in commodity prices of the 1980s provided the stimulus for export promotion programs. The European Community intensified its longstanding practice of export subsidies (Josling 2008). The U.S. began offering specific- destination export subsidies in retaliation in the early 1980s, and regularized this approach in the Export Enhancement Program, established under Executive authority of the Reagan Administration starting in 1983. Canada met the subsidy competition where feasible through pricing policies of the Canadian Wheat Board. The Export Enhancement Program (EEP), like the pre-1970s export subsidies, was first and foremost a wheat program. It began as low-price government sales in North Africa in 1983 of wheat stocks held by the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) as a result of the domestic price support programs. The mechanism was complicated, using a payment-in-kind approach. USDA would determine particular countries and commodities for which it believed export subsidies would be helpful in selling U.S. products. Exporters would then negotiate a deal with a foreign buyer at a price discounted from prevailing world trading prices. The exporter would then apply to USDA for a payment sufficient to make up the difference between the market price and the negotiated discount price. USDA, if it approved the sale, would give the exporter sufficient wheat from CCC stocks to cover the payment, called the export "bonus." By the late 1980s the bonuses were adding up to a billion dollars annually, with over 80 percent of EEP commodities accounted for by wheat in 1985-89. The program was widened and generalized so that CCC wheat stocks could be used to subsidize exports of other commodities, and in 1990, when available CCC wheat stocks were exhausted, in-kind bonuses were replaced by cash. 5 An earlier wheat agreement, in 1933, created a schedule of quotas limiting the shipments of wheat by exporting countries, but this proto-OPEC broke down and the agreement was allowed to expire in 1935 (Gale and Zaglits 1949). Explicit export subsidies were also implemented for a time early on in the New Deal, on Northwestern US wheat (Nourse, Davis, and Black 1935, pp. 93-95). 8 As the U.S. expanded its export subsidies in the 1980s, Europe and Canada, within their respective support structures, met the competition with increased export subsidies of their own. The Uruguay Round of GATT negotiations was a natural venue for mutual agreement to rein in this costly competition. After long and tortuous negotiations, the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) contained disciplines that, together with strategic rethinking and changed grain market conditions, greatly reduced the role of export subsidies after the mid-1990s in both the U.S. and European Union. Both have agreed such subsidies should be outlawed, and that has allowed farm policy discussion in the WTO's current Doha Round to focus primarily on market access (import protection via tariffs and quotas) and domestic price supports via subsidy payments to producers. Import protection measures International trade policy was a hot political issue in the U.S. a hundred years before the first domestic commodity support programs were enacted. Manufacturing interests of the North wanted protection and, after 1820, received it in the face of opposition from Southern agricultural interests who bought imported manufactured producer and consumer goods and also linked their capacity to export, cotton especially, to U.S. willingness to import from Europe. The North, to succeed politically, needed an alliance with the West, which was in place until the Jackson Presidency, when his vetoes of legislation for Western improvements changed the balance of interests in favor of lower tariffs, ultimately the "free trade tariff" legislation of 1846 which generated average tariff rates of 25 percent in 1850 (calculated from tariff receipts as a percentage of the value of dutiable imports) as compared to 57 percent in 1830. Higher tariff protection resumed after the Civil War, especially on manufactured goods, with average rates of about 40 percent between 1870 and 1910. Throughout this period there were tariffs on imported agricultural products such as wool and sugar, but rates averaged about 5 times as much for manufactured imports as for agricultural imports (Davis, Hughes, and McDougall 1965, Table 18-2, p. 327). Table 1 shows the evolution of U.S. protection as measured by customs duties as a percentage of the value of imports. This measure does not always provide a good indicator of the trade effects of tariffs, notably because a tariff so high as to shut off all imports generates no customs duties and so counts the same as free trade in calculating the numerator of this measure. Irwin (2007) reviews this and other shortcomings of that Table 1 indicator, and estimates a Trade Restrictiveness Index (TRI) that takes into account the effect of a tariff on imported quantities and the fact that the distortive effects of a tariff increase more than 9 proportionately with the height of the tariff. His estimates indicate that for all merchandise trade, while customs duties as a percentage of all imports had fallen to 60 percent of the 1875 level in 1931, the TRI in 1931 remained at 97 pecent of its 1875 level, i.e., that the reduction in the crude measure greatly overstates the extent of liberalization. But between 1931 and 1960 the TRI fell faster than the crude measure and by 1960 the extent of overall trade liberalization between 1875 and 1960 was about the same for both measures. That is, by either measure, the restrictivenes of tariffs in the post-World War II period was about one- fourth the level of the late nineteenth century (Irwin 2007, Table 2). Because the United States has always been a net exporter of agricultural goods, and imported manufactured goods are used directly and in the production of inputs used in farming, the tariff structure effectively taxed agriculture throughout the nineteenth century. The estimates of Irwin (2006) indicate that for the 1870-1900 period, an average 30 percent protection on imported goods (duties as a percentage of all import values including duty-free imports) generated a net subsidy to import-competing manufacturers of 15 percent and a net tax on agriculture (and other exporters) of about 11 percent.6 This situation was reversed by increasing protection (through both import restrictions and domestic support) of agriculture after 1920. Import duties on wheat, maize, wool, sugar, and meat were raised sharply in "emergency" legislation of 1921 and the Tariff Act of 1922 when "the representatives of the agricultural states had committed themselves to a policy of high and even ruthless protection" (Taussig 1931, pp. 452-53). At the same time, imports of many manufactured products used in farming were made duty-free.7 After 1910, U.S. manufacturing became sufficiently export-oriented itself as not to be the strong political force for protection it once was, and after World War II protection of manufacturing steadily declined to the point that by 2000 import duties as a percentage of aggregate import value had declined to 1.6 percent (albeit with additional signficant protection of politically sensitive sectors such as textiles through non-tariff barriers). Tariffs on agricultural products were also reduced but protection from imports increased due to quantitative restrictions. In short, between the broad periods of 1820-1900 and 1930-2000 there was a substantial turnaround in 6 Irwin's estimate of a net subsidy rate of 15 pecent is less than the tariff protection rate of 30 percent primarily because of the effect of higher import-competing goods in increasing costs of nontraded goods. 7 It was such political successes of agriculture in tariff legislation that led H.L. Mencken to pillory farmers in one of his famous diatribes: "Has anyone heard of a farmer practising or advocating any political idea that was not absolutely self-seeking ­ that was not, in fact, deliberately designed to loot the rest of us to his gain? ...There has never been a time, in good seasons or bad, when his hand were not itching for more...One might almost argue that the chief, and perhaps even only aim of legislation in These States is to succor and secure the farmer." (Mencken 1958, pp. 158-60). 10 manufacturing as compared to agricultural import protection. However, it was apparent already in the 1920s that too much agricultural production was exported to make import protection effective in alleviating farmers' losses in the post-World War I price plunge, and this changed the focus of farm policy to other measures. Overall, the protection of agricultural products relative to merchandise in general continued to increase over the last fifty years. The rates of import protection of both sectors were equal in the late 1950s and 1960s, but the protection of manufacturing has since fallen faster than assistance to agriculture. It should be noted however, comparing market-distorting agricultural protection with merchandise tariff rates has become decreasingly relevant in capturing the main U.S. import protection elements in either agriculture or manufacturing, because in agriculture and in industries such as steel, automobiles, and textiles, the more important distortions of international trade have become quantitative restrictions, often in the form of "volutary restraint" agreements between the United States and exporting countries. More economically relevant measures compare internal U.S. prices with international prices for the same goods, as discussed below. Nonetheless, the picture remains essentially the same ­ that governmental action to assist agriculture is increasing in impact as compared to action to protect manufacturing. Export subsidy measures An indicator of the role of export subsidies can be obtained from the value of subsidies paid per unit quantity of exports. In the U.S. these have been most significant for wheat, as noted above. Subsidies were as high as $1.3 billion for exported wheat in 1993 under the Export Enhancement Program. The subsidies were targeted to particular sales, however, and not available for all exports. This raised questions about their efficacy in actually increasing the quantity exported. By focusing subsidy funding on particular sales, the government's expenditures were made more effective at increasing those targeted sales. Subsidized wheat received payment of as high as $43 per tonne in 1991. But at the same time large sales to other importers, notably Japan, were not subsidized at all. Because of the targeted nature of the subsidies, the proper measurement of the subsidy, not to mention its effects on net exports, is difficult to nail down (as is the effects of the wheat export embargoes of the 1970s).8 The USDA budget provides information on the range of export promotion activities. In FY2005 as in the prior few years there were no 8 For estimates of effects of U.S. wheat export subsidies, see Gardner (1996). On the effects of grain export embargoes, see USDA (1986). 11 export subsidies under the EEP and also none under the more recent Dairy Export Enhancement Program. A total of $2.2 billion was spent on USDA's Foreign Agriculture Service (FAS) programs, but $1.7 billion of this was on food aid programs. Market development programs and export credit guarantees are export promotion activities that also have features making them similar to export subsidies. In FY2005, FAS spent $184 million on market development programs such as sending teams abroad to make the case for US commodities, and on informational campaigns in the US and abroad. Export Credit Guarantees covered $2.6 billion in sales during FY2005 (at a budgetary cost of $137 million, which is a rough indicator of the subsidy element of the program). In response to a WTO dispute resolution panel in 2005, the U.S. has eliminated some high-risk countries from the guarantees and made other changes "intended to remove any long-term subsidy component of the program" (USDA 2006, p. 38). Unlike import restrictions, whose effects can be estimated by comparing internal and world reference prices because they are focused on a few commodities and create big effects, these export programs are spread so thinly across many commodities that it would not be credible to attribute to them any observed elevation in U.S. commodity prices relative to foreign prices for the same commodities. What makes more sense is to treat these expenditures together with domestic programs as elements of overall non-product-specific support, following OECD practice. Direct support of producers through commodity programs Payments to producers have been a central element in US agricultural policy since the first New Deal programs of 1933. Figure 2 shows payments in billions of US$ in real terms using the GDP deflator with 2000 = 100. For comparison, the figure also shows the total level of spending on "commodity stabilization and support" as measured by the U.S. Office of Management and Budget. The spending levels are higher than payments prior to 1990 because much of the spending was for removing products from the market using stockpiling programs, purchases for sale to schools and other food assistance, or subsidized sales abroad. In recent years, spending has been overwhelmingly dominated by direct payments to producers.9 9 The spike in spending relative to payments in 2000 is an artifact of government budgetary spending being reported on a Fiscal Year (October-September) basis while payments to farmers are reported on a calendar year basis. In 2000, an election year, Congress rushed to get payments to farmers that would normally have gone out after October 1, before October 1, and this resulted in payments that would normally have occurred in two fiscal years occurring in one calendar year. 12 Summarizing the effects of U.S. direct support programs is difficult because of the variety of policy instruments used and their evolution towards being increasingly decoupled from production decisions over time. Throughout the 1950s, the price suppport loan rates at which farmer could forfeit basic commodities to the CCC remained a primary policy instrument, and were reinforced by payments for idling land. By the 1960s, lower loan rates and direct payments to reduce forfietures at a supported price entered the policy arsenal. In the 1970s, the direct payments were further institutionalized in the form of "target prices" and payment to farmers of a "deficiency payment" when the price of basic crops they produced fell below the target. By the 1980s, deficiency payments were being made only on 85 precent of a farmer's base acreage, and for a historical level of "program yields." Thus deficiency payments came to be somewhat decoupled from production decisions, although the specific basic crop for which payments were received had to be grown on the corresponding base acreage. Farmers also had to comply with annual acreae reduction requirements to be eligible for the deficiency payments. Annual acrege reductions idled an average of 46 million acres during 1983-1988 as world agricultural prices collapsed in the mid-1980s, then fell to much lower levels. Income support in the 1996 and 2002 Acts The most important change in the 1996 Farm Act was its Title 1, the Agricultural Market Transition Act (AMTA). With rising world prices for the U.S. farm commodities in 1995 and 1996, AMTA replaced target prices, deficiency payments, and annual acreage set-asides for wheat, rice, feed grains, and cotton by a scheme of fixed "production flexibility" payments. The payments were based on amounts farmers received, or would have received if they had participated, in the pre-1996 deficiency payment program. The amount of the payment was independent of prices and was fixed by each farm's production history. It could not be increased or decreased by changes in the farm's acreage or yield of the program crops, while the program allowed farmers to plant a wide range of crops on base acreage (the reasons for the "production flexibility" label). The production flexibility payments were in this sense further decoupled from both prices and production, although payments were not divorced from all production decisions in that producers lost payments if they increased plantings of non-supported fruits or vegetables or they left farming completely. The aggregate of payments was scheduled to decline from about $6 billion annually in 1996 and 1997 to $4 billion in 2002. AMTA payments constituted the bulk of projected commodity support in 13 1996, and the projections were for substantially less government spending on commodity programs than had occurred before 1995, as Figure 3 shows. The 2002 Act Within a year after the 1996 Act was introduced, commodity prices had begun to fall substantially. With the 1998 crops it became clear that prices were likely to remain at low levels for some time. The Asian financial crisis and China's lack of an expected increase in imports weakened world demand and hence U.S. exports and prices. These low prices triggered two policy responses, one automatically and one through Congressional response. The automatic response came through the "marketing loan" program. This program was introduced in 1990 to replace the former loan rate program of supported market prices through forfeitures of commodities at an established "loan rate" price. The forfieture program had created a market price floor at the loan-rate price (because farmers could always get that price through the loan program). To keep this program from resulting in the government accumulating unwanted stocks of commodities, loan-rate prices were mostly kept below actual average prices after the 1960s. The marketing loan program precluded stock accumulation altogether by having the government not actually acquire grain but instead offer farmers a "loan deficiency payment" equal to the difference between the policy-determined loan-rate price (which varied from county to county) and the local county price. Because the loan-rate prices were set below average prices, hardly any loan deficiency payments were made during 1990-1997. But by 1998 commodity prices fell below loan-rate levels sufficiently to trigger $500 million in loan deficiency payments. Unlike the target-price- related deficiency payments paid on a historically fixed level of output, the loan deficiency payments are made on all of current output. In Fiscal Years 1999, 2000, and 2001 these payments rose to $3.4, $6.4, and $5.3 billion, respectively, as all the grains, cotton, and rice experienced continuing historically low market price levels. The Congressional response to these low prices was to enact emergency "market loss assistance" programs in each of the years 1998-2001. These programs provided an average of $4.8 billion annually for those four years, added proportionally to each farmer's production flexibility payments (in most cases doubling them during 1999-2001). These two added sources of spending are the main factors that account for the huge expansion of commodity program spending during 1998-2001, as compared to the levels 14 anticipated in 1996, shown in Figure 3. Instead of the roughly $6 billion annually that had been expected, actual spending averaged over $20 billion in those years. By 2001 it was clear that Congress was sufficiently dissatisfied with the political wrangling involved with annual emergency legislation that more permanent revision of the 1996 Act would be legislated. The Farm Security and Rural Investment Act of 2002 provided for additional spending on farm programs of more than $50 billion over and above projected "baseline" spending if the 1996 Act had been continued. This increase was possible because at that time the U.S. budget was in surplus and was projected to continue in surplus, and because farm commodity producers had sufficient political power to defeat competitors for the funds available. This expanded commitment is the most significant, and to some most shocking, aspect of the 2002 Act.10 In addition to the issue of spending levels, the 2002 Act addressed structural issues in the form and scope of farm subsidies. Some farm groups, mainly centered in Great Plains wheat growing, wanted to return to supply management, in order to reduce production and increase commodity prices. Environmental groups pushed to have a substantial part of the new spending allocated to conservation and environment-improving programs. The legislation as enacted continued the fixed production flexibility payments from 1996 (renamed fixed direct payments). Supply management was rejected but a new "Countercyclical Payment Program" was added to provide payments that rise or fall inversely with market prices (although the quantity base for payments remained fixed, with an option for one-time updating to 2002, for each farmer). This amounted basically to a re-institution of pre-1996 deficiency payments, but without annual acreage reduction set-aside requirements and with farmers retaining the planting flexibility introduced in 1996. In addition, earlier production quotas for peanuts were replaced with strengthened support programs similar to the other program crops and a new program of direct support payments for milk was added. Conservation and environmental programs ended up with a substantial share of the new spending, but not as much as the proponents of these programs had argued for. 10 A Washington Post editorial termed the bill "The Mother of All Pork." Business Week magazine opined: "It's a dreadful piece of legislation ­ bad for most farmers, bad for consumers, and horrendous for taxpayers" (May 7, 2002). The New York Times editorialized against the Act on several occasions, notably in one entitle "The Hypocrisy of Farm Subsidies" (December 1, 2002). 