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Currency Equivalents (Exchange Rate Effective November 2, 2009) Currency Unit = TL (Turkish Lira) US$ 1 = 1.49 TL ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ARIP Agricultural Reform Implementation Program BETAM Bahçeþehir University’s Center for Economic and Social Research ÇSGB Ministry of Labor and Social Security CEM Country Economic Memorandum DHS Demographic and Health Survey DIS Direct Income Support ECA Europe and Central Asia ECD Early Childhood Development EPL Employment Protection Legislation EU European Union FGDs Focus Group Discussions GAP South Eastern Anatolia Project Regional Development Administration GDP Gross domestic product GfK Growth for Knowledge HBS Household Budget Survey HIV/AIDS Human immunodeficiency/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome HLFS Household Labor Force Survey ICBF Colombian Institute for Family Welfare ILO International Labour Organization �Þ-KUR General Directorate of Turkish Employment Organization KOSGEB Small and Medium Sized Industry Development Organization KSGM Turkish Republic Prime Ministry Directorate General on the Status of Women LFP Labor Force Participation LFS Labor Force Survey MEB Ministry of National Education NGO Nongovernmental Organization NUTS Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics OECD Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development PGA Presidency of GAP SHÇEK The Social Services and Child Protection Agency TDHS Turkey Demographic and Health Survey TÜ�K Turkish Statistical Institute VET Vocational Education and Training WAP Working-Age Population WDI World Development Indicators TL Turkish Lira Vice President : Philippe H. Le Houerou Country Director : Ulrich Zachau Sector Director : Tamar Manuelyan-Atinc Task Team Leader : Diego Angel-Urdinola Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................................................................................................................. i CHAPTER I. TRENDS AND DETERMINANTS OF FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION IN TURKEY ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 1 Background ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 1 A Review of The Literature .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 2 Why is Female Labor Force Participation Important? .................................................................................................................................... 4 The Puzzle Of Low Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey........................................................................................................... 6 Effects of the Economic Crisis on Women’s Behavior ................................................................................................................................... 9 CHAPTER II. TRENDS OVER TIME: WHY HAS FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION BEEN DECREASING? ................................................................................................................................................................................................... 11 Recent Trends ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 11 Urbanization ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 12 Agricultural Shedding .......................................................................................................................................................................................................... 14 CHAPTER III. WHY IS FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION IN TURKEY LOW BY INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS? ............................................................................................................................................................. 17 Urban Trends ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 17 Why Less-educated Urban Women Do Not Work? ......................................................................................................................................... 19 The Under-participation Trap Hypothesis ............................................................................................................................................................... 20 Figures Figure ES.1 : Female Labor Force Participation Rates, 1988– 2008 Figure ES.2 : Female Labor Force Participation Rates by Strata, 1988– 2008 Figure ES.3 : What is an Under-participation Trap? Figure I.1 : Turkey has the Lowest Female Labor Force Participation Rate of any ECA Country Figure I.2 : Female LFP in Turkey vs. Comparator Countries Figure I.3 : Female Labor Force Participation by Level of Education and Age (Urban areas, 2006) Figure I.4 : Proportion of Never-married Women, by Age Group by Year Figure I.5 : Fertility Rates, by Age Group (Births per 1,000 women) Figure I.6 : Life Events and Labor Force Participation (Women aged 20–65) Figure I.7 : Trends in Participation Rates—World Outlook Figure I.8 : Labor Force Participation Rate, by Gender (%) Figure I.9 : Non-agricultural Labor Force and Employment (Annual percentage change) Figure II.1 : Female Labor Force Participation Rates in Turkey, 1988– 2008 Figure II.2 : Percentage Change in Female LFP [Turkey in the International Context] Figure II.3 : Population Shares and Participation by Stratum, 1988 Compared to 2006 Figure II.4 : Urban as a Share of Total Working-age Population Figure II.5 : Distribution of Migrant Women by Region Figure II.6 : Female Participation by Migration Status in Urban Areas Figure II.7 : Female Employment by Employment Type, 1988–2006 Figure II.8 : Trends in Rural Labor Force Participation Rates and Agricultural Employment Figure III.1 : Labor Force Participation and Working-age Population by Stratum Figure III.2 : Labor Force Participation and Working-age Population by Education (Urban areas) Figure III.3 : Main Reasons for Female Inactivity (Urban poorly educated women) Figure III.4 : Constraints to Female Participation (Urban poorly educated women) Figure III.5 : What is an Under-participation Trap? Figure III.6 : Employment Status and Wages for Poorly educated Urban Women in Turkey Figure III.7 : Employment Opportunities and Hours of Work for Urban Woman with Low Levels of Education Figure III.8 : Wage Rates, by Years of Education, in Urban Areas (Formal compared to informal wage earners) Figure III.9 : Policy Framework to Reverse the Under-participation Trap. Figure III.10 : Effects of Higher-education Attainment in the Hours of Work Supplied by Urban Women (Micro-simulations) Tables Table I.1 : Main Determinants of Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey (A review of the literature) Table I.2 : National Action Plan for Gender Equality Table I.3 : Distribution of Male and Female Population, by Highest Attained Education Level (%) Table I.4 : Main Labor Market Indicators in Turkey (1988-2009) Table II.1 : Profile of Migrant Compared to Non-migrant Women Table II.2 : Descriptive Statistics on Female Employment by Type and Sector, 2003-06 Table II.3 : Declining Share of Agriculture in Rural Areas Table II.4 : Statistics on Employment Quality by Sector, Rural Areas Table III.1 : Distribution of Female Population and Labor Force by Education, Urban Areas Boxes Box I.1 : Qualitative Analysis in this Report Box II.1 : Turkey’s Agricultural Reform Implementation Program (ARIP) Box III.1 : Why Has Labor Force Participation Declined among Educated Urban Women in Turkey? Box III.2 : Impact of the Targeted Social Security Reduction for Youth and Female Employment Box III.3 : Public Childcare Programs in Chile and Colombia Box III.4 : Youth Training and Gender Equality Appendixes Appendix A. : Data and Definitions Appendix B. : Quotes from Qualitative Analysis Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey v Acknowledgements This is a joint World Bank – State Planning Organization of Turkey (SPO) Report. The Report was prepared by a team comprising �lyas Çelikoðlu (SPO), Sinem Çapar (SPO), Müþerref Hüsamoðlu (SPO), Dilek Okkalý Þanalmýþ (SPO), Yusuf Yüksel (SPO), Diego F. Angel-Urdinola (Economist ECSHD, Task Team Leader), Iþýl Oral (Consultant, ECSHD), Arzu Uraz (Junior Professional Associate, ECSHD), Meltem Aran (Consultant, ECSHD), and Diane Stamm (Consultant, ECSHD). Helpful guidance, comments, and help were also provided by Ulrich Zachau (Country Director, ECCU6), Jesko Hentschel (Sector Manager and acting Country Sector