15 The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated that the innovations of the Act would cost an average of $8.0 billion over the ten Fiscal Years 2002-11.11 Of this, $4.5 billion were for direct payments to farmers under either the fixed payments or the mandated new Countercyclical Payment Program. In addition were estimated 10-year spending increases of $0.5 billion in marketing loans and loan deficiency payments, $0.5 billion for the new peanut program, $160 million for the new dairy program, and $43 million for increasing support in the sugar program, partly offset by savings projected at $26 million from tightening payment limitation slightly, for a total of a $5.7 billion average annual spending increase for all commodity programs (Title I of the Act). New initiatives in the Conservation Reserve Program and the Wetlands Reserve Program (both long-term paid land-idling programs that have enrolled a total of over 30 million acres since 1990), as well as the Environmental Quality Improvement Program, the Farmland Protection Program, and a new Conservation Security Program were projected to cost $1.3 billion annually over ten years (FAPRI 2002a). The expanded costs of these programs consisted mostly of payment made to farmers to encourage the use of soil conservation or water quality improvement practices. Some of the practices reduce production, such as replacing cultivated crops near streams or lakes with "filter strips" of grass in the Conservation or Wetlands Reserve Program. Other "working lands" programs are roughly neutral with respect to production or even increase production, such as Farmland Protection Program payments to farmers in exchange for their maintaining land in farming rather than selling it for commercial development. Apendix Table 3 shows details by program of spending on farm support. Total outlays in FY 2003 and 2004 were lower than projected because commodity prices higher than had been projected resulted in less spending than had been forecast on countercyclical payments and loan deficiency payments, both of which are lower the higher are commodity prices. But in FY2005 these payments increased as commodity prices fell. Overall summary of market-distorting support Table 2(a) shows the NRAs for key agricultural products, which are partly based on the OECD's producer support estimates for 1986-07, and the author's use of their method back to 1955. This measure of NRAs excludes the deficiency, production flexibility and fixed direct payments, and the market loss assistance and countercyclical payments. These various 11 Ten-year projected spending was estimated in accordance with Congressional budgetary procedures, even though the Act only authorized programs for the six years 2002-07. The "baseline budget scoring" assumption is that those programs will be reauthorized to cover the ten-year period. 16 support payments have been at the heart of U.S. farm policies, as described above, but have become increasingly "decoupled" from producion decisions and arguably can now be concluded to have minimal or at least small effects on production or trade (see the Appendix for further discussion).12 The main policies included in the NRAs in Table 2(a) are: import protection, most notably for sugar, but also for dairy products and meats; export subsidies, most notably the Export Enhancement Program and earlier export subsidies for wheat, but also affecting rice and poultry in some years; and the various loan-related payments to producers that a producer can increase by increasing output, which are closest to a classical production subsidy. Plotting these data separately for exported products and for imported products that compete with US products shows somewhat higher rates of assistance for importables (Figure 4(a)). Given the dominance of exportables in overall US production, its line in Figure 4(a) is close to the line for all covered products. The NRAs vary greatly across commodities, as summarized in the dispersion measure shown in the 2nd to last row of Table 2(a), and even more so if the other products that get negligible support are considered (the latter accounting in aggregate for one-third of the value of U.S. agricultural production at undistorted prices, see bottom row of Table 2(a)). Appendix Table 4 describes support through various government payments (including those excluded from Table 2(a) which we term "decoupled") for the top 25 commodities, accounting for 91 percent of the U.S. farm value of production in 2004. Overall, commodities accounting for 42 percent of production received significant support, with payments amounting to 6.9 percent of the value of production in 2004. Yet 14 of the top 25 commodities, and a total of 58 percent of the value of production, received no significant support. Appendix Table 5 shows a broader picture of U.S. federal government activity in support of agriculture. In addition to the commodity programs there are conservation programs, export programs, governmentally underwritten loan programs for farmers, crop insurance, research funding, and marketing and regulatory programs. These additional activities have a price tag of $15 billion in 2005.13 The sum of $34.1 billion for FY 2005 12 That argument is harder to make for the 1980s when these payments were tied to significant annual land idling requirements and it ignores wealth effects, insurance effects, and remaining production restrictions, as discussed in the Appendix. Whether any of thes effects are quantitatively important is an empirical question. While impossible to estimate with precision from the data available, the analysis to date suggests these effects are small. 13 "Price tag" is a vague term and is used because the figures shown in Appendix Table 5 are not all derived from a consistent set of U.S. budgetary concepts. Most notably, the export credit guarantees are not the expenditures of the government on these guarantees; rather they are the value of loans guaranteed. Unless there are defaults on these loans (funds borrowed by foreign importers to buy U.S. exports are not repaid to the U.S. 17 amounts to 14 percent of the market value of U.S. farm cash receipts for all crops and livestock. Canada Canada remained a British colony during the early period of U.S. trade policy, and did not introduce substantial tariff protection of manufacturing until the 1870s, and then at less than the U.S. levels (Fowke 1946, Ch. 10). Agricultural protection became important earlier, notably with wheat import tariffs directly against U.S. exports (and U.S. duties levied on Canadian grain exports). The signficance of particular policy steps has been debated, but a convincing case can be made that "The tariff (of 1843) was a true break in the old colonial system, and was brought about, not by capitalists seeking to establish new industries, but by pioneer farmers trying to exclude outsiders from the local markets" (Jones 1941, p. 537). Thus, while attempts to measure the relative protection of manufacturing and agriculture comparable to those cited above by Irwin for the United State for the nineteenth century are not available for Canada, it seems clear that agriculture was never implicitly taxed in Canada the way it was in the U.S. (or in Australia and New Zealand ­ see Anderson et al. 2008). With respect to the context of agricultural support, Canadian agriculture varies substantially from east to west in cropping patterns and size of farms, in ways roughly parallel to corresponding U.S. areas south of the border. In those parallel areas there are many similarities, notably between the Prairie provinces and the Northern Plains. However, the history of policy and current practices in the two countries are quite distinct in several respects. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, Canadian farmers were hit as hard as in the U.S., in both countries with particular severity in the Prairies. The Canadian government provided some debt relief through the Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Act of 1935, but Canada did not introduce an integrated set of programs or make substantial income transfers to farmers as the New Deal did in the U.S. Indeed it is arguable that at that time and still to the present day, while a series of ad hoc programs have been implemented Canada has no comprehensive farm policy comparable to the omnibus U.S. farm bills. This is attributable at least in part to Canada's more decentralized political system, under which many policies are Provincial rather the Federal, notably in the marketing area where Provinces have set up lenders) the actual outlays on these programs is negligible. In fact, defaults are rare. In U.S. budgetary parlance, the value of loans guaranteed is the "program level", and this is what the USDA budget summary shows. 18 marketing legislation for fruits and animal products going back to 1926 (see Schmitz, Furtan, and Baylis 2002, Ch. 2). The first major federal support of the U.S. type was provided under the Agricultural Stabilization Act of 1958. This program guaranteed producers 80 percent of the average price over the previous ten years, by means of payments from the federal government. Only small payments were made, and in 1975 the payment trigger was raised to 90 percent of a five-year moving average price and a mechanism was introduced for compensating farmers for rapid increases in cash costs of production, which "indicated the Canadian Government's continuing commitment to ensuring short-term solvency in agriculture" (OECD 1978, p. 29). Canada's agricultural policies for grains and oilseeds have followed to an extent a path similar in some respects to those of the United States, but with less reliance on crop supply management through acreage controls and with more reliance on collective marketing most notably through the Canadian Wheat Board. The CWB has a legal monopoly on the sales of Canadian wheat and barley into foreign markets -- all exports as well as sales of wheat to domestic millers of flour must be sold through that agency. Farmers then get a pooled price depending on the receipts the CWB is able to earn from the exported and domestically sold commodities. The monopoly powers of the CWB have been challenged in Canadian courts, much as the original U.S. programs of the 1930s were in the U.S. courts, on constitutional grounds. In a case brought in 1994, a group of barley growers sued the CWB, arguing that it "breached the rights of individual farmers guaranteed under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" (Schmitz and Furtan 2000, p. 145). The plaintiffs' plea was rejected (and following Canadian law they had to pay court costs of the defendants ­ the government of Canada). The year 1995 was a watershed in that, under pressure because of federal budgetary deficits and the Uruguay Round Agriculture Agreement's disciplines on export subsidies, transportation subsidies under the Western Grain Transportation Act were ended. These had cost an average of about $(US)12 per tonne of grain and their elimination was estimated to have saved the federal government about $(US) 400 million in 1995. With respect to income support for producers, Canada has undertaken far-reaching experimentation in its series of grain programs over the last 30 years. The Western Grains Stabilization Program (WGSP), initially enacted in 1976, made payments from a fund partly financed by growers when their aggregate cash receipts from grains fell below a 5-year 19 moving average. After accumulating large deficits without providing satisfactory income protection to producers, the WGSP was abandoned. The Farm Income Protection Act of 1991 marked an important turning point in Canada's approach to farm support in crop production, moving from policies aimed at particular commodities toward a whole-farm approach. The 1991 Act introduced the Gross Revenue Insurance Program (GRIP) and the Net Income Stabilization Account (NISA). These programs were tuned to each producer's situation, with GRIP making crop-specific payments to producers when their production times the market-wide average market price fell below that producer's established average yield times a "target" price. The program was packaged as insurance in that each producer paid a premium for this coverage (but about two- thirds of the premium cost was paid by a combination of provincial and federal funds). GRIP combined features of the U.S. deficiency payment and subsidized crop insurance programs, and its comprehensive approach has attractive features. But it proved to have too little political support from farmers to justify its budgetary costs in the belt- tightening environment of the mid-1990s, and GRIP expired after 1995. NISA, a more broadly conceived (avoiding support of specific commodities) and less costly program, continued until another decade. It is essentially a subsidized savings account into which producers can contribute 2 percent of the value of qualifying grain sales, to be matched by 1 percent each from provincial and federal governments. The producer can withdraw funds from the account if either annual farm operating income or family income falls below established triggers (see Huff (no date) and Gray and Smith (1997) for further discussion). In 1998 Canada introduced the Agricultural Income Disaster Assistance (AIDA) program. Under that program, funded 60 percent by federal and 40 percent by provincial governments, anyone who files income tax returns as a farmer can get an indemnity payment if their gross returns fall below 70 percent of the similarly calculated returns over the average of the three preceding years (Edelman 1999; Schmitz, Furtan and Baylis 2002). In 2001, the Canadian Farm Income Program (CFIP) replaced AIDA. The experimental nature of farm income support has been intensified since 2004 with the phasing out of NISA and AIDA, and replacement with new and ad hoc programs. The Canadian Agricultural Income Stabilization (CAIS) Program, introduced in 2003/04, combines insurance and income support features. It makes payments to producers when a farmer's "production margin" falls below the "reference margin" for the farm, calculated from previous years' experience. The reference margin is a measure of returns 20 minus costs that counts fewer expense items than under previous programs, because "Experience with previous farm programs such as the CFIP indicated that including a high number of allowable expenses often resulted in reference margins being low and in many case negative. This often resulted in producers being ineligible for benefits." (Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada 2006). In response to the losses resulting from the Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) crisis which devastated the beef export business, and as a "bridge" to the CAIS Program, the Transitional Income Support Program was introduced in 2004 to assist both livestock and grain producers. This program together with more liberal payouts under the CAIS raised the costs of farm support in 2003-05 as compared to earlier years. In 2006 the government introduced payments under the Grains and Oilseeds Program (GOPP) that will further increase support. The 21st century programs are organized and marketed under the Agricultural Policy Framework, which the Government of Canada and the provinces/territories agreed upon in late 2003 to coordinate agricultural policy under five headings: Business Risk Management, Environment, Food Safety and Quality, Innovation, and Renewal (see Agriculture and Agri- Food Canada 2005). The latter two areas comprehend what are traditionally described as rural development and research/extension programs. Business Risk Management covers CAIS and the more recent payment programs. All of the programs have notable differences in funding and delivery from province to province. Unlike for grains, Canada has maintained supply management programs with strong control measures for dairy, poultry, and eggs. This is in sharp contrast to the U.S. where supply management in livestock is entirely absent.14 Canada's supply management history grew out of Provincial marketing board which had become well established by the 1960s (Schmitz, Furtan and Baylis 2002 Ch. 9). The Canadian Dairy Commission, created in 1966, introduced supply management ideas which culminated in market-share quotas, under which a farmer must have an established quota in order to sell milk. Import quotas (under the Uruguay Round Agriculture Agreement converted to tariff-rate quotas) keep milk from entering Canada at the high domestic price established for milk sold at retail, while milk for processed dairy products is sold at lower prices to be competitive in world markets. Similar but less complex supply management programs exist for broilers (chickens), eggs, and turkeys. 14 In the original programs of the 1930s there were U.S. supply control efforts in livestock, but the only significant such program since 1955 is the Dairy Herd Buyout Program of the mid-1980s. 21 Overall summary of market-distorting support Table 2(b) shows the NRAs for key agricultural products, which again are partly based on the OECD's producer support estimates for 1979-07, and the author's use of their method back to 1961. These products cover between 75 and 85 pecent of Canadian agriculture. The average NRA for those covered products was around 8 percent up to the mid-1970s, rose to 28.6 pecent during the export price war period of 1985-89, but has since come back to around 12 percent. The dispersion in NRAs across the product range also rose substantially up to the mid-1980s and has more than halved since then. As usual, the estimated NRA for importables is well above that of exportables according to our classification based on trade status ­ and well above the average importables NRA for the U.S. Agricultural relative to non-agricultural support To get a more-complete picture of the policy distortions to farmer incentives in North America, we first provide `guesstimates' of the NRAs for non-covered products (a weighted average across exportables, import-competing products and nontradables), we then add non- product-specific support such as input subsidies, and also add what we term "decoupled support" as measured by certain OECD categories of its Producer Support Estimates (PSEs) over the past 3 decades. As well, we compare the NRA for tradable farm products (including non-product-specific support but not decoupled payments) with the NRA for non-agricultural tradables by calculating a Relative Rate of Assistance. These are summarized in Table 3. Input subsidies and other non-product-specific assistance is of non-trivial importance to the overall NRA for agriculture in North America as compared with the rest of the world, adding between one-quarter and one-third to the sectoral NRA in the U.S and only slightly less in Canada. In this category are included payments based on input use (OECD E1) and miscellaneous payments (OECD H). Of even more importance is what we have termed as `decoupled' payments, which are assumed to encourage production less than market price support policies. Following certain OECD categories, we include here not only the various commodity income support payments described above as increasingly decoupled from prices and production over time, but also payments made for long-term acreage idling under programs such as the Conservation Reserve Program and also subsidies for crop insurance and ad hoc annual disaster payments 22 (see note to Table 3 for the OECD categories included).15 As can be seen from Table 3(a) and Figure 5(a), those decoupled payments nearly doubled the NRA for the U.S. in the mid- 1980s, and added about one-third in the 1990s and the present decade. For Canada such `decoupled' payments have been somewhat less important although still non-trivial (Table 3(b) and Figure 5(b)). As pointed out above, it is difficult to summarize the effects of U.S. support programs because of the variety of policy instruments used. Although any estimate is conjectural, the set of most-reasonable estimates indicate that in the 1999-2005 period the marketing loan program has increased the U.S. output of grains and soybeans by about 2 percent, the direct payment program, including the 2002 Act's changes, about 1 percent, and crop insurance subsidies by 1+ percent, for a total effect of 4 to 5 percent more of these commodities being produced than would have been the case in the absence of commodity support programs. The long-run consequences (on conservation, agricultural research, technology adoption) of commodity support policies are a quite different matter not considered here. Looking at the levels of border protection and domestic support payments themselves, overall government support for farmers in the U.S. rose in the decade or so from the mid- 1970s (having fallen in the two decades prior to that). It has since fallen back slightly even when decoupled payments are included, although the level was as nearly as high during the period of low world agricultural prices during 2000-2004 as it was when prices were low in the late 1980s (see Table 3). It dropped substantially after 2005 as international food prices spiked, but this does not represent a change in policy so much as the countercyclical design of some US payments and a reduced need to support farmers because of higher prices. Support for farmers in Canada too rose steeply in the decade or so from the mid-1970s, but has since fallen back even more than in the U.S. especially when decoupled payments are 15 Neither our categories "non-product specific" nor "decoupled" correspond directly to uses of these terms in WTO domestic support notifications or as has occurred in dispute settlement arguments. To illustrate, the NPS for 1986-2007 herein includes diesel fuel tax exemptions not reported by the US to the WTO under the URAA category of NPS, while it excludes crop and revenue insurance subsidies that are reported as WTO NPS support. The "decoupled" category herein includes not only the "decoupled income support" as defined in URAA Annex 2 as WTO Green Box (which is how the US reports its fixed direct payments); also included in this category is the countercyclical payments that the US reports as NPS. Subtleties in distinguishing between these categories of payments are discussed in the Appendix and both classifications are being subject to WTO dispute settlement litegation. The decoupled support herein also includes conservation payments (both for long-term land-idling and working lands) that are reported to the WTO by the U.S. as green box and the crop and revenue insurance subsidies reported to the WTO as NPS support. The use of these terms herein also differs from common classifications in U.S. farm bill discussions and budgets that, for example, often clearly separate commodity support from conservation expenditures. 23 taken into account. As in the U.S., the NRA for Canada dropped substantially after the early 2000s as international food prices rose. By contrast, assistance to producers of non-agricultural tradable goods has been lower than for farmers throughout this period, and has declined more than for the farm sector. Hence even leaving decoupled payments aside, the rate of assistance to producers of agricultural products relative to those producing non-agricultural goods is now considerably higher than in the early 1960s in the U.S., other than in the years of historically high international prices, namely 1995 and 2006-07 (Table 3(a) and Figure 6(a)). The 2008 Farm Bill left the existing support programs in place and created others that could raise expenditures even if agricultural prices remain higher than they generally were during 1990- 2006.16 Assistance to Canada's producers of non-agricultural tradable goods, too, has been lower than for farmers since the mid-1960s, and has declined more than for Canada's farm sector and more than in the U.S. Hence the relative rate of assistance to the farmers became considerably higher in the 1980s than in earlier decades, but in the 1990s it returned to levels similar to those in the U.S., again with the lowest levels being in the years of historically high international prices, namely 1995 and 2007 (Table 3(b) and Figure 6(b)). When expressed in real (constant 2000) dollars instead of percentage price wedges, the decine in border and domestic support recently is much less evident, because over time the value of the farm sector has been growing and the number of farmers shrinking. The peak real value of support in total dollars was higher in the latter 1980s than this decade, but when expressed on a per farmer basis it was even higher in 2000-04 (before international food prices rose) than in 1985-89. When the market price support compenent is expressed by product, the lion's share in recent decades has gone to dairy and sugar, which receive more border protection than cotton and maize (Table 4). Consumer tax equivalents While much of the support for farmers worldwide comes from border measures, in the case of North America there are also large shares that come from non-product-specific meaures and from payments that are decoupled somewhat from production. Hence consumers there are not taxed to the same extent as producers are assisted ­ although taxpayers bear additional costs. And, because of the differing net trade status of each product, the weighted average of ad 16 See Orden, Blandford and Josling (2008) for discussion of the 2008 US Farm Act. 24 valorem consumer tax equivalents across all covered farm products differs also because consumption instead of production weights are used. There are also direct consumer subsidies in the U.S., notably through the food stamp program, and in some years for some products those direct subsidies more than offset the tax component of the trade measures used there to support producer prices, resulting in negative CTEs. The rises and falls in the degree of distortion on the consumption side of the market can be seen in Table 5. Part (b) of that table shows how trivial these transfers from or to food consumers in North America have been on a per capita basis. Even in Canada they amount to only $154 or less per capita per year. This, together with the free rider problem associated with collective action, helps explain why consumers in that region do not counter-lobby farmers over farm support programs. It also means the trade and national economic welfare effects of U.S. programs are less than programs delivering the same NRA for farmers in other countries but via trade measures which generate a CTE equal to the NRA. The Politics of U.S. and Canadian Policies Explaining the political forces behind U.S. and Canadian agricultural policies requires qualitative rather than quantitative analysis, but the contrasts between the political treatment of commodities within and between the two countries suggests several hypotheses. I will discuss the following: (1) historical legacies of commodity producer cooperation, (2) the importance of supply-chain participant cohesion, and the linkage of that with technological change, (3) the role of budgetary pressures, and (4) the inherent weakness of opposition to agricultural support. There are both economic and cultural factors lying behind each of these.17 The importance of a historical legacy of producer cooperation was emphasized by Olson (1985). He noted the traditional and continuing strength of the dairy industry and traced that back to the long-standing organization of producers in marketing cooperatives. His underlying point is that lobbying is a voluntary collective activity of precisely the kind highly susceptible to free-rider problems, that this is in fact the chief hurdle to an interest group obtaining subsidies, and that cooperative organizations have already solved this 17 For more on the political economy of U.S. farm policy, see Gardner (2002) and Orden, Paarlberg and Roe (1999). 25 problem sufficiently to permit effective lobbying. This hypothesis fits well with what would otherwise be perhaps the chief puzzle in Canadian as compared to U.S. agricultural support, namely why poultry has had a well entrenched support system via supply control and import protection in Canada but gets virtually nothing in the U.S. As Schmitz, Furtan, and Baylis (2002) explain it, supply control measures grew out of cooperative activity in those commodities by provincial producer organizations. But there were no corresponding such poultry organizations in the U.S. Of course the efficacy of lobbying depends not only on getting organized to make one's case, but also on the legislators' listening and acting favorably. It is almost axiomatic that legislators have an interest in listening to their electorate, who hire and fire them. But a legislator cannot act in accord with the requests of all his or her constituents. Why do agricultural commodity interests get heard well in so many cases? Traditionally U.S. farmers were said to have a political advantage because of the structure of Congress, which has two Senators for every state, which means one representing each 300,000 residents of the Dakotas, Wyoming, and Montana and one for each 20 million residents of California. However, recent efforts at reform (such as taking payments away from producers who have over a million dollars in off-farm income) have been defeated in the House (where each Representative equally has about 600,000 resident constituents) as soundly as in the Senate. The general principal of representation is that a legislator whenever possible provides the constituents what they ask for. What confounds the efficacy of asking is competing constituents who ask for policies that conflict. A strength of cotton growers is that they present to the agriculture committees of Congress a unified position of the supply chain including growers, ginners, shippers, and millers. This has led to policies like the "step two" payments to cotton textile millers that compensate them for paying prices for cotton that exceed the low world prices that trigger payments to cotton growers (until stopped, to comply with a WTO ruling). Similarly a strength of the corn growers is that they have powerful agribusiness allies who support ethanol subsidies, and a former weakness of the grain producers was their asking for acreage control measures that restricted raw material supplies for such agribusiness (former because the 1996 Farm Act revoked the authority of the Secretary of Agriculture to administer annual acreage reduction programs that until the 1990s were a key feature of grains policy). Cross-commodity dispute is a related problem, arising, for example, on the part of fruit and vegetable growers left out of "decoupled" payment 26 programs. Similarly, a strength of sugar import restrictions politically is that high sugar prices have created a large market for corn-based sweeteners. Monetary contributions help in getting an interest group's case listened to. Farmers are not notably profligate donors, but agricultural Political Action Committees (PACs) have been important in the U.S. Table 6 summarizes PAC donations to politicians or candidates reported during the 2006 election cycle (Nov. 2004 ­ Oct. 2006). These data are from the legally required reporting of PACs for donations over $100,000, and do not capture all political spending. The $6.7 million they donated may seem a lot, but there were 1,200 non- agricultural PACs that spent over $100,000 in the U.S. during this period, and their aggregate spending was $800 million. The largest agricultural PAC, the Sugar Alliance, ranked 154th of the 1,200. Agriculture's share of the spending, 6.7/800 or just under 1 percent, is about the same as agriculture's share of national GDP. Overall spending by PACs in the broad Standard Industrial Classification code for agriculture was $15 million, but the majority of this was from agribusiness firms, notably Deere, Deans Foods, the International Dairy Foods Association, Cargill, Tysons, Archer-Daniel-Midlands, Conagra, and Heinz Foods. These companies have interests that are often the same as the commodity producers' interests, but not always, and what the agribusiness firms focus on in their lobbying is more typically their own specific issues of concern. In short, it does not appear likely that money is the source of farmers' exceptional political influence. Technical or other exogenous economic changes create diverse interests within a commodity group that can make policy-making aimed at benefiting the group as a whole unattractive to legislators. This happened in the most notable case of a formerly important commodity program that totally disappeared, the U.S. potato price support program. During 1945-1950, the potato program became highly contentious and eventually died because the growing Western potato growers could produce profitably at lower prices than the support levels that prevailed, and saw their market potentially capped by restraints needed to control the costs of the support system (which then relied heavily on production control for the main supported commodities). Similarly the long-standing marketing order pricing systems for California oranges and lemons was ended in the 1990s, mainly because of within-industry disagreement about its operation; and differing interests of peanut and tobacco farmers with and without quotas to produce for the high-priced domestic market contributed to demise of these quota program earlier this decade. 27 One might expect consumer interests to oppose farm legislation that would increase food prices, but this has only rarely surfaced as a significant political force (the notable case being U.S. grain export embargoes of the 1970s). This lack of opposition seems to be associated with longstanding positive feelings that the general public has about farmers and farming. A broad-based source of resistance to agricultural support that has been effective is budgetary pressure at times when fiscal discipline is perceived to be a high priority. In both the 1985 and 1990 farm legislation, reductions in payments were enacted in order that farm bills could meet overall Congressional budget limits. The 1996 farm legislation was also designed to limit subsidy expenditures, but that budget discipline quickly broke down. As noted earlier, the Farm Security and Rural Investment Act of 2002 covering crops planted in 2002-2007 increased spending well above baseline levels from continuation of the legisltation it replaced. This Act was popular in Congress, having passed in the House of Representatives by a vote of 280 to 141 and in the Senate by 64 to 35. The Bush Administration did not raise serious objections and the President signed the bill in the presence of farm-group representatives with words of praise.18 However, small-farm and environmental advocacy groups were unhappy that amendments failed that would have imposed more stringent payment limits on large farms, redirected some commodity program payments to conservation/environmental programs, and imposed various regulatory restraints on agribusiness. Outside the community of agricultural interests, the 2002 Act has been widely reviled, as mentioned earlier.19 And just after the Act was passed, three western Provinces of Canada, along with a dozen Canadian farm groups, asked for $C1.3 billion to offset the effects of the new U.S. payments. Since that time, Canada has raised its payments to producers too, as herein described. Prospects for Reform 18 As a reminder that Presidents do not always accept what Congress delivers in support of agriculture, President Reagan in 1985 vetoed a farm bill on budgetary grounds, in the midst of the farm crisis of the 1980s. Congress could not muster the two-thirds majorities needed to override the veto, so the President's action was decisive. 