Coordinator, ECHSD), Gordon Betcherman (Former Sector Manager and Lead Economist, ECSHD), Jennifer Manghinang (Senior Program Assistant, ECSHD), and Elif Yonca Yükseker (Program Assistant, ECSHD). We thank the Report’s peer reviewers Professor Sencer Ayata from the Middle East Technical University (METU), Maria Laura Sanchez-Puerta (Labor Market Economist, HDNSP), and Maria Beatriz Orlando (Gender Economist, LCSPP) for their useful and insightful comments and guidance. We also thank Ina-Marlene Ruthenberg (Country Program Coordinator, ECCU6), Maureen McLaughlin (Lead Education Specialist, ECSHD), Juan Diego Alonso (Education Economist, ECSHD), Sebastian Trenner (Junior Professional Officer, ECCU6), Francisco Haimovich (Consultant, ECSHD), Monica Robayo (Consultant, ECSPE), and Jaime Saenz (Consultant, ECSHD) for their valuable comments and contributions, which have helped make our Report more complete. Special acknowledgements to Andrew C. Kircher, Kristyn Schrader, Tunya Celasin, and Michael Andrew Jones from ECA External Affairs (ECAEX) for their valuable contribution developing the communications strategy for this Report. Special acknowledgements are given to professors Meltem Dayýoðlu and Murat Kýrdar (METU) for their background paper, “Determinants of and Trends in Labor Force Participation of Women in Turkey”; to Professor Erol Taymaz from METU for his background paper, “Growth, Employment, Skills and Female Labor Force”; and to Meltem Aran, Sinem Çapar (SPO), Müþerref Hüsamoðlu (SPO), Dilek Okkalý Þanalmýþ (SPO), and Arzu Uraz for their analytical background paper, “Recent Trends in Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey”. We want to acknowledge our colleagues from Growth for Knowledge (GfK) Deniz �nan Arslan, Burçak Gökbayrak, Gizem Sayarel, and Yeþim Yaþa for preparing the “Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey Qualitative Research Report”, and for conducting focus group discussions in Istanbul during February 2009. We thank Yusuf Yüksel (SPO) for his contribution in development and supervision of the qualitative research; and Hakan Yazýcý (SPO), Fatih Türkmen (SPO), Hande Hacýmahmutoðlu (SPO), Müþerref Hüsamoðlu (SPO), Rýdvan Kurtipek (SPO), Gamze Malatyalý (SPO), Nurhan Parlak Þahin (SPO), and Taha Yýlmaz (SPO) for their insights and expertise. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey vi Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey vii Preface Turkey has been collaborating with the World Bank in developing macroeconomic policies and implementing various reforms such as social security, investment climate, competitiveness, labor market and public sector management. The Bank's programs are very beneficial for Turkey in providing economic and social development. In this context, the medium term framework of this cooperation with the World Bank was determined by the Country Partnership Strategy (CPS) which is a four year framework of cooperation for 2008-2011 being primarily based on the Ninth Development Plan. Under the CPS framework, World Bank provides investment credits and program loans as well as analytical and advisory works for Turkey. "Welfare and Social Policy Analytical and Advisory Services Program" is a part of those works of the Bank under CPS. Within this program a valuable Report has been made jointly by the World Bank and State Planning Organization (SPO) staff. This joint Report aims to investigate the reasons why labor force participation of females in Turkey is low relative to EU and OECD averages and why it has been decreasing. In that context, this Report intends to contribute the policy framework to promote female's participation into labor force. We extend our deep appreciation to all contributors, from experts involved in World Bank and State Planning Organization to many public agencies and academics for the extensive assistance and cooperation provided in the preparation of this Report and look forward to continuation of this mutual and invaluable cooperation in the coming future. Kemal MADENO�LU Undersecretary of State Planning Organization Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey viii Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey ix Executive Summary 1. One of the salient features of the labor market imply giving most of the salary they would earn to in Turkey is the distinctly lower Labor Force cover the cost of childcare, and this does not include Participation (LFP) rates of women. As of January other extra costs associated to hiring help for domestic 2009, female LFP in Turkey was 23.5 percent. As a tasks such as cleaning and cooking. benchmark, female LFP among Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) Helping Turkish Women Get Jobs Is A Good Social and European Union (EU)-19 countries averaged 62 And Economic Investment percent and 64 percent, respectively in 2007. Patterns of female LFP in Turkey should be interpreted within 3. In the Ninth Development Plan the Turkish the many social and economic changes that the country Government has set goals to increase the number of has experienced since the 1980s. As Turkish people women who are actively employed. The National become more educated, as the country’s middle class Action Plan for Gender Equality emphasizes that using expands, and as the country urbanizes; families and women’s talents and skills in the labor market not only women in particular are facing new challenges and new provides families with more economic independence, ways of life. Urbanization and the move out of but also increases women’s self confidence and social subsistence agriculture have had a profound effect on respectability: employment patterns for women, especially among those who have not attained university education. (a) Higher female employment is instrumental in Traditionally, women in rural areas worked on the family building capacity for economic growth and poverty farm. But family farming and subsistence agriculture reduction. International experience indicates that have become less and less important as other more getting women into jobs is associated with poverty attractive (and lucrative) opportunities expand in the reduction, higher economic growth, and better service and manufacturing sectors. In many cases, shifts governance. Estimations in the Report suggest that in family activities away from subsistence agriculture reaching the female labor force participation target (and especially in cases where the husband and/or of the Ninth Development Plan (from the current household head move away from agriculture) cause a withdrawal of women from the labor force. 24 percent to 29 percent) could contribute to reducing poverty by up to 15 percent if all new 2. The Report finds that many women in Turkey entrants would take full-time jobs. would like to work, but they face a number of difficulties that prevent them from doing so. Women (b) Higher levels of female employment allow without university education, especially in urban areas government investments in education to be used (where most of the new migrants live), generally have more efficiently as women use their acquired talents access to jobs that offer low wages, require long and productively in the economy. In countries with low hard working hours, and do not provide social security. levels of female employment, families often under- On top of that, the high cost of hiring someone else to invest in girl’s education. On the contrary, working help working women with childcare and domestic work women generally are more involved than non- is an important barrier for women to seek jobs. Women working women in making decisions in relation to interviewed for this Report stated that in Istanbul they their children’s education and health, which are would have to pay between 500 and 600 TL per month externalities that positively affect the welfare of for childcare only if they decided to work. This would future generations. 