19 It is also notable that the more market-oriented members of Congress, even if they represent agricultural constituencies, opposed the bill. Among the opponents were not only the House Republican leadership, but also members of the Agriculture Committee such as Boehmer (R-Ohio) and Dooley (D-California), who wrote a Washington Post opinion piece entitled "This Terrible Farm Bill" (May 2, 2002). Similarly strong opposition was voiced in the Senate by Richard Lugar (R-Indiana) the senior Republican on the Senate's Agriculture Committee. 28 Both the United States and Canada have enacted agricultural support programs that have distorted their domestic commodity markets. Considering how similar the countries are in many respects, there are some notable differences between the policy approaches in the two countries in the choice of policy instruments. But the similarities are more fundamental, and the ones that bear on the prospects for reform are: (1) strong political resilience of support for farmers, (2) weak political expression of consumers' interests, (3) trends toward less reliance on measures that seek to control prices in particular markets (via stockpiling, supply management, import tariffs), (4) trends toward more reliance on whole-farm income support (especially in Canada) and payments under commodity programs that are de-linked from current production (U.S.), (5) acceptance of multilateral liberalization of agricultural trade, but only with maintenance of protection for some producer interests, (6) modest increases in political influence of environmental protection, and (7) episodic political strength of taxpayer interests in cutting farm-support spending, under circumstances that give general budget reduction. The result of these forces and trends has been that real spending on agricultural support has not diminished over time even as the share of the agricultural sector in the overall economy has diminished greatly, while at the same time both countries have moved in the last fifteen years in the direction of reduced directly market-distorting policies. In the face of historically low commodity prices 1998-2002 the U.S. maintained policies that have forestalled output reductions that these low prices would otherwise have induced. What options does the preceding summary suggest for reform? First, the best prospects remain international negotiations, most notably the Doha Round. Given the failure of the Doha Round so far, this is perhaps a depressing conclusion. Nonetheless, it remains the case that the U.S. and Canada would sign on to such an agreement if it involved provisions that reform proponents could point to as offsetting gains in agricultural export markets. Second, there remain prospects that a combination of environmental/taxpayer interests could shift agricultural support spending toward public-good provision in ways that would be less market-distorting than are current policies.20 Reforms in this direction were formulated and promoted by several organized coalitions of interests in preparation for the 2008 U.S. farm bill, mainly environmentalists, farmland preservationists, and internationally oriented agribusiness groups. Third, and not in the cards now but a possibility an economist (or at least one like me) can cling to is a resurrection of a general predisposition to economic liberalism, 20 Even if these policies were more market-distorting, as they could possibly become, they would more likely be of the kind that would reduce agricultural output rather than increase it. 29 as occurred in Australia and New Zealand (Anderson et al. 2008). It was not so long ago that this predisposition in North America served to limit the scope of market-distorting legislation considerably, and could again, as the recent Canadian legal debate on the Canadian Wheat Board's authorities illustrates, despite its outcome. The ascent of free-market Republicans in the 1980s suggested this might be a real possibility for the U.S. But the policy salience of this strain of opinion has been thwarted by that party's embrace of muscular nationalism, military internationalism and cultural conservatism. Similarly, the once-prominent advocacy of free- trade Democrats has been swamped by the wave of industrial protectionism allied with anti- trade prairie populism that party believes it needs to regain power. The prospects for each of the preceding openings to reform ­ a liberalizing WTO agreement, conservation/environmental pressures, and a resurgence of deregulatory policy dispositions ­ would be enhanced with the traditional economist's recipe of compensating the losers from policy changes with nondistorting transfers. Direct Payments under the U.S. 1996 and 2002 Farm Acts are a move in this direction, but what is really required are one-time payments, or "buy-outs." U.S. policy has carried out three notable experiments in buy-outs since 1980: in dairy, peanuts and tobacco. The dairy buy-out (Dairy Production Termination Program) was implemented in 1986/87, at a time when milk surpluses were chronic. It was calculated that having dairy farmers agree to sell their herds and leave dairying would save budgetary outlays. Farmers made offers to the government stating a price per hundred pounds of milk producing capacity of their herds at which they would be willing to leave the business. Producers who participated had to sell all their female cattle and agree to remain out of dairy farming for five years, and attempts were made to ensure that cattle sold were slaughtered or exported and not sold to another dairy farm. The program was estimated to reduce U.S. milk production by about 7 percent in the short term but to have had no long- term effect (Dixon, Susanto, and Berry 1991). The positive lesson is that buy-outs can be successfully implemented by USDA as a means of getting farmers to participate in policy reform. Buy-outs to permanently remove producers from certain commodity support programs have been undertaken for peanuts and tobacco since 2000. The 2002 Farm Act authorized payments to peanut producers to buy their production quotas, which had well defined values under pre-existing programs. Premiums over market values of quota had to be paid, but again the approach was proven feasible. 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Westcott (2000), "How Decoupled is U.S. Agricultural Support for Major Crops", American Journal of Agricultural Economics 82(3): 762-67, August. Young, C.E., M.L. Vandeveer and R.D. Schneff (2001), "Production and Price Impacts of U.S. Crop Insurance Programs", American Journal of Agricultural Economics 83(5): 1196-1203. 36 Figure 1: Farm household income as a persent of national household income, United States, 1950 to 2005 Figure 3. Farm Household Income As Percent of U.S. Household Income 160 140 120 100 Percentage 80 60 40 20 0 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Source: Gardner (2002, Figure 3.12) and USDA, Economic Research Service, Briefing Rooms (http://www.ers.usda.gov/Briefing/) 37 Figure 2: Expenditure on commodity programs and payments to farmers, United States, 1955 to 2005 (2000 $billion) Figure 6. Spending on Commodity Programs and Payments to Farmers 45.0 Spending 40.0 Level 35.0 30.0 Billion 2000 $ 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 Payments to Farmers 5.0 0.0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Source: Author's compilation from the Congressional Budget Office, Washington DC. 38 Figure 3: CCC commodity program outlays, United States, 1980 to 2002 ($million, fiscal years) 35000 30000 25000 Million Dollars 20000 CCC Outlays 1996 Projection 2006 Revision 15000 2002 Projection 10000 5000 0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Source: Author's compilation from the Congressional Budget Office, Washington DC. 39 Figure 4: Nominal rates of assistance to exportable, import-competing and all covered agricultural products, United States and Canada,a 1955 to 2007 (percent) (a) United States 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Import-competing products Exportables Total (b) Canada 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Import-competing products Exportables Total a Includes the NRAs shown in Table 2 and what we term as "non-product-specific" assistance, all of which is attributed to tradables. Non-product-specific for 1986-2007 includes payments classified by OECD as based on input use (E1) and miscellaneous payments (H). The total line does not include what we term "decoupled" assistance. Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), drawing on authors' spreadsheet. 40 Figure 5: Nominal rates of assistance to all agriculture without and with decoupled support,a United States and Canada, 1955 to 2007 (percent) (a) United States 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1958 1961 1964 1967 1970 1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 Decoupled support excluded Decoupled support included (b) Canada 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1958 1961 1964 1967 1970 1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 Decoupled support excluded Decoupled support included a Decoupled support includes `direct payments' in the years 1979-85. From 1986 those payments are specified to comprise the OECD's items C (payments based on area planted/animal numbers), D (payments based on historical entitlements), F (payments based on input constraints) and G (payments based on overall farming income). And for 2005-07, those items replaced by similar but newly defined items C to E. The values of those payments are estimated by the OECD. Non-product specific support is also from OECD estimates as defined in the note to Figure 4 (see text for discussion). Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), drawing on authors' spreadsheet and OECD (2008 and earlier years). 41 Figure 6: Nominal rates of assistance to all non-agricultural tradables, all agricultural tradable industries, and relative rate of assistance,a United States and Canada, 1955 to 2007 (percent) (a) United States 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 -10 ag tradables nonag tradables RRA (b) Canada 50 40 30 20 10 0 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 -10 ag tradables nonag tradables RRA a The RRA is defined as 100*[(100+NRAagt)/(100+NRAnonagt) ­ 1]. Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), drawing on author's spreadsheet. 42 Table 1: Customs receipts as a percentage of value of imports, United States, 1821 to 2000 (percent) Manufactured Agricultural All products products merchandise 1821 47 47 43 1830 64 62 57 1840 21 00 18 1850 27 3 25 1860 19 2 18 1870 46 47 50 1880 39 6 29 1890 41 8 30 1900 40 15 28 1910 29 9 21 1920 7 2 6 1930 18 8 15 1940 15 7 13 1950 9 2 6 1960 na na 7 1970 na na 7 1980 na na 3 1990 na na 3 2000 na na 1.6 Sources: Davis, Hughes, and McDougall (1965, p. 327) for manufactured and agricultural products, Carter (2006) for all merchandise. 43 Table 2: Nominal rates of assistance to covered farm products, United States and Canada,a 1955 to 2007 (percent) (a) United States 1955-59 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Exportables 1.0 1.1 6.7 5.7 2.1 5.0 10.5 5.5 5.1 8.1 4.8 Cotton 5.8 0.2 65.2 43.2 9.2 15.6 32.6 24.6 27.8 70.0 77.0 Egg na na na na 4.1 5.8 4.6 8.1 2.2 0.0 0.0 Maize 0.0 1.4 2.4 3.4 0.4 2.6 10.4 0.6 4.8 7.0 6.6 Poultry 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.0 1.3 0.3 0.0 0.0 Rice 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.6 15.6 38.8 20.1 7.8 52.7 2.2 Sorghum na na na na na 37.3 15.0 0.2 4.8 5.5 7.2 Soybean 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.1 6.6 12.4 0.6 Wheat 0.0 3.6 17.8 14.4 9.6 11.2 29.1 25.5 5.4 4.3 0.2 Import-competing products 8.8 9.4 9.4 6.6 9.8 21.1 25.2 19.9 9.5 17.5 8.9 Barley na na na na na na 61.9 59.6 4.8 5.3 3.2 Beef 0.0 0.0 2.0 2.0 2.0 2.0 1.3 1.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 Milk 20.2 23.6 21.0 17.0 25.4 61.8 96.9 59.9 78.8 66.5 24.2 Pigmeat 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Sheepmeat na na na na na 7.1 2.4 1.2 3.4 13.8 9.9 Sugar 50.4 65.9 134.3 18.2 40.3 120.2 158.3 78.8 96.1 115.6 47.6 Wool na na na na na na 1.2 0.9 0.9 16.1 28.2 Non-tradable 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Potato 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 All covered 4.7 4.8 7.8 5.9 5.1 11.1 16.2 11.2 6.2 11.6 6.3 Domestic market support 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.9 2.3 0.4 2.2 3.6 1.0 Border market support 4.7 4.8 7.8 5.9 5.0 10.2 13.9 10.8 4.1 8.0 5.3 Dispersion of NRA of covered products 17.3 23.1 46.6 15.7 14.6 39.8 55.3 27.6 31.4 38.4 23.3 % coverage at undistorted prices 66 66 66 69 70 69 66 67 65 66 68 44 Table 2 (continued): Nominal rates of assistance to covered farm products, United States and Canada,a 1955 to 2007 (percent) (b) Canada 1961-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Exportables 2.5 2.4 2.2 2.8 4.3 8.2 2.4 1.4 1.4 0.4 Barley 2.0 2.0 2.0 5.8 8.0 10.4 2.5 1.4 2.8 1.0 Beef 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.2 2.6 4.0 3.9 nap nap nap Peas 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Pigmeat 2.0 2.0 2.0 2.0 2.0 6.3 5.1 3.8 2.0 0.4 Rapeseed 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 9.6 0.5 0.1 0.1 0.0 Soybean nap nap nap nap nap 2.8 0.4 0.5 1.2 0.3 Wheat 3.0 3.0 3.0 3.1 5.3 10.4 1.4 0.6 0.6 0.2 Import-competing products 15.7 12.0 12.2 32.3 47.2 53.1 44.0 41.3 49.1 46.9 Beef nap nap nap nap nap nap nap 2.0 1.8 0.7 Egg na na na na 41.1 30.1 33.1 27.7 10.6 64.7 Maize 4.9 4.7 3.5 2.3 2.0 12.8 2.5 3.3 8.7 2.9 Milk 34.4 34.4 34.4 162.8 307.2 314.2 182.6 109.4 125.9 94.4 Poultry 17.0 17.8 33.5 24.4 23.3 23.7 25.2 2.7 2.6 6.9 Soybean 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 nap nap nap nap nap Sugar na na na na 32.5 79.5 31.0 17.7 na na Non-tradables 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Potato 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 All covered 8.7 7.2 7.0 16.0 22.5 28.6 20.8 12.3 13.5 11.4 Domestic market support 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.5 13.2 4.1 1.9 1.4 0.4 Border market support 8.7 7.2 7.0 15.9 22.1 15.4 16.6 10.4 12.1 11.0 Dispersion of NRA of covered products 11.1 11.0 13.8 47.5 84.5 87.2 50.1 31.1 35.9 32.5 % coverage at undistorted prices 71 76 79 84 86 83 81 79 76 76 a The main U.S. policies included are import protection; export subsidies; and the various loan-rate-related price support and payments to producers. Excludes deficiency, production flexibility and fixed direct payments, and the market loss assistance and countercyclical payments (see text for discussion). Weighted averages use weights based on the unassisted value of production. Dispersion is the standard deviation shown is the simple 5-year average of the annual standard deviation around the weighted mean. Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), drawing on author's spreadsheet. Table 3: Nominal rates of assistance to agricultural relative to nonagricultural industries, United States and Canada,a 1955 to 2007 (percent) (a) United States 1955-59 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Covered products 4.7 4.8 7.8 5.9 5.1 11.1 16.2 11.2 6.2 11.6 6.3 Non-covered products 8.0 7.7 6.0 5.0 4.7 6.6 10.9 8.4 8.5 9.6 5.4 All agriculture (excl NPS) 5.8 5.8 7.2 5.6 5.0 9.7 14.4 10.2 7.0 10.9 5.2 All importables 8.6 8.9 8.5 6.1 8.4 16.9 20.9 16.4 9.1 15.0 8.7 All exportables 2.7 2.7 6.5 5.5 2.6 5.3 10.6 6.2 5.8 8.4 4.7 All nontradables 8.0 6.8 5.1 4.3 4.2 5.7 9.4 7.2 7.3 8.2 2.3 Non-product specific (NPS) 7.0 5.2 3.3 1.1 1.2 1.8 2.7 3.7 3.3 4.9 4.3 All agriculture (incl NPS) 12.8 10.9 10.5 6.9 6.2 11.5 17.1 13.9 10.2 15.6 9.8 Decoupled payments 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 5.2 9.3 5.9 6.3 8.4 5.6 All agric (incl NPS & dec) 12.8 10.9 10.5 6.9 6.3 16.7 26.4 19.9 16.5 24.1 15.3 All ag tradables (incl NPS) 12.5 10.8 10.8 7.0 6.2 12.0 18.0 14.4 10.4 16.5 9.9 All nonag tradables 6.1 7.3 7.4 5.4 3.8 3.5 3.5 3.2 2.1 1.5 1.4 b RRA 6.0 3.2 3.2 1.5 2.2 8.2 13.9 10.8 8.1 14.7 8.4 2 Table 3 (continued): Nominal rates of assistance to agricultural relative to nonagricultural industries, United States and Canada,a 1955 to 2007 (percent) (b) Canada 1961-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Covered products 8.7 7.2 7.0 16.0 22.5 28.6 20.8 12.3 13.5 11.4 Non-covered products 6.6 5.4 4.9 9.8 12.9 14.9 10.6 6.2 7.1 6.7 All agriculture (excl NPS) 8.1 6.8 6.5 15.0 21.2 26.3 18.9 11.0 12.0 9.1 All importables 15.1 11.7 12.0 31.1 45.2 50.9 41.8 36.2 42.0 45.0 All exportables 4.3 3.5 3.0 4.6 6.3 10.1 4.8 2.9 3.2 0.9 All nontradables 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Non-product specific (NPS) na 4.9 4.0 5.7 9.1 13.2 12.8 7.8 12.1 2.2 Inputs na na na 0.5 0.8 6.9 5.6 2.4 1.8 2.1 Other na 4.9 4.0 5.2 8.3 6.3 7.2 5.5 10.4 0.1 All agriculture (incl NPS) 8.1 11.7 11.0 20.8 30.3 39.7 31.6 18.9 23.9 11.4 Decoupled payments 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.7 4.7 8.6 8.0 5.3 10.3 11.8 All agric (incl NPS & dec) 8.1 11.7 11.0 21.5 35.0 48.3 39.6 24.3 34.2 23.2 All ag tradables (incl NPS) 8.1 11.7 11.0 20.8 30.3 39.7 31.6 18.9 23.9 11.4 All nonag tradables 9.2 6.9 6.0 5.1 4.8 3.9 2.6 1.1 0.8 0.8 b RRA -1.0 4.5 4.7 14.9 24.3 34.5 28.3 17.6 22.9 10.5 a Decoupled support includes `direct payments' in the years 1979-85. From 1986 those payments are specified to comprise the OECD's items C (payments based on area planted/animal numbers), D (payments based on historical entitlements), F (payments based on input constraints) and G (payments based on overall farming income). And for 2005-07, those items replaced by similar but newly defined items C to E. The values of those payments are estimated by the OECD. See text for discussion of non-product specific support. b RRA is defined as 100*[(100+NRAagt)/(100+NRAnonagt)-1], where NRAagt and NRAnonagt are the percentage NRAs for the tradables parts of the agricultural and non-agricultural sectors, respectively. Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), drawing on authors' spreadsheet and OECD (2008 and earlier years). 3 Table 4: Gross subsidy equivalents of assistance to farmers, by product, per farm worker, and total, United States and Canada, 1955 to 2007 (a) by covered product (constant 2000 $US millions, excluding non-product-specific and decoupled payments) 1955-59 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Barley na 14 19 44 97 141 518 392 48 53 20 Beef 0 25 442 555 541 549 388 307 53 69 25 Cotton 458 19 1573 1541 593 792 1170 1030 1094 1692 2442 Egg na na na na 395 495 302 432 174 34 167 Maize 0 273 509 998 163 848 1927 152 825 1316 1081 Milk 3365 4253 4116 3829 7775 13778 12986 9875 3761 8125 6666 Peas na 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Pigmeat 0 31 41 56 55 52 124 297 68 46 12 Potato na 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 105 127 248 222 197 791 363 68 38 90 Rapeseed na 0 0 0 0 0 68 4 1 2 0 Rice 0 0 0 0 54 212 261 219 76 344 33 Sheepmeat na na na na 40 40 14 5 12 40 28 Sorghum na na na na 436 636 261 4 40 40 36 Soybean 0 0 0 0 0 0 91 18 734 1274 90 Sugar 515 594 995 476 711 1015 1173 800 759 824 552 Wheat 0 317 1308 1266 1248 1689 2108 1737 333 240 16 Wool na na na na na na 1 1 0 3 5 (b) Per person engaged in agriculture (constant 2000 US$, including non-product-specific but not decoupled payments) 1961-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 Total, North America 3115 3739 3445 4181 6720 8222 7370 5580 9165 7364 United States 3383 3886 3431 3728 6303 7710 6831 5185 8795 7279 Canada 1590 2914 3524 6478 8857 11412 11379 8591 12056 8034 4 Table 4 (continued): Gross subsidy equivalents of assistance to farmers, by product, per farm worker, and total, United States and Canada, 1960 to 2005 (c) total (constant 2000 $US millions) 1961-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-07 North America, Covered products 5632 9130 9014 12331 20445 22185 15636 8044 14142 11264 United States 4708 8115 7731 9029 16177 18088 12781 6195 12227 9109 Canada 924 1015 1283 3302 4268 4096 2856 1850 1915 2156 North America, Cov+noncov products 9886 12539 12345 15387 25132 28745 20788 13195 19816 12985 United States 8552 11263 10821 11816 20473 24224 17599 11100 17591 10717 Canada 1334 1276 1524 3570 4659 4521 3188 2095 2225 2268 North America, Non-product-specific 7658 6192 3399 4077 5822 6863 8580 6999 10228 10166 United States 7658 5269 2417 2678 3815 4548 6397 5491 7974 9598 Canada 0 923 981 1399 2007 2315 2182 1508 2254 568 North America, incl. NPS 17544 18731 15743 19464 30954 35608 29368 20194 30044 23151 United States 16210 16533 13238 14494 24288 28772 23997 16590 25564 20315 Canada 1334 2199 2505 4970 6666 6836 5371 3603 4480 2836 North America, Decoupled payments 0 0 0 529 11199 16979 11526 11012 15598 14795 United States 0 0 0 352 10193 15529 10177 9990 13657 11826 Canada 0 0 0 177 1006 1451 1349 1022 1941 2970 North America, including NPS and decoupled 17544 18731 15743 19993 42153 52587 40894 31205 45643 37947 United States 16210 16533 13238 14846 34481 44301 34174 26580 39222 32141 Canada 1334 2199 2505 5147 7672 8286 6720 4625 6421 5806 Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008) based on author's spreadsheet. 5 Table 5: Consumer tax equivalents of policies assisting farmers, covered products, total and per capita and by product, United States and Canada, 1960 to 2005 (a) Aggregate CTE (percent) 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005 Total, North America 5.7 8.4 6.1 7.2 12.6 9.8 1.9 -4.7 -2.4 -6.3 United States 5.4 8.4 5.9 5.8 11.0 7.5 -0.4 -6.8 -4.2 -8.5 Canada 10.1 8.2 7.8 19.1 27.3 31.0 24.6 14.1 15.6 14.1 (b) CTE per capita (constant 2000 US$) 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005 Total, North America 27 41 36 44 68 42 8 -18 -9 -26 United States 26 40 34 35 58 32 -2 -26 -16 -35 Canada 50 47 54 127 154 134 95 54 54 56 6 Table 5 (continued): Consumer tax equivalents of policies assisting farmers, covered products, total and per capita and by product, United States and Canada, 1960 to 2005 (c) CTE by covered product (constant 2000 $US millions), United States, 1955 to 2007 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005 Barley na na na na na 89 99 -100 -95 -89 Beef 0 426 547 531 475 -776 -1529 -1806 -1813 -1976 Cotton 16 1489 1284 482 657 1028 865 965 1320 1955 Egg na na na -20 -9 -79 -54 -308 -409 -519 Maize 246 435 822 95 566 -1320 -2947 -3257 -3702 -4374 Milk 3398 3304 3056 5140 10134 9039 5777 1738 4264 1005 Pigmeat 0 0 0 0 0 -1142 -1748 -2253 -2362 -3122 Potato 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Poultry 0 0 0 0 0 -134 -1076 -1263 -1328 -1657 Rice 0 0 0 25 100 -46 -138 -201 -199 -357 Sheepmeat na na na 29 5 6 6 13 53 57 Sorghum na na na 0 0 -143 -189 -185 -163 -161 Soybean 0 0 0 0 0 -199 -337 -365 -376 -483 Sugar 1011 1683 791 965 1051 1421 1018 926 992 593 Wheat 147 591 572 449 546 88 -126 -917 -859 -1293 Wool na na na na na 2 1 1 0 0 United States 4819 7929 7073 7696 13525 7835 -378 -7010 -4677 -10422 7 (d) CTE by covered product (constant 2000 $US millions), Canada, 1961 to 2005 1961-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005 Barley 11 15 29 68 86 17 16 0 0 0 Beef 26 41 52 54 108 70 54 6 5 0 Egg na na na 70 127 98 121 89 33 141 Maize 17 23 27 23 23 22 1 0 0 0 Milk 709 682 749 2542 3185 2847 2137 1471 1641 1663 Peas 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 na Pigmeat 31 41 54 56 45 7 0 0 0 0 Potato 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Poultry 105 127 245 227 203 271 361 30 31 30 Rapeseed 0 0 0 0 0 22 1 1 1 0 Soybean 0 0 0 0 0 8 1 2 5 6 Sugar na na na 44 39 43 31 25 na na Wheat 28 25 37 38 55 152 42 -3 -6 0 Canada 927 954 1194 3122 3871 3557 2767 1622 1710 1841 Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008) based on author's spreadsheet. Table 6: Political Action Committee (PAC) disbursements during the election cycle, United States, Nov. 2004 to Oct. 2006 ($million) Commodity of PAC: Sugar Alliance 1.2 Farm Credit Council 1.0 Dairy 0.8 Texas Farm Bureau 0.5 Cotton Council 0.3 Sugar 0.3 Cattlemens Beef 0.3 Dairy 0.3 Broiler Chickens 0.3 FLA sugar 0.2 Indiana Farm Bureau 0.2 Sugar beets 0.2 Farmers' Group 0.2 Peanuts 0.2 Eggs 0.2 Michigan Farm Bureau 0.2 Farmer Coop 0.1 Sugar beets 0.1 Beef 0.1 TOTAL of ABOVE 6.7 Source: Political Moneyline, www.tray.com Appendix: Complexities in analysing economic effects of farm policies of the United Stages and Canada The policies affecting producer prices in the United States and Canada, as summarized in the NRA estimates, have affected farmers' production decisions in major and complex ways, albeit somewhat differently in these two countries and so they are discussed in turn. United States It is helpful to begin with trade policies and then to examine domestic farm support policies, before turning to the empirical literature. Agricultural trade policies Summarizing the effects of U.S. import restrictions and export promotion under the programs discussed earlier is difficult because of the variety of policy instruments used. These include import quotas, tariffs, special access provisions (such as the Caribbean Basin Initiative), "voluntary restraint" agreements (such as the ones on Australian beef sales to the U.S.), embargoes on trade with specific countries (such as grain exports to the Soviet Union), regional trade liberalization agreements (most notably NAFTA), and targeted export subsidies (EEP and DEIP). Some of the effects of those policies on domestic as compared to off-shore commodity prices are not straightforward. U.S. policy provides an ideal indicator of domestic relative to international reference price for its single most protected major commodity, namely sugar. The New York Mercantile Exchange trades contracts in both off-shore Caribbean basis raw sugar and landed, duty-paid sugar at U.S. port locations. The percentage difference between these prices gives a market- based daily measure of the degree of protection afforded by the full complexity of the U.S. sugar program. The relevant price data are shown in Appendix Figure 5. Over the 2001-2005 period, the average NRA on raw sugar was 110 percent. Although the sugar program has many complexities, including production controls if minimum import levels are not met, this percentage is a good measure of the protection afforded the U.S. industry relative to the world market. In assessing the impact of world markets, it is also helpful to know that the NRA is achieved through application of tariff-rate quotas, which together with agreements under NAFTA and CAFTA permitted 2.6 million tons of sugar (raw value) to be imported (as compared to 9 million tons produced domestically). It is also helpful to know that these quotas are allocated to country governments in a political process, as opposed to being auctioned off or assigned to U.S. importing companies. The 2005 allocations are shown in Appendix Table 6. A more complicated trade policy picture is provided by dairy products. The price of milk is supported through government purchases of commodities to support prices for butter, nonfat dry milk (or powdered milk) and cheddar cheese, at prices that would attract imports if imports were allowed to enter freely. Since 1997 butter and cheese prices have generally been above the support levels, with the only product consistently purchased for price support being nonfat dry milk. In response to this, USDA cut the support price of nonfat dry milk over time, from $1.04 per pound in 1997 to $0.80 in 2005, and purchases slowed. In this respect, the distortions to the tradable dairy commodity markets appear likely to be small, and have been analyzed as having as 2 their chief result forestalling the conversion of nonfat dry milk production in California (which now produces half the U.S. output) to other manufactured milk products (Bailey 2005). Nonetheless tariff-rate quotas on imports of these products remain in place. And, although the market price of milk for manufacturing has been above the support price in all recent years, the U.S. price for such milk has remained well above the New Zealand price which is the best candidate for an international reference price. The average NRA for the five years 2000-04, comparing the U.S. manufacturing milk price with that of New Zealand, is 51 percent. Import protection for other major commodities is minimal in the last two decades, as the commodities are exported and no longer have domestic programs that support market prices and thus draw imports that require section 22 quotas to foreclose. But quotas and tariff-rate quotas are used to restrict some competing imported products in fruits and vegetables, even from NAFTA partners. Domestic support policies The joint effects of border measures and domestic commodity programs are well illustrated by the case of milk. The price support system for manufacturing milk places a floor under the price of all milk produced. The effects of this policy is reasonable captured by internal and off-shore price comparisons. Over and above this support, classified pricing under marketing orders generates a price for fresh (drinking) milk that is higher. The premium for "Class I" milk varies regionally. The U.S. average increase to the price farmers receive for milk has been estimated in several studies over the last 30 years. A review by a Task Force of the American Agricultural Economics Association placed the average rate of subsidy achieved by classified pricing at 4 percent (AAEA 1986). Although this study is 20 years old, the structure and extent of the marketing order system remains essentially in place to the present. This 4 percent is properly counted as domestic support that generates additional milk production that adds to world supplies of dairy products but does not impose a border distortion. In addition, under the 2002 Farm Act there are the Milk Income Loss Protection program payments. A major problem in analyzing the production-inducing effects of the many domestic programs is that the data available to characterize them are government spending levels. It would be relatively straightforward conceptually, though difficult empirically, to estimate the effects of this spending if it took the form of classical production subsidies (as is the dairy program, essentially). Then we could calculate a percentage distortion of the market price by dividing spending on each commodity by the quantity produced, and estimate the effects of that percentage subsidy using the relevant elasticities of supply and demand for the subsidized commodities, taking into account interactions between commodities that are substitutes in either production or consumption (and often both), and between commodities that are related vertically, as feed and livestock. However, the bulk of U.S. spending in support of agriculture does not take the form of a production subsidy of this type. An attempt is made in Appendix Table 4 to distinguished "coupled" from "decoupled" payments. That attempt could be questioned, and the spending detailed in Apendix Table 5 is even more difficult to characterize. If U.S. policies had no effects on world market prices, specifically on the reference prices used to calculate the effects of trade restrictions, then the difficulties of estimating domestic support effects would be less important. But for the major U.S. commodities, the effects of U.S. policies on world markets are potentially significant. So it is important to assess the production effects of these policies. 3 The question of which governmental expenditures do most to influence agricultural production comes to a head first in deciding what programs to omit from consideration as output stimulators. The earlier discussion of Appendix Table 5 left out the big domestic food assistance programs ­ the Food Stamp Program and Child Nutrition Programs ­ which had FY 2005 outlays of $50 billion, more than all the other programs listed in Appendix Table 4 combined. These programs are omitted on the grounds that they do not distort markets, but are analytically comparable to welfare programs that transfer cash to poor households. The only food programs included in Appendix Table 5 are those that explicitly attempt to support agricultural markets where surplus production is a problem. The major programs in this category are P.L. 480, where a mix of foreign need and domestic political interests come into play (spending about $800 million), and "Section 32" purchases by USDA, a program under which USDA, at the discretion of the Secretary of Agriculture, purchases commodities deemed to be in surplus for use in school lunch or other feeding programs (spending about $450 million). The OECD estimates a PSE of 23 percent of U.S. gross farm receipts for 1999-2001, and 15, 16, and 16 percent for 2003, 2004, and 2005, respectively (OECD 2006). The 2005 percentage is quite close to the 14 percent calculated above with reference to Appendix Table 5. Both percentages are higher than would be obtained from NRA calculation using Appendix Table 3 data where, for 2005, the payments of $20.2 billion amount to 8.5 percent of the $239 billion value of U.S. farm output. This occurs because Appendix Table 5 and OECD include a substantially wider range of government outlays as part of agricultural support. The question for analytical purposes is the effect of this activity on U.S. agricultural output, prices and trade. As the OECD definition of the PSE makes clear, this issue is sidestepped in measures like the ones just calculated. The issue has been confronted most directly in the context of international trade negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) aggregates "all domestic support measures considered to distort production and trade" (World Trade Organization 2002) as the Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS). Under the Uruguay Round Agriculture Agreement (URAA) of 1994, the members of the WTO agreed to discipline their spending on these "amber box" programs, with some exceptions. The exceptions are "de minimis" provisions that exempt spending that is less than five percent of a commodity's value (for commodity-specific programs) or five percent of all agricultural commodities produced in a country (for programs not tied to a specific commodity), and a "blue box" of programs that provide subsidies that are linked to production limitations.21 Each WTO member country is charged with notifying the WTO of its actions as related to URAA commitments. The United States, according to its notifications, has not provided support at levels that have reached its AMS commitments, and so has not had to undertake reductions in support under the URAA agreement. The biggest component of support up to 1996, deficiency payments, was in the blue box and so not disciplined. Since 1996, the biggest component of support, production flexibility contract payments under the FAIR Act, has been 21 With the product-specific de minimis provision, it makes a difference how products are aggregated. For example, if butter receives support worth 10 percent of its value and cheese and other milk products receive no support, it is still possible not to exceed the de minimis level of support for dairy products as a whole. Therefore a country has an incentive to define commodities broadly. In fact the US spreads its support for all dairy products over a single aggregate dairy category (which is appropriate since what is being supported at the farm level is the underlying raw material, milk). But fruits and vegetables are not aggregated. U.S. submissions to the WTO report product-specific support for the following commodity categories: barley, beef, corn, cottonseed, cotton, dairy, pork, honey, canola, flaxseed, mustard, rapeseed, safflower, sunflower, mohair, oats, peanuts, rice, rye, sorghum, soybeans, sugar, tobacco, wheat, wool, potatoes, apples, cranberries, and lamb. 4 placed in the "green box", defined as program outlays that do not have the effect of supporting prices and "have no, or at most minimal" trade-distorting effects on production. The latest notifications tabled by the United States as of 2007 were those for 2001. They are as follows (in billions of dollars): URAA Amber Box Amber Box Commitment Total net of de minimis Product-specific 14.6 14.4 Non-product-specific 6.8 0.0 Total 19.1 20.4 14.4 The product-specific items include dairy price supports ($4.5 billion) and sugar import protection ($1.0 billion), as market support measures that do not involve payments and thus are excluded from the items listed in Appendix Tables 3 to 5. Loan deficiency payments and related marketing loan gains account for most of the rest. Production Flexibility Payments are notified as Green Box and not included here. The non-product-specific items include Market Loss Assistance payments ($4.6 billion), benefits from crop insurance programs ($1.8 billion), and input supply subsidies, mainly irrigation and grazing rights, $0.4 billion. Since 5 percent of aggregate U.S. agricultural output of $198 billion in 2001 is $9.9 billion, none of the $6.8 billion in non- product-specific support has to be counted against the $19.1 billion URAA ceiling, and no disciplines are required on U.S. domestic support. As analytical categories, the amber box and green box raise several questions. The most obvious is how can Production Flexibility Contract payments be green, and at the same time Market Loss Assistance (MLA) payments, which provided a 50 percent supplement to PFC payments on exactly the same payment base, be amber. Since both are decoupled from the farmer's production decisions in the sense that they do not change if the producer increases or decreases acreage or output of the covered crops, why are not both equally green? The answer in the URAA text, as cited in USDA's explanation to Congress of why the U.S. notified the WTO that MLA payments fall into the amber box, is that MLA payments, as a Congressional policy response to low prices, are in fact "coupled" to market conditions and are therefore amber. The URAA is taken to require this even though the fixed payment base for the market loss assistance payments makes these payments not notably more production distorting than the PFC payments. Similarly, the Counter-cyclical Payments of the 2002 Act would have to be counted as Amber Box because they rise as prices fall, even though these payments too do not vary with a producer's output. However, the Bush Administration has not notified WTO of its policies after 2001, when the 2002 Act went into effect, possibly to avoid taking a stand on this issue.22 22 The URAA has two requirements for payments to qualify for the green box. First, there is the basic criterion that payments "shall have no, or at most minimal, trade-distorting effects or effects on production" (Annex 2, Paragraph 1). The second is a policy-specific requirement that "The amount of such payment in any given year shall not be related to, or based on, the prices, domestic or international, applying to any production undertaken in any year after the base period" (Annex 2, Subparagraph 6(C). It would be possible to read this second requirement as pertaining to production over and above that of the base period (otherwise why use the term "undertaken", which could be omitted if all production is meant). This interpretation preserves the sense of the basic criterion, and the Bush Administration's unwillingness to embrace this plausible way of notifying MLA payments as green may be a reason why agricultural interests in Congress were irritated. 