1 The EU-19 refers to Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, Ireland, the United Kingdom, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Finland, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey x The Puzzle of Low Female Labor Force Participation rate of female LFP in the 1980s experienced further in Turkey increases in female participation, while Turkey experienced the opposite. By 2006, Turkey had the 4. Turkey has experienced important structural lowest level of female LFP among Europe and Central and social changes that would be expected to facilitate Asia (ECA) and OECD countries. women to enter the labor market: Figure ES.1: Female LFP Rates, 1988 - 2008 (a) The social attitude toward working women has changed in recent years . Part of this may be pragmatic: with changing economic conditions, it has become harder for households to make ends meet with a single income. (b) Women are becoming more educated. In the past two decades, the proportion of illiterate women dropped from 33.9 percent to 19.6 percent, while the proportion of women with more than primary school education more than doubled. Furthermore, the share of women with a university education increased from 1.8 percent in 1988 to 5.8 percent Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009), WDI, TÜ�K. OECD Stat Extracts. *Latest available in 2006. A more educated female population is year. likely to have positive effect on their employment Note: Selected Islamic countries: Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Indonesia, Malaysia, since higher education is associated with increased Algeria, Iran (Islamic Republic), Afghanistan, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt (Arab Republic), Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. participation in the labor force. (c) Women are getting married at a later age. Compared to earlier generations, women are Why has Female Participation Decreased? postponing marriage, which would allow them to study and/or participate in the labor force. 6. Urbanization and the decline in agricultural employment are the two main factors that have (d) Fertility rates are declining. In 2008, women contributed to decrease the share of women having were expected to give birth to 1.9 children, on or seeking jobs in Turkey. Because of urbanization, average, compared to 5.7 children in 1968 and 3 women migrated from a high-participation rural children in 1988. environment (where they engage in unpaid agriculture) to a low-participation urban environment (where many 5. It is surprising that despite these factors, the of them stay at home). Furthermore, female participation share of women having or seeking jobs in Turkey in the labor market in rural areas has been decreasing has been decreasing (from 34.3 percent in 1988 to 22 the past 20 years – from 50.7 percent in 1988 to 33 percent in 2008). On the contrary, this share has been percent in 2006 (Figure ES.2). This decrease is explained increasing in most OECD countries as well as in other by the fact that young men are becoming more educated selected comparison countries (Figure ES.1). In the and thus move away from agricultural employment into 1980s, Turkey enjoyed levels of female LFP similar to better-paid jobs in manufacturing and services. In many those of more developed countries, such as Austria, the cases, shifts in family activities away from subsistence Netherlands, and Switzerland. This was largely induced agriculture (and especially in cases where the husband by high participation of women in agricultural activities. and/or household head move away from agriculture) Most of the OECD countries that displayed a similar cause a withdrawal of women from the labor force. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey xi Figure ES.2: Female LFP Rates by Strata, 1988 - 2008 relate to women’s role as caregivers and to family/social demands for women to remain at home. 10. Poorly educated women in urban areas may be facing what has been referred to as an “under- participation trap”. This is illustrated in Figure ES.3: urban women with low levels of education are very likely to work in the uncovered/informal sector. Informal jobs generally offer women wages that are low compared to what they would have to pay to hire someone else to do their domestic activities such as childcare, cooking, and cleaning. Consequently, labor supply (employment and participation) among women who would only have Source: TÜ�K. chances to work in the informal sector is also likely to be low. Low wages and low returns to education may cause families to under-invest in the education of girls 7. However, for those women who do work, because they think they have little chance to participate urbanization seems to have contributed to in the labor market when they grow up. This will improvements in the quality of their employment. feedback into the labor market and contribute further In the 1980s, the majority of all working women in to keeping wages low, which in turn will keep labor Turkey were employed as unpaid family workers in the supply low (creating a trap). agricultural sector. Today, unpaid employment among women is below 38 percent while the share of women employed as wage earners is approximately 43 percent Figure ES.3: What is an Under-participation Trap? (almost twice as much as in the 1980s). The Under-Participation Trap Hypothesis 8. Female LFP in Turkey remains low by international standards mainly due to very low participation rates among poorly educated women in urban areas. Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜ�K) data indicate that overall female LFP in urban areas is Source: Authors’ elaboration quite low—at 19.9 percent in 2006. While participation rates among educated women in urban areas (that is, those who have attained tertiary education) are quite How can the under-participation trap be reversed? high (69.8 percent in 2006), LFP rates among women who have attained only primary and secondary education 11. Policies that can help improve women’s are extremely low, at 13.3 and 15.3 percent respectively opportunities for more and better jobs in Turkey in 2006. include: 9. Poorly educated women in urban areas face (a) Creating job opportunities for first time job complex cultural and economic barriers that seekers: Interventions should aim at promoting constrain their participation in the labor market. formal employment for women with low levels of Economic barriers mainly relate to the quality of working education, and especially for those transitioning conditions for poorly educated women in urban areas from school to work. More flexible labor market (high likelihood of working in the informal sector, low regulation may reduce the barriers of businesses salaries, lack of affordable childcare, and long working hiring women. For instance, the Government of hours, among others), while cultural barriers mainly Turkey has introduced a program that subsidizes Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey xii employers’ social security contributions for new of female participation. Investment in Vocational hired women for up to 5 years. Programs like this Education and Training (VET) are likely to prepare are likely to contribute to increase the rate of women, and especially young women, with the employment for women, especially in times of skills needed to qualify for good jobs in the labor healthy economic performance. Interventions should market. International evidence indicates that aim at decreasing high levels of informality among investments on VET help women to get formal workers with low levels of education. To do so, a jobs, and promotes gender equality in earnings and comprehensive set of policies that involve taxation, labor market opportunities. However, investing in enforcement, inspections, and a more flexible labor education alone is not the solution. Analysis in this market are required. For more details, the 2009 Report indicates that in the extreme case that all Turkey Country Economic Memorandum (CEM) urban women in Turkey were to attain university describes a policy framework to mitigate structural education, female LFP would rise to only 47 percent and non-structural factors of informality. Labor (a level still below the 60 percent benchmark set regulation should contain direct and indirect costs by the EU). of “formal” hiring to avoid incentives for lower labor demand for unskilled formal employment. The Report (b) Affordable childcare: Many women could be 12. This Report by Turkey’s State Planning encouraged to work by having access to affordable Organization and the World Bank aims to contribute care for their children. This could be achieved by to the lively debate on gender equality and women’s promoting early childhood development programs job opportunities . The scope of the Report is (ECD), such as preschool education and fundamentally analytical. While the analysis in the public/subsidized childcare programs. First, Report develops and discusses a general policy international