5 The marketing loan program is the aspect of U.S. policy that is closest to a classical production subsidy, since it makes use of the difference between a supported price and the market price on all of a producer's output that can be documented as available for sale from a farm (up to quite liberal levels of payment restriction). Westcott and Price (2001) estimated of the output effects of marketing loan supports by removing price wedges attributable to marketing loan provisions as of 1998, and simulating the effects for each commodity to 2005. They used a model embodying a complete set of commodity supply and demand elasticities and cross- elasticities, with baseline projections of yields and export demand. Taking an average of their results for 1999-2001, i.e., two to four years after the loan program is taken away, they estimate the following percentage changes in prices and quantities attributable to the program, as compared to the situation without the program: Commodity Market price Cropland Area Wheat -2.2 1.5 Corn -1.4 0.4 Soybeans -3.7 1.4 Cotton23 -9.0 6.0 In contrast, it is arguable that the additional spending on direct and countercyclical payments, though large, is essentially a set of lump-sum payments that farmers cannot change through their decisions about what to produce, how much to produce, or the production practices followed. Therefore one may expect small if any output effects or price effects, and few if any deadweight losses due to market distortions. What does this argument miss? One issue is the permitted updating of acreage bases for payments in 2002, which blunts the point that the payments do not influence production decisions. Given that updating farmers have an incentive to maintain acreage in order to be in a favorable position for future updating. A second issue is a set of individually small but collectively significant policies that have remained in place: the market-distorting sugar support price; the Dairy Market Income Loss Protection (MILC) Program, which makes payments on current production (up to a limit of 2.4 million pounds per year ­ equivalent to a herd of about 140 cows), a marketing loan program for peanuts that makes payments on a current production base, and the introduction, in the 2002 Act, of similar marketing loan programs for wool, mohair, honey, and pulses (chickpeas, lentils, and dry peas). These last are significant new production-inducing subsidy programs, albeit on products with aggregrate values too small to register in Appendix Table 4. With respect to Product Flexibility Payments (1996 Act) or direct payments (2002 Act), reasons have been given as to why the payments may result in commodity production higher than would be the case in the absence of the program, despite their "decoupled" nature. Most notable among the reasons are wealth effects, insurance effects, and restrictions on use of land in growing horticultural crops. Whether any of these effects are quantitatively important is an empirical issue, and one that is impossible to estimate with precision from the data available. Westcott and Young (2001), 23 The cotton figures are Westcott-Price estimates only for quantity. I estimate producer price based on a demand elasticity of ­2/3. 6 following up on Young and Westcott (2000), use estimates of wealth effects on planted acreage, developed from pre-1990 data by Chavas and Holt (1990), to estimate that during the period of the FAIR Act PFC payments had "the possible increases in aggregate planted acreage range from 225,000 to 725,000", or about 0.3 percent of total cropland (p. 11). Adams et al. (2001) consider 1997-2000 acreage data directly for 11 major U.S. program-crop states. They find a positive effect of PFC plus market loss assistance (supplemental PFC) payments, but the effect has only marginal statistical significance. FAPRI's simulations imply that $10 billion in payments, about the average level in 1998-2001, would cause about 2.75 million acres of U.S. cropland to be devoted to program crops that would not have been in the absence of the FAIR Act, 1 percent of the acreage planted to those crops. The implied output effect of about 1 percent means the payments introduced in the FAIR Act had about half the downward world price effect of the marketing loan program. In view of the weak statistical significance of the underlying coefficient, the estimates are best taken as an upper limit of the program's effects. In addition to commodity program effects, the Federal Crop Insurance Program has increased its subsidies and hence participation in the program since the 1994 Crop Insurance Reform Act. Estimates in the literature imply that $3 billion in crop insurance subsidies, a level being approached after 2005, would increase aggregate U.S. crop acreage by 0.5 to 10.0 percent, a remarkably wide range of uncertainty (see Glauber and Collins 2002; Young, Vandeveer and Schneff 2001; Orden 2001; Keaton, Skees and Long 2001). The most careful and detailed of these studies suggest the lower end of this range is most plausible. Young, Vandeveer, and Schneff project average acreages and yields during 2001-2010 in the absence of subsidized crop insurance. They estimate 960,000 acres would be withdrawn from grain, soybean, and cotton production (less than 0.5 percent), with more than half of this acreage from the Great Plains, a primarily wheat-growing area. Their implied estimate is that production of wheat would decline about 0.8 percent, cotton 1.7 percent, feed grains 0.2 percent, and soybeans 0.1 percent. Overall effects Although any estimate is conjectural, the set of most-reasonable estimates indicate that in the 1999-2005 period the marketing loan program has increased the U.S. output of grains and soybeans by about 2 percent, the direct payment program, including the 2002 Act's changes, about 1 percent, and crop insurance subsidies by 1+ percent, for a total effect of 4 to 5 percent more of these commodities being produced in 1999-2002 than would have been the case in the absence of commodity support programs. Long-run policy effects The long-run consequences of commodity support policies are a quite different matter. One has to consider government programs that have a longer-term focus (conservation, agricultural research), and the long-term effects of price supports through farmers' investment and technology adoption decisions. The Conservation Reserve Program (CRP) idled 34 million acres (10 percent of all land used for crops) as of 2006, roughly the same level as for the last 15 years. If that program were to end, what would the output effects be? Most land in the CRP is designated as highly erodible or having other characteristics that make cropping it more than usually threatening to water quality (such as land within 100 feet of a stream or lake). These lands are expected to have lower than average yields when cropped, but analysis by the Economic Research Service of USDA has estimated that yield capacities of CRP land are not far below each area's corresponding cropped 7 acreage on average; but 58 percent of CRP land is in the relatively low-yielding Great Plains states and only 18 percent is in the Corn Belt. So bringing this land back into production would have a disproportionately large effect on wheat production. Assuming two-thirds of CRP land would return to crop production with 85 percent of the yield of average U.S. cropland, assumptions consistent with USDA-ERS analyses, a reasonable estimate of the effect on aggregate grain and soybean output is that the CRP has decreased output by the equivalent of (340.670.85=) 19 million U.S. average-quality cropland acres, about 7 percent. Thus the CRP slightly more than offsets the production increasing effects of marketing loans, crop insurance, and direct payments as operated under the 2002 Act. In its benefit-cost analysis of the CRP, USDA estimates imply that 34 million acres placed in the program increase the prices of wheat, corn, and soybeans by 11 percent, 13 percent, and 12 percent respectively (USDA 1997, p. 7602). These estimated effects are probably too large as long-run impacts, but even if the long-run effects are only half as large, they still roughly offset the price-reducing effects of the USDA's current commodity support programs. Empirical evidence In order to provide an informal reality check for the preceding estimates of commodity program effects (not counting long-term effects of conservation or research programs), consider the time series data on corn, soybean, and wheat acreage, as shown in Appendix Figure 6. The period between 1970 and 1981 is one in which a huge increase in plantings of these crops occurred, from 160 to 240 million acres, a 50 percent increase. This expansion was induced by price rises in which farm-level corn and soybean prices more than doubled and wheat prices tripled. During the commodity crash and consequent farm income crisis of the 1980s, this acreage fell back, partly in response to lower prices and partly because of federal acreage-idling programs of pre- 1996 legislation. The acreage reductions of 1983, 1986, and 1987 are specific consequences of these programs. By 1990-1995 relative stability in acreage emerged for aggregate grain and soybean acreage, but with a moderate continuing trend away from wheat and into soybeans. In this context the FAIR Act of 1996 was intended to let farmers respond more fully to market prices rather than deficiency payments (a goal already partly achieved in the 1990 Farm Act and likely responsible for some of the move to soybeans in 1990-1995). What were the consequences of moving to "freedom to farm" in the 1996 Act? What was most clearly expected was a further shift to soybeans, and indeed this shift occurred. Beyond price incentives, one reason was the desire of some Corn Belt growers to introduce a two-year corn-soybean rotation for pest control purposes, but who had been trapped into continuous corn or nearly so by the loss of corn deficiency payments if they shifted to soybeans beyond the limits allowed under the limited flexibility provisions of the 1990 Act. However, regional data make it clear that the move to soybeans was not just a Corn Belt adjustment. Table 11 shows planted acreages for the main regions comparing the two years just before the FAIR Act (1994 and 1995 average) with the last two years (2000 and 2001 average). Soybean acreage increased by about the same amount (6 million acres) in both the Corn Belt and Great Plains, and by a much larger percentage in the latter. Aggregate acreage for the three crops increased most in the Corn Belt. As Appendix Figure 6 shows, the main jump in acreage occurred in 1996. The predominant causes were the high commodity prices that persisted over a year from mid-1995, and the end of legislated acreage reduction programs. The effect of the FAIR Act's marketing loan, PFC payment, and crop insurance programs was to maintain that higher acreage. This can be seen most clearly by 8 plotting the data in price-quantity space. Appendix Figure 7 shows corn acreage planted and the average price received by farmers for the preceding crop.24 It is noteworthy that the 1998-2002 levels of plantings are clustered in the lower right-hand corner of price-quantity space. This means that the acreage-response supply function lies below the supply function of earlier years. Why? One reason is that the real cost of producing corn has declined (note that prices are deflated to give real values), attributed to technological advances -- improved seed, machinery, etc. Wheat 3 crops -1,802 4,897 -23.1 percent 5.2 percent -5,462 2,651 -13.2 percent 3.9 percent -49 -1,721 -1.1 percent -8.1 percent -1,255 185 -7.8 percent 0.8 percent -8,567 6,013 -12.3 percent 2.9 percent There is an overall tendency for successive observations to lie lower and to the right, as the division of the data into the 1980s (squares), early 1990s (triangles), and 1998-2002 (diamonds) indicates. In addition, corn programs, particularly set-asides, make a difference. This is most obvious in the case of the Payment-in-Kind acreage idling program of 1983, which brought planted corn acreage down to 60 million. The 7.5 percent corn acreage reduction in the 1995 program in responsible for the left-most triangle in the 1990-1997 data and the only such year in which corn had an acreage reduction program. The data suggest that the loan deficiency payments and perhaps the market-loss assistance payments of 1998-2001 also have played a role. Sketching in supply functions (adjusted for acreage reductions in years when they occurred) as shown in Appendix Figure 7 indicates that the curve shifted down by about 65 cents per bushel between 1991-97 and 1998- 2002. If technical progress reduced costs by 2 percent per year during this period (USDA's estimate of the long-term average total factor productivity growth for U.S. agriculture), this 24 This price is called the lagged price in the diagram, because it is received in marketing the crop preceding the crop whose planted acreage is shown. But the time is which the prices are observed actually coincides with the planting period. For example the price that corresponds to planted acreage in 2001 is the average price received for the 2000 crop. Most of the crop is sold in the months immediately following the harvest, in October 2000 to January 2001, just a few months before planting the 2001 crop; but some sales whose prices make up the season average price of 2000-crop corn occur throughout the marketing year, which goes through August 2001. Therefore, it is possible that observation of plantings could influence the "lagged" price to some extent, and we would not be able to identify the acreage-proxied supply function exactly. 9 could have accounted for a shift of about 12 percent over the six years from the midpoint of the 1991-97 period to the midpoint of the 1998-2002 period, which at an average price of $2.50 would amount to 30 cents. This leaves a 35-cent apparent supply shift unaccounted for. That is, in 1998-2002 farmers are planting an acreage of corn that, based on farmers' historical behavior, would have required a price 35 cents per bushel higher than the actual price we observe in 1998- 2002. (If there were no cost reductions, and the underlying real cost situation has remained the same since 1991, then the apparently missing price incentive is 65 cents per bushel.) Recall from the earlier discussion of marketing loans that the average marketing loan benefit for 1999-2000 was 26 cents per bushel. This explains a substantial part of the apparent supply shift ­ if producers expect a 26-cent marketing loan benefit, they will commit acreage to corn that they would commit if the market price (which doesn't include the marketing loan benefit) was 26 cents higher and there were not marketing loans (as there were not in the higher- priced years of 1991-1997). Since the total apparent supply shift (measured vertically) is 65 cents, this leaves a 9-cent (if corn production costs were reduced 12 percent) to 39-cent (if costs were not reduced at all) shift to be explained by other factors. The prime candidate is the Production Flexibility and Market Loss Assistance payments made under the FAIR Act. To estimate the additional corn production created by the policies, we need to convert the vertical shift to a horizontal one. For this transformation only one parameter is necessary, the elasticity of supply. Assuming it is 0.3, the horizontal shift is 1.2 (12 percent cost reduction) to 4.5 percent (no cost reduction). Taking the midpoint, and assuming no yield effects, the implication is that policies in place under the FAIR Act generated about 3 percent more corn than would have been the case under pre-1996 policies. The data for soybeans indicate an even larger soybean acreage effect in 1998-2002. Despite record-low real prices, acreage keeps increasing. In part, following the discussion earlier, this is attributable to the FAIR Act's removal of previously existing disincentives to grow soybeans. Indeed, the soybean data call into question the estimate of the corn effect as estimated, because it too could be in part a result of corn acreage moving to soybeans as a result of FAIR Act soybean provisions rather than corn subsidies. The data of Appendix Figure 6 and Appendix Table 7 suggest that even a corn-soybean aggregate analysis would not tell the whole story, because there has been a substitution of both of these crops, but especially soybeans, for wheat. For the three-crop aggregate, the data indicate an acreage effect of about 4 percent. Appendix Figure 6 plots the path labeled "policy phase-out" as an estimated 4 percent less during 1999- 2001 as the difference between the U.S. acreage actually planted to corn, soybeans, and wheat and the acreage the would have been planted in the absence of the PFC payments, market-loss payments, marketing loan payments, and added crop insurance subsidies that were paid in those years. Canada Appendix Table 8 shows applied tariff rates for Canadian agricultural, food, and nonfood manufacturing products. Wheat makes the highest contribution to Canada's measured tariff protection, but it is not clear how meaningful the tariff is, since the main cross-border traffic in wheat would be with the U.S., which under NAFTA would not be subject to those duties. There have been non-tariff barriers to wheat movement, most notably in the case of durum wheat in the 1990s, but here it was Canadian exports to the U.S. that were restricted. It is also likely that the 10 Canadian Wheaet Board (CWB) at times exercises voluntary restraint on exports to the U.S. (Gray and Gardner 1995). As of 2000, the tariff levels for supply-managed