evidence suggests that high-quality framework to promote female LFP, it does not aim to early childhood education and care helps prepare provide any specific policy recommendation. This young children to succeed in school and eventually Report is part of the World Bank Welfare and Social in life. This translates into economic returns because Policy Analytical and Advisory Services program. For they are associated with lower repetition and dropout a more comprehensive understanding, readers should rates throughout a student’s lifetime. Second, and also refer to the Report “ Turkey: Equality of directly relevant for this Report, a developed child Opportunities and Early Childhood Development”. The care education industry could be economically Report is structured as follows: Chapter I provides a important because it creates jobs and allows parents general background on the trends and determinants of (mainly mothers) to be economically active. A female LFP in Turkey and highlights the fact that female forthcoming World Bank Report on Equality of LFP in Turkey is affected by strong economic and Opportunities in Turkey highlights that ECD cultural factors; Chapter II aims at understanding why interventions may contribute to break female LFP in Turkey has been declining over the past intergenerational transmissions of poverty and two decades, and provides analysis indicating that inequality. urbanization and agricultural shedding have been two main engines contributing to this trend; Chapter III (c) Sustaining investments on education: Higher aims at understanding why female LFP in Turkey education attainment is associated with higher levels remains low compared to international standards. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 1 CHAPTER I. Trends and Determinants of Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey T his chapter provides general background January 2009, female LFP in Turkey was 23.5 percent. on the trends and determinants of female As a benchmark, female participation among labor force participation (LFP) in Turkey. Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Female LFP in Turkey is multidimensional Development (OECD) and European Union (EU)-19 and is affected by strong economic and countries averaged 62 percent and 64 percent, cultural factors. Some studies argue that the main respectively, in 2007. driving force for women to participate in the Turkish labor market is largely economic. Others claim that the 2. Since female LFP is often dependent on main determinant for non-participation of women in sociocultural factors, one could argue that OECD Turkey relates to their social role as caregivers and as and ECA are not the right comparison benchmark the main person responsible for housework. Turkey has for a country like Turkey. Nevertheless, when compared experienced important structural changes that have to a selected group of predominantly Islamic countries, facilitated female participation in the labor market: Turkey still displays lower-than-average levels of women are becoming more educated, they are getting female participation. Among the pool of Islamic married at a later age, and fertility rates have been countries, however, Turkey’s level of female LFP is declining. Despite these changes, female LFP in Turkey not necessarily an outlier. Indeed, female LFP among not only remains very low by international standards, Islamic countries vary widely, with other developing but also has been decreasing over the last 20 years. economies such as Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia (among others); displaying similar Background (and even lower) levels of female LFP than those in Turkey (Figure I.2). 1. One of the salient features of the labor market in Turkey is the distinctly lower labor force Figure I.2: Female LFP in Turkey vs. Comparator Countries participation (LFP) rates for European standards. Indeed, Turkey has the lowest female LFP of any country 70 in Europe and Central Asia (ECA) (Figure I.1). As of 60 OECD (62%) % Female LFP (2007) 50 Figure I.1: Turkey has the Lowest Female Labor Force Participation 40 Rate of any ECA County 30 Female Labor Force Participation (15-64) Male Labor Force Participation (15-64) 20 90.0 90.0 80.0 UZB 10 AZE KAZ 80.0 MDA B�H KAZ SVK B�H GEO ALB RUS TUR LTU HRV 70.0 UKR MKD LVA MDA AZE BLR RUS LTU LVA 70.0 KOS ROM 0 UKR SVK ARM BLR POL 60.0 UZB POL BGR HUN % ARM ALB ROM 60.0 HUN a n em SA M ina a co Tu n M sia Ar cco Ar sia m ria Pa ey p. ud tan . In tion a q an . HRV % Fe Rep gh ep GEO BGR bi si bi ija ta Ira Re rk 50.0 ge i ne ay ni U ex nt om ra is Sa kis R ba o ra MKD 50.0 Tu ge or iA Al al . M ic ab do de er ol Az C la ,D 40.0 Af 40.0 Is t, n ea yp ia n, KOS r ss Eg Ira Ko 30.0 30.0 Ru TUR 20.0 20.0 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 Note: Definitions of LFP may not be fully compatible across sources; for more GDP Per Capita GDP Per Capita information please see Appendix A Source: WDI dataset. Data for years 2006/2007. Source: WDI 2007, OECD Stat Extracts for 2007, and EUROSTAT 2007. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 2 3. Female LFP in Turkey is multidimensional; it and wage levels, are all important determinants of involves both strong economic and cultural factors. female LFP in Turkey. Some studies argue that the main Participation in the labor market generally involves a driving force for women to participate in the Turkish series of social and economic aspects that, while affecting labor market is largely economic, and thus women make a woman’s choice to work, are not measured or proxied labor market decisions based on market wages and on by standard quantitative surveys (Figure I.2). In order the business cycle (that is, they decide to enter the labor to understand the barriers to and motivations for female market when their market wage is above their reservation LFP, it is necessary to look at the economic and social wage). These studies claim that the main driving force framework of Turkish households and how gender for women not to participate in the labor force is relations within and beyond the households are produced explained by the fact that for some women, the market and reenacted in Turkish society. Traditional roles in wage level is below their reservation wage, which Turkey as well as intra-family roles and relationships corresponds to their total value of housework. A are important determinants of labor market choice. As considerable number of papers have emphasized that such, female LFP in Turkey needs to be analyzed from migration from rural to urban areas has been a both an economic and a sociocultural perspective. determinant in explaining why female LFP in urban Qualitative studies have the ability to provide more in- areas remains low. Women from rural areas, who worked depth assessment than those provided by the typically previously as unpaid family workers, become used surveying methods. It enables certain issues unemployed or unable to participate in the urban labor (questions) to be raised several times, which usually market. Other important factors that determine women’s “unravels” the initially provided socially desirable LFP are related to early retirement and childcare. Most responses. For this research, focus group discussions studies agree that the presence of young children and in-house visits were realized in urban Istanbul negatively affects the participation and employment during February 12–23, 2009. For a more detailed decisions of women (Table I.1). Other studies, however, description of the data and definitions used in this have claimed that the main determinant for Report, the reader should refer to Appendix A. non-participation of women in Turkey relates to their social role as caregivers and as the main person responsible for housework. These sets of complementary A Review of the Literature findings indicate, as mentioned, that female LFP in Turkey is multidimensional and needs to be approached 4. Recent literature on female LFP in Turkey and understood from both a socioeconomic and cultural highlights its intrinsically complex “socio-cultural” perspective. Aran and others (2009) show that in urban and “economic” nature. Available literature indicates settings, for instance, women who have arranged that factors such as the level of education, number of marriages (which is a proxy for conservatism) are 4 to children, migration, socio-cultural factors, civil status, 10 percent less likely to participate