commodities, which apply once triggering quantities are reached, were: milk, 241 percent, butter 299 percent, skim milk powder 202 percent, turkey meat 155 percent, eggs 164 percent, and chicken meat 238 percent (Schmitz, Furtan, and Baylis 2002, p. 272). These levels do not necessarily indicate differences between domestic Canadian and world reference prices, however, since they are set higher than necessary in years of average world price levels, so that no quantities will be imported above the in-quota levels that trigger the duties even in years when world prices are unusually low (so substantially lower tariffs might have been sufficient). Moreover, to the extent that supply management programs are actually restricting Canadian supplies, the effects on world markets of liberalizing the policies are unclear even as to the sign of the effect on world prices. Letting more products into Canada would be positive for world prices but letting Canadians produce more would be negative. Because they make payments to producers based on estimates of returns for the farm enterprise as a whole, the main Canadian programs since 1991 do not lend themselves well to commodity-specific analysis. We can compare Canadian producer prices to international reference prices, adjusted for transportation and other transactions costs, and for differences in quality characteristics between Canadian and reference traded commodities. The major long-standing market support policies for grains and livestock operate outside the Agricultural Policy Framework ­ the Canadian Wheat Board CWB and the supply management programs for livestock. As mentioned earlier, the CWB has a monopoly of Canadian wheat and barley exports. It is one of the largest wheat merchandisers in the world, and accounted for 12 percent of the world cereals market according to a recent estimate (Carter. Loyns, and Berwald 1998). The CWB aims to sell strategically in competition with other exporters, notably Australia, the EU, and the U.S. The strategy became one of matching export subsidies in the 1980s and 1990s. In a subsidizing world, the CWB could increase the farmers' "pooled" price of wheat exported and sold to domestic millers by selling less for domestic millers' use and more on the world market. With a relatively inelastic demand in the domestic market, this approach generates price discrimination that in principle would increase the farmer's revenue from any given amount sold. The effectiveness of this policy has been questioned by producer groups as discussed earlier (Schmitz and Furtan 2000). The question again is how to estimate appropriately the market-distorting effects of the CWB in the international perspective. Given the structure of Canada's policies, with commodity price effects within Canada and between Canada and world market prices impossible to observe directly via policy instruments, the most feasible empirical approach is simply to compare internal Canadian prices to the closest corresponding international reference prices. The description of policies and policy instruments provides a qualitative sense of what to expect in such comparisons, but not much more. In price-comparison approach, we give up the attempt to determine detailed sources of distortions and take policies as, roughly, black boxes that generate the observed effects. Consider wheat, Canada's most important farm product in value of production, and a paradigm of a heavily traded and reasonably standardized commodity with good historical international price data. What is the most appropriate comparison of Canadian and U.S. prices to measure "bottom line" protection of the Canadian wheat market? On the Canadian side, the best available candidate for a wholesale price is the price quoted for sales from the Canadian Wheat Board, f.o.b. Thunder Bay (Lake Superior). A widely used international reference price for wheat 11 is the U.S. Gulf price published by the U.S. Department of Agriculture. This price is for hard red winter wheat, comparable in quality to the predominant Canadian wheat but not as close as dark northern spring wheat (winter wheat, planted in the fall, generally does not survive northern winters) which has prices quoted at the Minneapolis Grain Exchange.25 So, a good indicator of Canadian protection should be the Thunder Bay relative to the Minneapolis price. This is shown as NRA3 in Figure 8a. It indicates about a 20 percent rate of protection in 1997-2003. This indicator can be questioned on the ground that the Thunder Bay price is an asking price posted by the CWB rather than a transactions price. The CWB makes deals at both discounts and premiums from this price (but jealously guards any information about prices in these deals). A better indicator might be the realized export value of Canadian wheat. FAO's data on the unit export value of Canadian wheat, relative to the Minneapolis price. This is shown as NRA2 in Figure 8. It suggests the CWB has been doing vastly better than the Thunder Bay price since the mid-1990s, averaging almost 70 percent over Minneapolis in 2000-03. This seems too good to be true (why aren't the CWB customers going after the much cheaper Minneapolis and Gulf wheat)? In addition, a lot of Canadian wheat goes to domestic milling and livestock feeding (which is outside CWB control). So the export price may be overstating the protection given to wheat as a whole. For information on farm-level protection NRA1 in Appendix Figure 8 shows the percentage relationship between the FAO producer price of wheat in Canada, and the U.S. gulf price, backed off to the U.S. farm level (using the average margin over this data period of $24 per tonne). By this measure Canadian wheat is disprotected by about 20 percent in recent years.26 Overall, the wheat price comparisons, unfortunately, provide more of a puzzle than an answer. For present purposes I use the middle-of-the-road estimate, the Thunder Bay/Minneapolis relationship. Canadian relative to international reference prices for other commodities vary in ways that are not transparently related to policies for some of them. Comparisons for Canada's top ten commodities by market value (excluding potatoes), which accounted for 70.4 percent of the value of Canada's farm output in 2005, are shown in Appendix Table 9. The final two tables in this appendix provide details of the annual NRA estimates for the United States and Canada. 25 It should be noted too that the Gulf Price (New Orleans) is not really a market price at the Gulf, but rather USDA's imputation of a price at the Gulf using price quotes for wheat traded at the Kansas City or Chicago exchanges plus their estimate of shipping costs to the Gulf. 26 A farm-level NRA can also be estimated by comparing the FAO producer prices for Canada and the US. This measure indicates even greater disprotection of Canadian wheat in recent years, averaging about -25 percent in 2000-03. Finally, it might be the case that because of NAFTA, Canadian and U.S. prices are jointly elevated relative to the rest of the world. To consider that possibility, an NRA was calculated with respect to the Australia wheat price reported by IFS. This generated an NRA of roughly zero over the last ten years. A Thunder Bay price 20 percent over Minneapolis but not above Australia is the opposite of what the NAFTA protection-in-common hypothesis would suggest (a common US-Canada price above the level of the Australian price). 12 Appendix Figure 1: Number of farms, United States, 1940 to 2005 Figure 1. Number of U.S. Farms 8000 7000 6000 5000 thousands 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Sources: Census of Agriculture, 2002, Agricultural Statistics, 2006, and Carter (2006). 13 Appendix Figure 2: Number of farms and crop area, Canada, 1961 to 2003 Figure 4. Canada: Farm Numbers and Cropland 600 14.0 12.0 500 10.0 400 million hectares thousand farms 8.0 Farms 300 Cropland 6.0 200 4.0 100 2.0 0 0.0 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Source of data: FAOSTAT 14 Appendix Figure 3: Total factor productivity of farms, United States, 1950 to 2005 Figure 2. Total Factor Productivity on Farms 140 120 100 Index (1996=100) 80 60 40 20 0 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture (as reported in Economic Report of the President, 2006, Table B-100) 15 Appendix Figure 4: Land area and output per farm, Canada, 1961 to 2001 Figure 5. Canada: Hectares per Farm and Output per Farm 300 90.0 80.0 250 70.0 hectares Real Value per Farm (th. 2000 I$) 200 60.0 Hectares per Farm 50.0 real output 150 40.0 100 30.0 20.0 50 10.0 0 0.0 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Source of data: FAOSTAT 16 Appendix Figure 5: Prices and nominal rate of assistance for raw sugar, United States, 1955 to 2005 Figure 9. Raw Sugar Prices and NRA 30.000 US, New York 25.000 20.000 World, Caribbean 15.000 cents per lb. 10.000 5.000 NRA 0.000 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 -5.000 17 Appendix Figure 6: Area planted to corn, soybean and wheat, United States, 1970 to 2001 Figure 10. U.S. Acreage Planted, 1970-2001 300,000 250,000 200,000 Policy Thousand Acres Phase-out Three Crops Soybeans 150,000 Wheat Corn 100,000 50,000 0 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 18 Appendix Figure 7: Area planted to and lagged price of corn, United States, 1980- 2002 Figure 11. Corn Acreage Planted and Lagged Price, 1980-2002 6.000 Price per bushel (real, 2000 dollars) 5.000 4.000 1983 3.000 2.000 1998-2002 1.000 0.000 40000 45000 50000 55000 60000 65000 70000 75000 80000 85000 90000 Thousand Acres 19 Appendix Figure 8: Nominal rate of assistance for wheat, Canada, 1980 to 2003 Figure 8. Nominal Rates of Assistance: Canadian Wheat 1 0.8 0.6 0.4 Percentage Rate NRA1: Can. farm/(US Gulf-margin) 0.2 NRA2: Can. export value/Minn NRA3: Can. T.B./Minn 0 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 -0.2 -0.4 -0.6 20 Appendix Table 1: Average income of farm households, United States, 2000 to 2004 (dollars) 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 From farming 2,598 5,539 3,473 7,884 14,201 From off-farm sources 59,349 58,578 62,285 60,713 67,279 Total household income 61,947 64,117 65,757 68,597 81,480 U.S. average household 57,045 58,208 57,852 59,087 60,528 income Farm operator household 109 110 114 116 135 income as % of U.S. average Source: USDA, Economic Research Service, Agricultural Outlook Tables, ERS website. 21 Appendix Table 2: Tariffs on imported products, United States, 1989 to 2005 (percent) All Agriculture Manufactures merchandise Highly Primary Lightly processed Nonfood processed food manuf. 1989 0.9 3.2 6.3 4.2 12.0 1990 1.0 3.2 6.4 4.2 11.9 1991 1.0 3.1 6.2 4.3 5.8 1992 0.9 3.0 6.2 4.3 5.5 1993 0.8 2.7 6.3 4.3 5.2 1994 6.3 4.2 5 1995 0.8 2.6 7.0 3.7 5.1 1996 5.7 2.9 5.2 1997 4.4 3.9 7.2 3.4 5.4 1998 5.0 4.0 6.4 3.1 5.4 1999 3.5 2.5 6.3 2.9 5.1 2000 3.1 2.2 6.0 2.8 4.7 2001 3.4 2.1 6.2 2.7 4.6 2002 3.2 2.0 4.7 2003 2.7 1.9 5.1 2004 2.5 2.0 4.8 2005 2.5 1.8 Sources: UNCTAD-TRAINS, compiled through WITS (for agriculture), Kee, Nicita and Olarreaga (2006) for manufactures, Carter (2006, Table Ee 424-430) for all merchandise. 22 Appendix Table 3: Expenditures on farm support, by program type, United States, 1998 to 2005 ($million) Direct Counter- Subsidy Conservation Ad hoc Other** Payments cyclical payments* Reserve Assistance FY Payments Program Total 1998 5,672 0 2,229 1,693 26 523 10,143 1999 5,476 0 5,763 1,435 5,306 1,243 19,223 2000 5,057 0 10,354 1,476 12,536 2,842 32,265 2001 4,105 0 7,409 1,625 7,845 1,121 22,105 2002 3,968 0 8,977 1,785 427 523 15,680 2003 3,857 1,743 3,206 1,785 4,317 2,517 17,425 2004 5,278 809 2,033 1,786 1,057 -388 10,575 2005 5,236 2,772 5,979 1,788 2,580 1,832 20,187 * Loan Deficiency Payments, Net CCC Purchases, Cotton User Payments, Dairy Payments ** Main items are export programs and conservation programs other than the CRP. 23 Appendix Table 4: Support for main commodities, United States, 2004 (crop year) Million $ Million $ Payments Other Programs Value of Total Features Production Decoupled Pct. Coupled Pct. Prot. and Notes prot. Prot.. Pct. Some gains from feed cattle 34,888 crop progs. dairy 27,549 295 0.011 classified pricing, corn 24,381 4,551 0.187 2,889 0.118 0.305 chickens 20,505 Same as cattle soybeans 17,895 598 0.033 299 0.017 0.050 hogs 13,072 Same as cattle hay 12,211 eggs 5,903 Same as cattle cotton 5,731 1,879 0.328 1,809 0.316 0.644 wheat 4,950 1,140 0.230 78 0.016 0.246 turkeys 3,065 Same as cattle grapes 3,011 potatoes 2,575 Program ended in 50s almonds 2,189 tomatoes 2,158 citrus 2,099 Program ended in 90s lettuce 2,015 sugar crops 1,928 61 0.032 0.032 import quota tobacco 1,752 18 0.010 0.010 Prod quotas ending rice 1,702 585 0.344 133 0.078 0.422 apples 1,648 ad hoc. purchases Top 25 191,227 9,066 0.047 5,269 0.028 0.075 The Rest 18,027 611* 0.034 0.034 Total Agric. 209,254 9,066 0.043 5,269 0.025 0.069 * Payments for peanuts, sorghum, barley, oats, wool, and honey 24 Appendix Table 5: USDA budget data, United States, 2001 and 2005 ($million, fiscal years*) 2001 2005 Contract Payments (2001) and Direct Payments (2005) 4,105 5236 Supplemental Payments (2001) and Countercyclical (2005) 5,455 2772 Loan Deficiency Payments 5,293 3856 Price Support Loans and Sales 1,377 1532 Disaster Assistance 3,146 2395 Other** 3,168 3060 Commodity Programs Outlays(CCC) (subtotal): 22,544 18,851 Conservation Reserve 1,358 1,788 EQIP and other 288 22 Natural Resource Management Programs 1,000 1,198 Conservation Programs (subtotal): 2,646 3,008 Export Credit Guarantees*** 3,227 2,625 Market Development Programs 119 184 Export Subsidy Programs 15 1 Foreign Food Assistance 1,659 1,719 Export Programs (subtotal): 5,020 4,529 Farm Loan and Grant Programs (Budget Authority) 171 322 Crop Insurance, net indemnities paid 2,200 1,182 Administrative costs, above programs 2,223 2,440 Federal Research Funding 1,999 2,381 Marketing and Regulatory Programs 1,279 1,385 Total activity in support of agriculture 38,082 34,098 *Fiscal years are Oct-Sept., e.g., FY2001 is October 1, 2000 to September 30, 2001 **Includes cotton user payments, interest expenses, and "Section 32" commodity purchases (the last not in the CCC budget but included here). ***Amount of loans guaranteed, not the government's costs Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture, FY 2006 Budget Summary 25 Appendix Table 6: Raw sugar tariff-rate quota allocations, United States Countries tons Argentina 77,258 Madagascar 7,258 Australia 149,126 Malawi 17,968 Belize 19,764 Mauritius 21,560 Bolivia 14,374 Mozambique 23,357 Brazil 260,522 Nicaragua 37,730 Colombia 43,121 Panama 52,105 Congo 7,258 Papua New Guinea 7,258 Cote D'Ivoire 7,258 Paraguay 7,258 Costa Rica 26,951 Peru 73,664 Dom. Republic 252,935 Philippines 224,012 Ecuador 19,764 South Africa 41,324 El Salvador 46,714 Swaziland 28,747 Fiji 12,934 Taiwan 13,953 Guatemala 86,241 Thailand 25,154 Guyana 21,560 Trinidad-Tobago 12,576 Honduras 17,968 Uruguay 7,258 India 11,497 Zimbabwe 21,560 Jamaica 19,764 NAFTA 830,015 CAFTA TRQs (Calendar year) 86,000 All Sugar 2,633,766 Source: U.S. Trade Representative 26 Appendix Table 7: Increase in crop planted acreages, United States, 1994/95 to 2001/02* Corn Soybeans change in million acres (percentage change below each entry) Midwest 150 6,550 0.3 percent 16.6 percent Plains 2,030 6,083 12.0 percent 69.2 percent South -293 -1,380 -5.6 percent -11.8 percent All other states 564 876 10.2 percent 41.8 percent US Total 2,452 12,128 3.3 percent 19.5 percent * Averages of two crop years. Midwest: IA,IL,IN,MI,MI,MN,MO,OH,WI Plains: KS,ND,NE,OK,SD,TX South: AL,AR,FL,GA,KY,LA,MS,NC,SC,TN,VA 27 Appendix Table 8: Applied tariff rates, Canada, 1988 to 2005 (percent) Primary Processed Manufact Manufact Wheat Oilseeds Cattle agriculture food food nonfood average 1988 1989 0.0 0.0 2.6 5.3 7.2 7.5 1990 7.2 7.5 1991 7.2 7.6 1992 7.2 7.6 1993 0.0 0.0 0.7 3.4 7.6 7.3 1994 7.6 7.3 1995 0.0 0.0 5.3 25.6 32.6 6.5 1996 87.6 0.0 0.0 5.9 24.3 29.9 5.2 1997 85.5 0.0 0.0 0.7 2.1 8.0 4.8 1998 64.9 0.0 0.0 2.2 16.6 25.2 3.4 1999 3.4 0.0 0.0 1.5 16.2 25.1 3.1 2000 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.4 5.4 3.0 2001 28.3 0.0 0.0 0.3 1.7 5.3 3.1 2002 64.2 0.0 0.0 0.5 1.4 5.3 3.1 2003 30.5 0.0 0.0 0.3 1.3 4.9 3.1 2004 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.0 4.1 3.1 2005 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.0 Sources: Agriculture, UNCTAD-TRAINS, compiled through WITS; Manufactures, Nicita A., and Olarreaga M. (2006) 28 Appendix Table 9: Percentage by which farm producer price exceeds external price, Canada, 2000 to 2003 (percent) 2000 2001 2002 2003 2000-03 2005 average market value (C$m) wheat 17.1 18.3 18.7 17.0 17.8 3,985 beef -19.4 -15.2 -1.8 1.7 -8.7 3,289 rapeseed -27.7 -25.7 6.9 0.7 -11.4 2,399 pigmeat 7.4 4.4 11.5 8.8 8.0 2,359 milk 151.1 107.9 69.1 153.5 120.4 2,154 barley -38.9 -27.8 -28.6 -42.1 -34.4 1,182 chicken 22.4 6.0 28.2 -42.1 3.6 1,137 maize 2.2 8.8 16.7 -3.0 6.2 975 soybeans -3.3 -0.5 -1.1 0.4 -1.1 653 dry peas -28.1 -10.4 -21.6 -16.6 -19.2 580 29 Appendix Table 10: Annual distortion estimates, USA, 1955 to 2007 (a) Nominal rates of assistance to covered products (percent) Pigmea Barley Beef Cotton Egg Maize Milk t Potato Poultry 1955 na 0 0 na 0 21 0 na 0 1956 na 0 0 na 0 22 0 na 0 1957 na 0 2 na 0 22 0 na 0 1958 na 0 9 na 0 21 0 na 0 1959 na 0 18 na 0 15 0 na 0 1960 na 0 0 na 0 14 0 na 0 1961 na 0 0 na 2 15 0 0 0 1962 na 0 0 na 2 30 0 0 0 1963 na 0 0 na 2 31 0 0 0 1964 na 0 1 na 1 28 0 0 0 1965 na 2 2 na 2 25 0 0 0 1966 na 2 83 na 2 15 0 0 0 1967 na 2 90 na 2 25 0 0 0 1968 na 2 71 na 3 20 0 0 0 1969 na 2 80 na 3 20 0 0 0 1970 na 2 85 na 3 21 0 0 0 1971 na 2 60 na 4 22 0 0 0 1972 na 2 40 na 6 19 0 0 0 1973 na 2 25 na 4 5 0 0 0 1974 na 2 6 na 0 18 0 0 0 1975 na 2 5 na 0 22 0 0 0 1976 na 2 30 na 0 15 0 0 0 1977 na 2 1 na 0 35 0 0 0 1978 na 2 7 na 2 25 0 0 0 1979 na 2 3 4 0 30 0 0 0 1980 na 2 9 5 3 52 0 0 0 1981 na 2 13 6 0 60 0 0 0 1982 na 2 21 6 4 65 0 0 0 1983 na 2 17 6 0 80 0 0 0 1984 na 2 18 6 6 52 0 0 0 1985 na 2 29 6 11 70 0 0 2 1986 115 2 55 0 21 60 0 0 4 1987 115 3 25 8 11 56 0 0 25 1988 12 0 31 8 7 52 0 0 4 1989 6 0 23 1 2 247 0 0 0 1990 41 1 9 2 2 59 0 0 1 1991 61 1 21 4 0 68 0 0 2 1992 38 0 43 6 0 62 0 0 1 1993 89 2 40 15 0 58 5 0 0 1994 70 0 10 13 0 52 5 0 1 1995 3 0 10 10 0 34 0 0 1 1996 0 0 20 1 0 64 0 0 0 1997 0 0 30 0 1 69 0 0 0 1998 14 0 28 0 8 114 0 0 0 1999 7 0 51 0 15 113 0 0 0 2000 10 0 93 0 15 100 0 0 0 2001 3 0 84 0 7 83 0 0 0 2002 1 0 90 0 0 66 0 0 0 2003 0 0 53 0 1 46 0 0 0 2004 12 0 30 0 12 38 0 0 0 2005 8 0 77 0 20 23 0 0 0 2006 2 0 77 0 0 20 0 0 0 2007 0 0 77 0 0 29 0 0 0 30 Sheepm Sorghu All Rice eat m Soybean Sugar Wheat Wool covered 1955 0 na na 0 47 0 na 4 1956 0 na na 0 12 0 na 4 1957 0 na na 0 53 0 na 5 1958 0 na na 0 74 0 na 5 1959 0 na na 0 66 0 na 5 1960 0 na na 0 78 0 na 3 1961 0 na na 0 75 0 na 4 1962 0 na na 0 0 1 na 5 1963 0 na na 0 26 8 na 6 1964 0 na na 0 151 9 na 6 1965 0 na na 0 175 13 na 6 1966 0 na na 0 167 15 na 7 1967 0 na na 0 177 18 na 9 1968 0 na na 0 81 22 na 8 1969 0 na na 0 71 21 na 8 1970 0 na na 0 52 21 na 8 1971 0 na na 0 9 22 na 8 1972 0 na na 0 0 21 na 7 1973 0 