in the labor market. Box I.1: Qualitative Analysis in this Report The qualitative analysis presented in this Report reflects the opinion of a group of Turkish women, and therefore must be used and interpreted with care. Indeed, qualitative studies are not designed to provide answers that are representative of the population. Women who participated in the qualitative interviews were selected through a phone-based recruitment process. GfK Türkiye works with agencies which are members of Turkish Association of Marketing and Opinion Researchers. Before the fieldwork, GfK Türkiye screens potential participants using short phone interviews. During the phone interviews women were subject to a set of screening questions; such as employment status and education. Additional questions about non-related topics are also asked to potential participants in order to evaluate their capacity to communicate and share opinions about different issues. Only the participants suitable for the project (i.e. not in the labor force, with low levels of education, and with “good” communication skills were invited to the interviews). As such, the process of selecting participants may have introduced sample bias that is common to this type of studies. Furthermore, in order to avoid selection bias that may occur in selecting particular quotes, all of them were compiled and grouped by topic (see Appendix B). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 3 Table I.1: Main Determinants of Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey (A review of the literature) Author(s) Main Findings Social and Alkan (1995) The social roles of women (and the influence of Cultural factors Aran, Capar, Husamoglu, Sanalmis, and patriarchal society) play a strong role in determining Uraz (2009) women’s decisions on labor market participation. Dayioglu (2000) House chores and childcare/eldercare are traditionally Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) female duties that may prevent them from Erman (2001) participating in the labor market. The presence of Eyüboðlu, Özar, and Tanrýöver (2000) young children negatively affects women’s LFP. Gunduz - Hosgor and Smits (2006) Estimates of Aran and others (2009) indicate that in Kasnakoglu and Dayioglu (2002) urban settings if the marriage of a woman is arranged Ozar and Gunluk Senesen (1998) by her family, her likelihood of participating in the Taymaz (2009) labor force declines by 4 to 10. The effect is generally higher among more educated women. Education Aran, Capar, Husamoglu, Sanalmis, and Evidence shows that as the level of education Uraz (2009) increases, the probability of women entering the Baslevent and Onaran (2003) labor market also increases. Higher levels of education Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) also strengthen women’s self-esteem, provide them Eyüboðlu, Özar, and Tanrýöver (2000) with competitive work skills, and lead to higher Gunduz-Hosgor and Smits (2006) levels of LFP. Estimates indicate that higher Ince and Demir (2006) educational attainment increases employment Kasnakoglu and Dayioglu (1997) probability from 3 percent (primary school graduate) Taymaz (2009) to 73 percent (college graduate) for women. Urbanization Aran, Capar, Husamoglu, Sanalmis, and The decline in agricultural production has caused Uraz (2009) labor shedding, pushing people to migrate to urban Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) areas. Rural migrant women, who were once unpaid Erman (1998) family workers in their rural settlements, are likely Kocak (1999) to become discouraged workers in the urban labor SPO (2007) market. The main reasons for this are their low levels Taymaz (2009) of education and insufficient skills. TURKONFED (2007) World Bank (2000, 2004) Marital Status Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) Pancaroglu finds that unmarried and married women Pancaroglu (2006) have different priorities while seeking jobs. It seems that childcare benefits are the leading drivers for married women to enter the labor market, whereas unmarried women first seek a job covered with health insurance and pension benefits. Being married is negatively associated with participation in both urban and rural areas, with a particularly large effect in urban areas. Separated and divorced women are also less likely to participate in rural areas but not in urban areas. Source: Authors’ compilation of sources. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 4 Table I.1: cont. Author(s) Main Findings The Economic Cycle Baslevent and Onaran (2003) The authors study the “added worker effect” (that is, wives decide to participate in order to compensate for the loss of income due to husbands’ unemployment). The authors researched whether the participation decisions of married women are dependent on their husband’s employment status. Using HLFS 1988 and 1994 data, their research indicates that women’s LFP is negatively correlated to their husband’s employment. This relationship was found to be more significant during the 1994 economic crisis. Baslevent and Onaran (2004) When macroeconomic dynamics are considered, the authors find that the impact of longer-term growth performance on female labor market outcomes is significantly positive for both single and married women. Tansel (2001) In her study—using time-series data for 1980, 1985, and 1990—the author shows that high rates of overall unemployment negatively affected the female LFP (especially through the “discouraged worker” effect). Source: Authors’ compilation of sources. Why is Female Labor Force Participation 6. Higher female LFP rates are instrumental in Important? building capacity for economic growth and poverty reduction. International experience indicates that greater 5. The Turkish government has set various economic equality between women and men is associated important goals to increase female labor force with poverty reduction, higher gross domestic product participation (LFP) as part of its development (GDP), and better governance (World Bank 2001; Klasen objectives. “The National Action Plan for Gender 1999). Recent studies indicate that some developing Equality”, prepared by the Turkish Government, economies, especially in the Middle East and North recognizes that Turkish women are well behind their Africa, display lower participation rates than those male counterparts in terms of participation in the labor predicted given their age and education structures. If force. The Report emphasizes that “women’s general female LFP in such countries rose to the level predicted social and economic development is closely related to by women’s age and education structure, household their participation in the labor force, because employment earnings could increase up to 25 percent (World Bank not only provides women with economic independence, 2001, 2003). Micro-simulations for Turkey (World Bank but also increases their confidence and social respectability 2009a) indicate that reaching the female labor force and improves their position within their families”. The participation target of the Ninth Development Plan – government’s 2007–2013 Ninth Development Plan aims from 23 percent currently to 29 percent – could contribute at increasing the level of female participation to 29.6 to reduce poverty by up to 15 percent (8 percent) if new percent by 2013. To achieve this increase, the government entrants take full-time (part time) jobs. This occurs as envisions developing a set of policies that would involve raising the level of education of the workforce, enhancing female employment brings extra income to the employability through active labor force policies, and household, decreases their dependency on their families, facilitating access to the labor market (Table I.2). Since and increases their intra-household decision-making 1995, programs and projects geared at strengthening the power. Furthermore, previous literature has found that employability of women have been established, such as working women generally are more involved than support to female entrepreneurs, subsidies for new hires nonworking women in making the right decisions in (youth and female workers), vocational training, and the relation to their children’s education and health (Angel- provision of childcare centers, among others.2 Urdinola and Wodon 2008). 