na na 0 0 7 na 3 1974 0 na na 0 29 1 na 4 1975 0 na na 0 63 1 na 4 1976 0 na na 0 43 1 na 4 1977 11 na na 0 27 2 na 5 1978 1 na na 0 30 26 na 6 1979 1 5 13 0 39 18 na 6 1980 1 6 14 0 6 4 na 8 1981 2 7 22 0 16 9 na 9 1982 17 7 17 0 111 11 na 12 1983 25 8 113 0 152 21 na 15 1984 33 7 21 0 317 11 na 12 1985 48 7 21 0 341 39 na 17 1986 98 1 34 3 141 36 2 18 1987 27 1 13 0 164 48 1 17 1988 9 1 5 0 88 16 1 11 1989 12 1 1 0 58 7 0 17 1990 21 1 1 0 53 23 1 10 1991 13 1 0 0 95 38 1 12 1992 34 1 0 0 88 21 1 11 1993 21 1 0 0 101 27 1 13 1994 12 1 0 0 57 19 1 9 1995 1 1 0 0 64 2 1 3 1996 0 1 0 0 59 0 1 3 1997 0 1 0 0 57 0 1 4 1998 1 1 7 9 94 8 1 8 1999 36 14 16 23 207 17 2 13 2000 58 14 9 29 96 15 2 13 2001 83 18 1 29 121 4 2 16 2002 79 18 0 1 97 0 32 10 2003 33 10 1 1 147 1 23 8 2004 10 10 16 3 117 1 22 10 2005 6 10 21 1 66 0 29 9 2006 0 10 1 0 27 0 31 4 2007 0 10 0 0 50 0 25 5 31 Appendix Table 10 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, USA, 1955 to 2007 (b) Nominal and relative rates of assistance to all agricultural products, to exportable and import-competing agricultural industries, and relative to non-agricultural industries (percent) NRA, all agric products,a by component NRA, agric tradables NRA, NRA, NRA, NRA, non- non- all ag NRA, all ag covere covere product- product products NRA, ag NRA, all NRA, all d d specific s (incl (incl NPS NRA, ag import- agric non-ag produc produc support NPS) and export- competi tradable tradable ts ts (3) (4)=1+2 decoupled) ables ng goods c goods RRAb (1) (2) +3 (5) (6) (7) (8)=6+7 (9) (10) 1955 4 9 2 8 8 2 9 8 6 2 1956 4 9 5 11 11 2 9 11 6 5 1957 5 8 11 16 16 2 9 16 6 10 1958 5 6 11 16 16 3 8 16 6 9 1959 5 9 6 12 12 5 7 12 7 5 1960 3 7 6 11 11 2 7 10 7 3 1961 4 10 6 11 11 3 8 11 7 3 1962 5 6 5 10 10 2 9 10 8 3 1963 6 7 5 11 11 3 10 11 7 4 1964 6 8 4 11 11 3 11 11 7 4 1965 6 7 3 10 10 4 10 10 8 2 1966 7 4 3 10 10 6 7 10 8 2 1967 9 5 4 12 12 7 9 12 8 4 1968 8 7 3 11 11 8 8 12 7 4 1969 8 8 2 10 10 8 8 10 7 3 1970 8 7 2 9 9 7 8 10 7 3 1971 8 5 2 9 9 7 7 9 6 3 1972 7 6 1 8 8 7 6 8 6 2 1973 3 4 0 4 4 4 3 4 5 -1 1974 4 3 1 4 4 1 7 4 4 0 1975 4 3 1 5 5 1 8 5 4 1 1976 4 3 1 5 5 3 6 5 4 1 1977 5 5 2 7 7 2 10 7 4 3 1978 6 7 1 7 7 5 8 8 4 3 1979 6 6 1 7 8 4 10 7 4 3 1980 8 5 1 8 9 3 13 9 3 6 1981 9 5 2 10 12 4 15 11 3 7 1982 12 7 3 13 15 6 18 13 4 9 1983 15 10 2 15 30 7 22 15 4 11 1984 12 6 1 12 17 6 16 12 4 8 1985 17 10 1 16 25 12 21 17 4 13 1986 18 12 3 19 31 14 20 20 4 15 1987 17 12 3 18 29 14 18 18 4 14 1988 11 9 5 16 24 8 15 17 3 13 1989 17 11 2 17 23 5 31 18 3 14 1990 10 9 4 14 20 5 16 14 3 11 1991 12 9 4 14 20 6 17 15 3 11 1992 11 8 4 14 20 6 16 15 3 11 1993 13 9 3 15 21 8 18 15 3 12 1994 9 7 4 12 17 5 16 13 3 9 1995 3 5 4 8 10 3 6 7 3 5 1996 3 7 4 9 13 3 7 9 2 6 1997 4 7 5 9 14 3 7 9 2 7 1998 8 11 2 11 20 8 12 12 2 9 1999 13 13 1 14 25 13 13 15 2 13 2000 13 12 2 15 26 15 11 16 2 14 2001 16 11 3 18 27 11 21 19 2 17 2002 10 9 6 16 25 5 17 17 2 15 2003 8 7 6 14 21 5 13 15 2 13 2004 10 8 5 15 22 7 13 15 2 13 2005 9 8 7 16 23 9 10 16 1 15 2006 4 4 4 7 12 3 6 7 1 5 2007 5 4 3 7 10 2 10 7 1 5 32 a. NRAs including assistance to nontradables and via inputs and other forms of non- product-specific (NPS) assistance without and (in column (5)) with decoupled support. b. The Relative Rate of Assistance (RRA) is defined as 100*[(100+NRAagt)/ (100+NRAnonagt)-1], where NRAagt and NRAnonagt are the percentage NRAs for the tradables parts of the agricultural and non-agricultural sectors (columns 8 and 9), respectively, so it excludes decoupled payments but includes all NPS support. c. Including NPS but excluding decoupled payments, so more than the weighted average of columns (6) and (7). 33 Appendix Table 10 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, USA, 1955 to 2007 (c) Value shares of primary production of covereda and non-covered products, (percent) Pigmea Barley Beef Cotton Egg Maize Milk t Potato Poultry 1955 na 8 8 na 14 12 8 na 4 1956 na 8 7 na 14 12 8 na 4 1957 na 10 6 na 12 13 10 na 4 1958 na 11 5 na 11 11 10 na 4 1959 na 12 6 na 11 12 8 na 4 1960 na 11 7 na 12 12 8 na 4 1961 na 10 6 na 12 11 8 2 4 1962 na 11 6 na 12 10 8 2 4 1963 na 10 6 na 13 9 8 2 4 1964 na 11 6 na 13 10 8 2 4 1965 na 11 6 na 13 9 9 2 4 1966 na 12 1 na 14 11 10 2 4 1967 na 13 1 na 14 11 9 2 4 1968 na 13 2 na 12 11 9 2 4 1969 na 14 1 na 13 11 10 2 4 1970 na 14 1 na 12 11 10 2 4 1971 na 14 2 na 13 10 8 1 4 1972 na 14 2 na 15 9 8 2 3 1973 na 11 3 na 16 8 8 2 3 1974 na 10 3 na 16 8 8 2 3 1975 na 9 2 na 17 8 9 2 4 1976 na 10 3 na 15 10 8 1 4 1977 na 10 4 na 15 9 8 1 4 1978 na 12 3 na 15 9 8 1 4 1979 na 11 3 2 15 8 7 1 3 1980 na 10 3 2 15 8 6 1 3 1981 na 10 3 3 15 8 7 1 4 1982 na 10 2 2 15 8 8 1 4 1983 na 11 2 3 11 8 8 2 4 1984 na 10 3 3 14 8 7 2 5 1985 na 10 2 3 14 8 7 1 5 1986 0 12 1 3 9 9 9 2 6 1987 0 12 3 2 10 9 9 1 4 1988 1 13 2 2 9 8 7 2 6 1989 1 12 2 3 13 4 7 2 7 1990 0 12 3 3 12 8 8 2 6 1991 0 12 3 3 12 7 8 1 6 1992 0 11 2 2 13 7 7 2 6 1993 0 12 2 2 11 8 7 2 7 1994 0 10 4 2 14 8 5 2 7 1995 1 10 4 2 15 2 6 2 8 1996 1 9 3 3 14 2 7 1 8 1997 1 10 3 3 13 2 7 2 8 1998 0 11 2 3 12 2 6 2 10 1999 0 12 2 3 11 2 6 2 11 2000 0 13 2 3 11 2 8 2 10 2001 0 12 1 3 11 8 7 2 10 2002 0 11 1 3 13 7 5 2 9 2003 0 11 2 3 13 7 5 1 8 2004 0 10 3 3 11 9 6 1 10 2005 0 10 2 2 9 11 6 1 10 2006 0 15 1 2 13 8 5 1 9 2007 0 13 1 2 17 8 4 1 9 34 Sheepm Sorghu Non- Rice eat m Soybean Sugar Wheat Wool covered 1955 1 na na 3 1 7 na 33 1956 1 na na 4 1 7 na 34 1957 1 na na 4 1 7 na 33 1958 1 na na 4 1 9 na 34 1959 1 na na 4 1 7 na 35 1960 1 na na 4 1 8 na 34 1961 1 na na 5 1 7 na 33 1962 1 na na 5 1 7 na 34 1963 1 na na 5 1 6 na 34 1964 1 na na 6 1 5 na 34 1965 1 na na 6 0 4 na 34 1966 1 na na 7 0 5 na 33 1967 1 na na 7 0 5 na 34 1968 1 na na 7 1 4 na 34 1969 1 na na 7 1 4 na 34 1970 1 na na 7 1 3 na 34 1971 1 na na 8 1 4 na 34 1972 1 na na 10 1 4 na 31 1973 1 na na 10 1 7 na 29 1974 1 na na 9 2 8 na 30 1975 1 na na 9 1 9 na 29 1976 1 na na 10 1 6 na 31 1977 1 na na 12 1 5 na 31 1978 1 na na 12 1 4 na 31 1979 1 0 1 11 1 5 na 29 1980 1 0 1 10 2 7 na 30 1981 1 0 1 9 1 7 na 30 1982 1 0 1 9 1 7 na 31 1983 1 0 1 11 1 6 na 33 1984 1 0 1 8 0 6 na 31 1985 0 0 1 9 0 4 na 34 1986 0 0 1 8 1 3 0 35 1987 1 0 1 9 0 3 0 34 1988 1 0 1 9 1 5 0 34 1989 1 0 1 8 1 5 0 34 1990 1 0 1 7 1 4 0 33 1991 1 0 1 8 1 3 0 34 1992 1 0 1 8 1 4 0 33 1993 1 0 1 8 1 4 0 35 1994 1 0 1 9 1 4 0 32 1995 1 0 1 9 1 6 0 33 1996 1 0 1 10 1 6 0 34 1997 1 0 1 10 1 5 0 34 1998 1 0 1 8 1 4 0 37 1999 1 0 1 7 0 4 0 38 2000 0 0 1 7 1 4 0 38 2001 0 0 1 6 0 3 0 35 2002 0 0 1 9 1 4 0 34 2003 1 0 1 10 0 4 0 33 2004 1 0 0 9 0 4 0 33 2005 1 0 0 9 0 4 0 34 2006 1 0 0 8 1 3 0 33 2007 1 0 1 9 1 4 0 29 a. At farmgate undistorted prices 35 Appendix Table 10 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, USA, 1955 to 2007 (d) Trade status of of covered productsa Pigmea Barley Beef Cotton Egg Maize Milk t Potato Poultry 1955 na M X na X M M H X 1956 na M X na X M M H X 1957 na M X na X M M H X 1958 na M X na X M M H X 1959 na M X na X M M H X 1960 na M X na X M M H X 1961 na M X na X M M H X 1962 na M X na X M M H X 1963 na M X na X M M H X 1964 na M X na X M M H X 1965 na M X na X M M H X 1966 na M X na X M M H X 1967 na M X na X M M H X 1968 na M X na X M M H X 1969 na M X na X M M H X 1970 na M X na X M M H X 1971 na M X na X M M H X 1972 na M X na X M M H X 1973 na M X X X M M H X 1974 na M X X X M M H X 1975 na M X X X M M H X 1976 na M X X X M M H X 1977 na M X X X M M H X 1978 na M X X X M M H X 1979 na M X X X M M H X 1980 M M X X X M M H X 1981 M M X X X M M H X 1982 M M X X X M M H X 1983 M M X X X M M H X 1984 M M X X X M M H X 1985 M M X X X M M H X 1986 M M X X X M M H X 1987 M M X X X M M H X 1988 M M X X X M M H X 1989 M M X X X M M H X 1990 M M X X X M M H X 1991 M M X X X M M H X 1992 M M X X X M M H X 1993 M M X X X M M H X 1994 M M X X X M M H X 1995 M M X X X M M H X 1996 M M X X X M M H X 1997 M M X X X M M H X 1998 M M X X X M M H X 1999 M M X X X M M H X 2000 M M X X X M M H X 2001 M M X X X M M H X 2002 na M X na X M M H X 2003 na M X na X M M H X 2004 na M X na X M M H X 2005 na M X na X M M H X 2006 na M X na X M M H X 2007 na M X na X M M H X 36 Sheepm Sorghu Rice eat m Soybean Sugar Wheat Wool 1955 X na na X M X na 1956 X na na X M X na 1957 X na na X M X na 1958 X na na X M X na 1959 X na na X M X na 1960 X na na X M X na 1961 X na na X M X na 1962 X na na X M X na 1963 X na na X M X na 1964 X na na X M X na 1965 X na na X M X na 1966 X na na X M X na 1967 X na na X M X na 1968 X na na X M X na 1969 X na na X M X na 1970 X na na X M X na 1971 X na na X M X na 1972 X na na X M X na 1973 X M X X M X na 1974 X M X X M X na 1975 X M X X M X na 1976 X M X X M X na 1977 X M X X M X na 1978 X M X X M X na 1979 X M X X M X na 1980 X M X X M X M 1981 X M X X M X M 1982 X M X X M X M 1983 X M X X M X M 1984 X M X X M X M 1985 X M X X M X M 1986 X M X X M X M 1987 X M X X M X M 1988 X M X X M X M 1989 X M X X M X M 1990 X M X X M X M 1991 X M X X M X M 1992 X M X X M X M 1993 X M X X M X M 1994 X M X X M X M 1995 X M X X M X M 1996 X M X X M X M 1997 X M X X M X M 1998 X M X X M X M 1999 X M X X M X M 2000 X M X X M X M 2001 X M X X M X M 2002 X na na X M X na 2003 X na na X M X na 2004 X na na X M X na 2005 X na na X M X na 2006 X na na X M X na 2007 X na na X M X na Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), based on author's spreadsheets 37 Appendix Table 11: Annual distortion estimates, Canada, 1961 to 2007 (a) Nominal rates of assistance to covered products (percent) All Pigme Rapese Soybea covere Barley Beef Egg Maize Milk Peas at Potato Poultry ed n Sugar Wheat d 1961 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 10 1962 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 9 1963 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 8 1964 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 8 1965 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 7 1966 2 1 na 4 34 0 2 0 17 0 0 na 3 7 1967 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 26 0 0 na 3 8 1968 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 20 0 0 na 3 8 1969 2 1 na 5 34 0 2 0 8 0 0 na 3 7 1970 2 1 na 4 34 0 2 0 21 0 0 na 3 7 1971 2 1 na 4 34 0 2 0 33 0 0 na 3 8 1972 2 1 na 4 34 0 2 0 49 0 0 na 3 7 1973 2 1 na 3 34 0 2 0 14 0 0 na 3 5 1974 2 1 na 2 34 0 2 0 51 0 0 na 3 7 1975 2 1 na 2 34 0 2 0 13 0 0 na 3 7 1976 2 1 na 2 115 0 2 0 40 0 0 na 3 14 1977 5 3 na 3 126 0 2 0 29 0 0 na 3 16 1978 10 1 na 2 275 0 2 0 18 0 0 na 3 20 1979 10 -1 25 2 264 0 2 0 22 0 0 9 3 23 1980 10 1 42 2 275 0 2 0 14 0 0 21 4 18 1981 5 3 46 2 275 0 2 0 32 0 0 37 4 25 1982 5 3 46 2 309 0 2 0 35 0 0 52 5 23 1983 10 1 45 2 332 0 2 0 27 0 0 25 6 23 1984 10 5 26 2 344 0 2 0 8 0 0 27 8 24 1985 15 4 38 13 378 0 2 0 19 10 2 122 12 30 1986 19 4 0 27 368 0 2 0 19 20 5 139 17 32 1987 16 5 29 14 480 0 2 0 36 18 0 67 19 34 1988 1 4 54 4 203 0 7 0 22 0 0 40 4 26 1989 1 3 29 5 142 0 18 0 23 0 6 30 0 21 1990 5 4 20 6 149 0 2 0 36 2 1 43 4 22 1991 2 5 28 2 226 0 6 0 41 0 0 37 1 23 1992 2 3 41 3 154 0 9 0 27 0 0 26 1 21 1993 2 6 38 0 163 0 3 0 19 0 0 29 0 19 1994 1 2 39 1 220 0 5 0 2 0 0 20 0 18 1995 1 2 39 1 108 0 5 0 2 0 0 19 1 13 1996 2 2 25 2 73 0 4 0 4 0 0 17 1 9 1997 1 2 30 3 110 0 1 0 5 0 0 na 0 12 1998 1 3 22 3 128 0 3 0 2 0 0 na 0 14 1999 2 2 22 7 128 0 6 0 1 0 2 na 0 14 2000 3 2 4 11 172 0 4 0 1 0 2 na 1 16 2001 3 1 12 9 77 0 2 0 1 0 2 na 1 11 2002 3 2 15 4 160 0 1 0 2 0 0 na 1 15 2003 2 2 0 8 132 0 2 0 7 0 1 na 1 15 2004 4 2 23 11 89 0 1 0 3 0 1 na 1 12 2005 3 2 55 9 81 0 1 0 1 0 1 na 1 11 2006 0 0 57 0 143 0 0 0 11 0 0 na 0 14 2007 0 0 82 0 60 0 0 0 9 0 0 na 0 9 38 Appendix Table 11 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, Canada, 1961 to 2007 (b) Nominal and relative rates of assistance to all agricultural products, to exportable and import-competing agricultural industries, and relative to non-agricultural industries (percent) NRA, all agric products,a by component NRA, agric tradables NRA, NRA, NRA, NRA, non- non- all ag NRA, all ag covere covere product- product products NRA, ag NRA, all NRA, all d d specific s (incl (incl NPS NRA, ag import- agric non-ag produc produc support NPS) and export- competi tradable tradable ts ts (3) (4)=1+2 decoupled) ables ng goods c goods RRAb (1) (2) +3 (5) (6) (7) (8)=6+7 (9) (10) 1961 10 7 na 9 9 4 16 9 9 0 1962 9 7 na 8 8 4 15 8 10 -2 1963 8 7 na 8 8 4 15 8 9 -1 1964 8 6 na 7 7 4 13 7 8 -1 1965 7 6 5 12 12 4 12 12 8 4 1966 7 6 5 11 11 3 11 11 8 3 1967 8 6 5 12 12 3 13 12 7 5 1968 8 5 5 12 12 3 12 12 6 5 1969 7 5 5 11 11 3 10 11 6 5 1970 7 5 6 13 13 3 11 13 6 7 1971 8 5 6 13 13 3 12 13 6 6 1972 7 5 5 12 12 3 13 12 6 5 1973 5 5 3 8 8 3 9 8 6 2 1974 7 6 3 10 10 3 15 10 6 4 1975 7 5 6 13 13 3 13 13 5 7 1976 14 9 7 20 20 4 29 20 5 14 1977 16 10 7 21 21 5 30 21 5 15 1978 20 12 5 24 24 5 41 24 5 18 1979 23 13 4 26 30 6 42 26 5 20 1980 18 11 9 27 31 6 35 27 5 21 1981 25 14 9 32 36 6 51 32 5 26 1982 23 13 9 31 34 6 49 31 5 25 1983 23 13 9 30 35 7 46 30 5 24 1984 24 14 9 32 39 7 45 32 4 27 1985 30 16 14 42 56 11 53 42 4 37 1986 32 17 15 44 53 14 53 44 4 39 1987 34 18 15 47 56 14 62 47 4 41 1988 26 13 13 37 44 7 48 37 4 31 1989 21 10 11 29 32 6 39 29 3 25 1990 22 11 14 34 41 6 44 34 3 29 1991 23 12 22 43 59 5 49 43 3 39 1992 21 11 13 33 42 6 41 33 3 29 1993 19 10 9 27 31 4 38 27 2 24 1994 18 9 5 22 25 4 38 22 2 20 1995 13 6 13 24 32 3 27 24 2 22 1996 9 5 8 17 23 2 28 17 1 15 1997 12 6 5 15 18 2 41 15 1 14 1998 14 7 7 19 23 3 42 19 1 18 1999 14 7 7 20 25 4 43 20 1 19 2000 16 8 9 23 31 4 54 23 1 23 2001 11 5 9 18 26 2 31 18 1 17 2002 15 8 12 25 36 4 44 25 1 24 2003 15 8 16 29 42 4 45 29 1 28 2004 12 6 14 24 36 3 36 24 1 23 2005 11 6 2 12 26 3 36 12 1 12 2006 14 9 2 13 24 0 65 13 1 12 2007 9 5 2 9 20 0 34 9 1 8 a. NRAs including assistance to nontradables and via inputs and other forms of non- product-specific (NPS) assistance without and (in column (5)) with decoupled support. b. The Relative Rate of Assistance (RRA) is defined as 100*[(100+NRAagt)/ (100+NRAnonagt)-1], where NRAagt and NRAnonagt are the percentage NRAs for 39 the tradables parts of the agricultural and non-agricultural sectors (columns 8 and 9), respectively, so it excludes decoupled payments but includes all NPS support. c. Including NPS but excluding decoupled payments, so more than the weighted average of columns (6) and (7). 40 Appendix Table 11 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, Canada, 1961 to 2007: (c) Value shares of primary production of covereda and non-covered products, (percent) Non- Pigmea Rapese Soybea covere Beef Barley Egg Maize Milk Peas t Potato Poultry ed n Sugar Wheat d 1961 3 17 na 1 16 0 12 2 4 1 1 na 13 29 1962 5 14 na 1 12 0 10 1 4 0 0 na 23 30 1963 5 13 na 1 11 0 8 1 4 0 0 na 26 30 1964 4 17 na 2 11 0 8 2 4 1 0 na 22 29 1965 4 18 na 2 10 0 10 1 4 1 0 na 19 30 1966 6 20 na 2 9 0 11 2 4 1 1 na 24 21 1967 5 23 na 2 11 0 12 2 4 1 0 na 18 22 1968 6 24 na 2 11 0 11 2 4 1 0 na 16 23 1969 5 24 na 2 11 0 12 2 5 2 0 na 15 23 1970 6 24 na 3 11 0 14 2 4 3 1 na 8 24 1971 8 25 na 3 11 0 11 2 4 4 1 na 12 20 1972 10 22 na 3 10 0 12 2 3 3 1 na 14 20 1973 11 18 na 3 6 0 11 2 4 3 1 na 21 20 1974 10 17 na 3 10 0 11 2 3 4 1 na 19 20 1975 9 15 na 3 11 0 12 2 4 4 1 na 19 19 1976 9 20 na 3 8 0 11 2 3 2 1 na 22 17 1977 9 20 na 4 8 0 11 2 4 6 1 na 18 17 1978 6 22 na 4 5 0 11 1 4 8 1 na 21 15 1979 6 23 2 5 6 0 11 1 4 7 1 0 19 14 1980 9 20 2 5 4 0 10 3 4 4 1 0 21 14 1981 10 19 2 5 6 0 11 2 4 3 1 0 24 14 1982 8 19 2 5 5 0 14 2 3 4 1 0 24 13 1983 7 19 2 5 4 0 11 3 4 6 1 0 24 14 1984 7 19 2 6 5 0 12 2 6 7 2 0 19 14 1985 7 21 2 5 5 0 13 2 6 5 2 0 18 14 1986 6 20 3 3 5 0 15 3 7 4 1 0 17 17 1987 7 20 2 4 4 1 14 3 5 4 2 0 16 17 1988 7 20 2 4 8 0 12 3 6 6 2 0 13 17 1989 8 17 2 4 9 0 9 3 5 4 1 0 20 18 1990 8 16 2 4 9 0 11 3 5 4 2 0 18 18 1991 5 17 2 5 6 0 11 3 5 6 2 0 19 18 1992 5 18 2 3 8 1 11 3 6 6 2 0 15 19 1993 5 17 2 5 7 1 12 3 6 8 3 0 12 19 1994 4 16 2 4 6 1 11 3 6 12 3 0 11 19 1995 6 13 2 5 8 1 10 3 5 10 3 0 14 20 1996 7 11 2 6 8 1 10 2 5 7 3 0 17 20 1997 6 14 1 5 7 1 11 3 6 9 4 na 13 20 1998 5 15 1 5 7 1 8 3 6 11 3 na 11 22 1999 4 17 1 5 7 1 9 3 6 9 3 na 11 23 2000 4 19 2 3 6 1 13 3 6 6 3 na 11 23 2001 4 19 2 4 9 1 14 3 7 5 1 na 9 22 2002 4 18 2 6 6 1 12 4 6 6 3 na 8 23 2003 4 13 2 4 7 1 11 4 6 8 3 na 11 25 2004 4 14 1 4 8 2 12 3 6 9 3 na 9 25 2005 3 16 1 3 9 1 12 3 6 7 3 na 14 23 2006 4 17 1 4 7 1 11 3 5 8 3 na 12 25 2007 5 15 1 4 9 1 9 2 5 8 2 na 15 24 a. At farmgate undistorted prices 41 Appendix Table 11 (continued): Annual distortion estimates, Canada, 1961 to 2007 (d) Trade status of of covered productsa Barle Maiz Pigm Potat Poult Rape Soyb Suga Whe Beef y Egg e Milk Peas eat o ry seed ean r at 1961 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1962 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1963 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1964 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1965 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1966 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1967 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1968 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1969 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1970 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1971 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1972 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1973 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1974 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1975 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1976 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1977 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1978 X M na M M X X H M X M na X 1979 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1980 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1981 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1982 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1983 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1984 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1985 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1986 X M M M M X X H M X M M X 1987 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1988 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1989 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1990 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1991 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1992 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1993 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1994 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1995 X M M M M X X H M X X M X 1996 X X M M M X X H M X X M X 1997 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 1998 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 1999 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2000 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2001 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2002 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2003 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2004 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2005 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2006 X X M M M X X H M X X na X 2007 X X M M M X X H M X X na X Source: Anderson and Valenzuela (2008), based on author's spreadsheets