2 Furthermore, higher female LFP and a gender mainstreaming approach to employment policy are important targets in Turkey’s harmonization agenda with the European Union (EU). The European Councils at Lisbon and Stockholm set ambitious targets for raising participation rates in the EU by 2010 (from 54 percent in 2001 to 60 percent in 2010). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 5 Table I.2: National Action Plan for Gender Equality Objective 1: Accelerate efforts to increase women’s Responsible Collaborating Institutions employment Institution 1.1 Increasing women’s employability through education, ÇSGB, �Þ-KUR, KSGM, SHÇEK, GAP training, and entrepreneurship MEB, KOSGEB Administration (PGA), 1.2 Expanding childcare and eldercare services Universities, Trade Unions, and 1.3 Raising social awareness to decrease the prevalence of NGOs traditional structures Objective 2: Women’s economic position in rural areas will be improved 2.1 Encouraging women’s entrepreneurship in agriculture Ministry of Agriculture KSGM, PGA, MEB, Ministry of 2.2 Implementing income-generating projects for rural and Rural Affairs, MEB, Environment and Forestry, Trade women and projects to improve labor conditions �Þ-KUR, ÇSGB Organizations, NGOs, and Universities Objective 3: Gender discrimination in the labor market will be combated 3.1 Revising the existing Labor Act to incorporate gender ÇSGB, �Þ-KUR, Bar Association, Trade equality KSGM, TÜ�K, Unions, NGOs, ÇSGB (SGK) 3.2 Producing data on income differences between women Universities, �Þ-KUR Private Sector KSGM, Relevant and men doing similar work Public Agencies and Institutions 3.3 Taking necessary measures against all kinds of discrimination faced by women in working life Source: National Action Plan for Gender Equality (2009). 7. Higher levels of female LFP are associated with (in almost all countries) is highly correlated to children’s higher returns to human capital and education. In education. Children with more-educated mothers are countries with low levels of female LFP, families often more likely to have better education outcomes than under-invest in the education of their female members. children with less-educated mothers. The reason behind this is simple: families realize that women have little chance to join the labor market when 8. Qualitative analysis indicates that women in compared to their male counterparts and prefer to invest Turkey would like to have more opportunities to in the education of their sons (at the same time cutting work. According to the findings of the qualitative study, investment in the education for their daughters). There inactive women in Turkey (mainly housewives) want are several negative externalities about this decision- to participate in the labor market. Indeed, the majority making process. For example, there is a vast literature of women who participated in the study expressed the that highlights the social and economic benefits of desire to participate in the labor force, or at least to women’s education (for example, investment in women’s acquire jobs that are compatible with their education education reduces child mortality, increases level and skills. However, participants in the Focus immunization rates, and decreases the prevalence of Group Discussions (FGDs) claimed that there are two HIV/AIDS). Furthermore, mothers’ education is a types of working women in Turkey: the working women significant variable affecting children’s educational “with a profession”, who are socially accepted and even attainment and opportunities. Indeed, mothers’ education admired; and the working women “without a profession”; Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 6 who are regarded as needy and are not well accepted economic conditions, it has become harder for by society. Indeed, inactive women tend to idealize households to make ends meet with a single income. working women “as women with a profession” whom As a result, it has become more (although not totally) they admire. Working women with a profession are accepted for family members other than the father perceived very positively as having the freedom, strength, (generally the main “breadwinner”) to join the labor ambition, and high self-esteem. Women perceive that force in order to help support the family. Male FGD by working they can gain independence and social participants seemed not to mind that their wives work acknowledgment, which in turn will enable them to in times of economic challenges, especially during provide a better life and better educational opportunities periods of high unemployment. Interestingly, most male for their children. On the other hand, working women participants (especially those who were not homeowners) without a profession are perceived as needy and are agreed that they would like their wives to help them often associated with high levels of stress and physical pay for some expenses, especially related to housing exhaustion. For more detailed information, the reader and rent. For more detailed information, the reader may may refer to the quotes on “perceptions of being a also refer to the quotes on “community approach to working woman” in Appendix B. According to the working women” in Appendix B.3 FGDs participants, there are several reasons why women would like to have more opportunities to work: to assure 11. Women are becoming more educated. Education a better future for their children, to contribute to a higher is one of the main determinants of female LFP in Turkey. household income, to increase their self-confidence, Indeed, higher education is associated with higher levels and help their families during period of shock such as of participation, especially in urban areas (Figure I.3). illness/unemployment of a family member (see quotes But the majority of women in Turkey still do not have on “willingness to work” in Appendix B). However, as more than a primary school education. This situation, will be analyzed in more detail in Chapter III, women certainly, negatively affects their participation and puts face constraints (both cultural and economic) that limit them at a disadvantage compared to men, who, in terms their opportunities to join the labor market. of schooling, do somewhat better than women. For instance, in 2006, one out of every five women (20 The Puzzle of Low Female Labor Force percent) was illiterate compared to only 4 percent of men. The proportion with more than primary school Participation in Turkey education, in addition, was limited to one-third of the female population, compared to half the male population. 9. Turkey has experienced important structural and social changes that would be expected to facilitate Figure I.3. Female Labor Force Participation by Level of Education female LFP. Female employment has become more and Age (Urban areas, 2006) acceptable to Turkish society, women are becoming Female LFP in urban areas by age group [2006] more educated, they are getting married at a later age, 90 University fertility rates have been declining, and Turkey had 80 experienced favorable economic conditions until the 70 recent recession. 60 50 10. The social attitude toward working women has Complete Secondary 40 changed favorably in recent years. According to 30 participants in the FGDs, Turkey has come a long way 20 in relation to acceptance of female employment in recent 10 Complete Primary years. Female FGD participants argued that people’s 0 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 attitude toward working women was less tolerant 15 years ago than nowadays. With changing social and Source: Processed from Aran and others (2009). 3 The recall period used in the FGDs was of 15 years. The selection of this recall period was arbitrary and was not based on any economic or political event. The main purpose of the question was to obtain information about changes in social attitudes towards working women over time. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 7 12. However, educational attainment has been Figure I.4: Proportion of Never-married Women, by Age Group by Year improving in Turkey, especially for women. In the 60 Age Group 20-24 past two decades, the proportion of illiterate women 50 proportion never married (%) dropped from 33.9 percent to 19.6 percent, and the 40 proportion of women with more than primary school education more than doubled (Table I.3). Furthermore, 30 Age Group 25-29 the share of women with a university education 20 increased from 1.8 percent in 1988 to 5.8 percent in 10 Age Group 30-34 2006. This positive change in the education 0 distribution is likely to have contributed to increase 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 female LFP.4 Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009). Table I.3: Distribution of Male and Female Population, by Highest Attained Education Level (%) Men Women Men Women Men Women % Change % Change 1988 1988 2000 2000 2006 2006 Men Women 1988–2006 1988–2006 Illiterate 11.6 33.9 5.5 21.7 4.0 19.6 -65.5 -42.1 No Diploma 9.6 8.6 4.0 4.7 5.2 8.0 -45.2 -7.1 Primary 51.8 42.8 49.6 48.9 40.5 40.6 -21.7 -5.0 Secondary 11.5 6.2 14.9 8.2 18.6 11.8 62.0 89.8 High School 7.1 5.0 13.1 9.1 12.6 9.0 78.4 79.7 Vocational 3.8 1.7 5.9 3.2 9.6 5.2 154.9 206.5 University 4.7 1.8 7.0 4.3 9.4 5.8 100.0 214.7 Note: Covers individuals age 15+. Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar using 1988, 2000; and 2006 HLFS. 13. Women are getting married at a later age. 14. Marriage in Turkey occurs early in life. The Marriage is almost universal in Turkey. Data indicate average age for first marriages is 20.7 years among that nearly 98 percent of women marry by age 49 women aged 15–49. Marriage seems to be a strong (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). In contrast, divorce is an determinant of female LFP. In urban areas, we find that unlikely event (less than 1 percent among women aged married women are less likely to participate in the labor 15–49). Compared to 1988, women are postponing market than single women for all age groups. Married marriage, which, in theory, would allow them to study women aged 25–29 display very low participation rates and/or participate in the labor force (Figure I.4). Still, (20 percent), while participation rates for single women given that the LFP rates among married women remain in the same age bracket are much higher (60 percent). rather low (and married women account for a large The participation gap diminishes at later ages as women share of the potential workforce), achieving higher with a high propensity to work get married. In rural female participation would depend heavily on the change areas, between the ages of 20 and 35, married women in the participation behavior of married women. Plausible are also less likely to participate; however, the gap is explanations behind the low LFP rates of married women much narrower than in urban areas. include childbearing, societal norms that see women’s proper role as motherhood, lack of affordable childcare 15. Total fertility rates have fallen substantially in facilities, reliance on informal arrangements for Turkey in the last 30 years. Not surprisingly, fertility childcare, and female seclusion. rates in rural areas remain higher than those in urban 4 Figure I.3 highlights the fact that female participation in Turkey follows an invested U-shape as it is the case in most countries. A particular feature of Turkey is the fact the women withdraw from the labor force at rather young ages (between 30 and 35 years of age). This is due to significant drops in female LFP at childbearing and during motherhood. For university graduates, drops in female LFP are also explained by early retirement. Under the old social security law, women could retire with full benefits with 20 years of service (the requirement for men was 25 years). The early retirement opportunity for women with full benefits (that is being gradually phased out) helps explain why women, especially in urban areas, retire earlier than men (Dayioglu and Kirdar, 2009). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 8 areas. In 2003, women were expected to give birth to illiterate woman expects to have 3.7 children before 2.2 children, on average, compared to 5.7 children in the end of her reproductive years, the corresponding 1968 and 3 children in 1988. Note that during figure among women with a high-school education or 1993–2006, there was a substantial drop in fertility rates more is 1.4 children. For less educated married women registered for women aged 20–24 (in both urban and in urban areas, the probability of participation declines rural areas) (Figure I.5). Interestingly, for women in from 32 percent to 15 percent after their first pregnancy higher age groups (25–34), drops in fertility rates are and remains low thereafter. The situation is somehow more noticeable in rural than in urban areas. There is different in rural areas: during pregnancy, rural women a rigid sequencing of demographic events in Turkey decrease their supply of labor (probably due to the (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). Women generally give nature of the work required in agriculture), but their birth to their first child less than two years after marrying. participation levels go back to a roughly similar level Although the marriage age has gone up, the lapse of after the birth of the first child—as women return to time between marriage and first birth has remained their usual agricultural duties. Also interesting is the rather constant over the past 30 years. Data from the participation behavior considering life events for 2003 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) educated women in urban areas. Among this group, indicate that the average age for women at first birth is single women display participation rates of 43 percent. 22.5. Indeed, the average woman in Turkey is expected Marriage and pregnancy increase their participation to be married and have a child before age 25 and to levels to 54 and 56 percent, respectively. This is have a second child before age 30. surprising, since marriage and childbearing are generally associated with lower female LFP. However, after having Figure I.5: Fertility Rates, by Age Group (Births per 1,000 women) their first child, participation rates for educated women drop to 40 percent (a 15 percentage point decrease) and Urban Areas stabilize thereafter (Figure I.6). 250 200 Figure I.6: Life Events and Labor Force Participation (Women aged 150 1993 20–65) 100 marriage 1st pregnancy Birth of 1st Birth of 2nd child child 50 2006 70% 55% 57% 57% 60% 54% Labor Force Participation Rate (%) 0 54% 56% 44% Rural 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 50% 43% 40% 33% 41% Urban High Skilled 41% 30% Rural Areas 32% 250 20% 21% Urban Low Skilled 18% 20% 20% 10% 15% 200 0% 1993 Single never Married before Married before Married before Married before Married before 150 married with no children currently with 1 child with 2 children with 3 or more and no pregnant children pregnancies 100 50 2006 Categories of women by life events experienced (For cross-section of women at one time period) 0 Source: Aran and others (2009). 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009). 17. It is surprising that despite all these factors, female LFP in Turkey is low by international 16. Still, having children is associated with lower standards and has been decreasing. Given the recent LFP, especially among less educated urban women. By economic and demographic developments, it is puzzling the end of their productive years, less than 2 percent of that LFP in Turkey has been decreasing almost steadily all women in Turkey fail to have a child. Notwithstanding during the past 30 years. While the participation rate these general patterns, the fertility rate is closely of women was 34.3 percent in 1988, it was down to associated with women’s education level. While an 23.5 percent in January 2009 (Table I.4). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 9 Table I.4: Main Labor Market Indicators in Turkey (1988–2009) Labor Market Outcomes in Turkey 1988 2000 2006 January 2008 January 2009 OECD EU-19 Employment Rate Male 75.1% 68.9% 64.5% 60.3% 58.3% 79.0% 74.4% Female 30.6% 24.9% 22.3% 19.0% 19.9% 59.4% 59.2% Total 52.6% 46.7% 43.2% 39.3% 38.7% 69.1% 66.8% Unemployment Rate Male 7.5% 6.6% 9.7% 11.5% 15.6% 7.5% 6.6% Female 8.4% 6.3% 10.3% 11.8% 15.2% 7.1% 8.0% Total 8.4% 6.5% 9.9% 11.6% 15.5% 7.3% 7.2% Labor Force Participation Rate Male 81.2% 73.7% 71.5% 68.1% 69.1% 80.5% 79.7% Female 34.3% 26.6% 24.9% 21.6% 23.5% 61.2% 64.3% Total 57.5% 49.9% 48.0% 44.4% 45.8% 70.7% 72.0% Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009); TÜ�K, OECD Stat Extracts for 2007, and EUROSTAT 2007. Definitions of LFP may not be the same across sources; for more information please see Appendix A 18. Indeed, Turkey is one of the few OECD countries control for seasonality, we use data on Labor Market where female LFP has dropped compared to the Indicators from the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜ�K) 1980s. In the 1980s, Turkey enjoyed levels of female for January 2008 and 2009 (Table I.4). Data indicate a LFP similar to those of more developed countries, such large deterioration in overall employment and as Austria, the Netherlands, and Switzerland (Figure unemployment outcomes. Indeed, unemployment in I.7); probably due to high participation rates of women Turkey seems to have reached a record high (at 15.5 in agriculture. By 2006, most of the OECD countries percent) and employment reached a record low (at 38.7 that in the 1980s displayed a similar rate of female LFP percent). Note, however, that LFP for both men and experienced further increases in female participation, women displayed a slight increase (from 68.1 to 69.1 while Turkey experienced the opposite. By 2006, Turkey percent for men and from 21.6 to 23.5 percent for had one of the lowest levels of female LFP in the world women), probably due to the “added worker effect” in along with other Islamic countries like Egypt (Arab times of economic downturn (that is, wives and other Republic), Morocco, Tunisia, and Saudi Arabia. family members decide to participate in the labor market in order to compensate for the loss of income or Figure I.7: Trends in Participation Rates—World Outlook unemployment in times of recession) (Baslevent and Onaran 2003). In addition to having a low and decreasing female LFP, Turkey displays low and decreasing employment rates and high and increasing unemployment rates. Compared to OECD and EU standards, Turkey displays lagging labor market indicators. Effects of the Economic Crisis on Women’s Behavior Source: Aran and others (2009) 20. In times of economic downturn, more women in Turkey are likely to join the labor force. In times of 19. Female participation has, however, slightly economic downturn, some household members lose increased in light of the recent economic crisis. In their jobs or suffer a decrease in labor income. Also, order to analyze most recent trends, and in order to many new entrants to the labor market fail to find a job, Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 10 and individuals who are currently employed face a employment grew from 2.9 million to 3.2 million, higher risk of losing their jobs. As a response, some approximately 9 percent. On the contrary, men’s non- members of the household who were not participating agricultural employment during the same time period in the labor market before the downturn decide to actually decreased from approximately 12.6 million to participate in order to compensate for the actual or 12.4 million (-1 percent). possible decline in their total household income. This increase in the labor force is known as the “added Figure I.9: non-agricultural Labor Force and Employment (Annual worker effect” (Baslevent and Onaran 2003). In Turkey, percentage change) the added worker effect is likely to be observed among Labor Force Employment females. Indeed, female participation in Turkey rose 16% 10% 14% during both the 2001 financial crisis and the recent 12% 8% economic downturn (Figure I.8). 10% 6% 8% 6% 4% 4% 2% 2% Figure I.8: Labor Force Participation Rate, by Gender (%) 0% 11.07 12.07 01.08 02.08 03.08 04.08 05.08 06.08 07.08 08.08 09.08 10.08 11.08 12.08 0% -2% 11.07 12.07 01.08 02.08 03.08 04.08 05.08 06.08 07.08 08.08 09.08 10.08 11.08 12.08 -4% -2% 76.00 29.00 Male Female Male Female Male Female 74.00 28.00 Source: Gursel and others (2009). 72.00 27.00 70.00 26.00 68.00 25.00 22. Thus, increasing female LFP is not the main Financial 66.00 Crisis driver of higher unemployment in Turkey. TÜ�K 24.00 64.00 Recent data for December 2007–December 2008 indicate that 62.00 23.00 Crisis employment for females is increasing irrespective of 60.00 22.00 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 their education level, implying that the upward trend in female LFP is not the sole determinant of rising Source: Authors’ calculation using TÜIK data. unemployment in Turkey (Gursel and others 2009). It seems that higher unemployment in Turkey is mainly 21. Since December 2007, women’s LFP and driven by the trends in labor market outcomes among employment have been increasing rapidly, probably males (that is, higher participation but lower due to the added worker effect. During December employment). While the overall increase in the labor 2007–December 2008, the male non-agricultural labor force in Turkey was evenly split between men and force in Turkey increased by 4 percent—from women—there were approximately 500,000 and 530,000 approximately 14.3 million to 14.9 million (Gursel and new women and men joining the labor force during others 2009). During the same period, the female non- December 2007–December 2008—the majority of the agricultural labor force increased by 14 percent—from newly unemployed in the same time period were men approximately 3.5 million to 4.0 million. During (690,000 new male unemployed compared to 250,000 December 2007–December 2008, the increase in the new female unemployed). As mentioned, this was partly female non-agricultural labor force was far more rapid because employment among women increased while than that of males (Figure I.9). During December employment among men decreased during the same 2007–December 2008, women’s non-agricultural period of study. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 11 CHAPTER II. Trends Over Time: Why Has Female Labor Force Participation Been Decreasing? T his chapter aims at understanding why 2. Turkey is one of the few countries with a low female labor force participation (LFP) female LFP rate that has experienced a further in Turkey has been declining over the past decrease in the indicator since 2000. However, Turkey two decades. Analysis indicates that is not the only ECA country that has experimented urbanization and agricultural shedding steady drops in female LFP since the 1980s. While have been two main engines contributing to this trend. female LFP has increased steadily in most OECD Urbanization has contributed to a decrease in overall countries in the past 30 years, female LFP decreased female LFP because the size of the female urban significantly in almost all ECA countries in the aftermath working-age population became larger (that is, more of the reform (and especially between the late 1980s women moved from a higher-participation rural and late 1990s). After 2000, however, some ECA environment to a lower-participation urban countries have experienced an increase in female LFP, environment). Agricultural shedding has also been an while others like Moldova, Romania, and Turkey have important determinant for female LFP since women experienced a decrease (right panel of Figure II.2). generally supply their labor in households engaged in Interestingly, while Turkey’s level of female LFP is agriculture. In many cases, shifts in family activities somehow comparable to that of other Muslim countries, away from subsistence agriculture (especially in cases the great majority of these countries have actually seen where the husband and/or household head move away an increase in female LFP since 2000. As such, Turkey’s from agriculture) may lead to a withdrawal of women trend is unique; it is one of the few countries with a from the labor force. low level of female LFP rate that has experienced a further decrease in the indicator since 2000. Recent Trends Figure II.2: % Change in Female LFP [Turkey in the International Context] 1. This chapter examines the declining labor force participation (LFP) rates of women in Turkey and 40% % Change in female LFP (1988-2007) 20% 19% % Change in female LFP (2000-2007) explores the main reasons behind this phenomenon. 30% 15% -ECA- In a span of two decades (1988–2008), female LFP in 20% 18% 10% 8% 7% 6% 6% 5% 10% 5% Turkey declined from 34.3 percent to 21.6 percent 4% 10% 2% 2% 2% 2% -2% -2% -2% -2% -4% -5% -6% 0% 0% (Figure II.1). TAJ LAT BUL UKR RUS HUN MAC EST ARM AZE BOS SLO CZE CRO POL KYR LIT TUR MOL ROM UZB Selected OECD ECA Region Turkey -5% -10% Islamic -20% Countries -16% -10% -11% -12% Figure II.1: Female Labor Force Participation Rates in Turkey, -30% -29% -15% 1988– 2008 -40% -20% -18% 40.0% Note: Selected Muslim countries: Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Algeria, Iran (Islamic Republic), Afghanistan, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt (Arab Republic), 34.3% 35.0% Turkey, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. Source: processed from WDI, TÜ�K. OECD Stat Extracts, and EUROSTAT. 30.0% 26.6% 25.0% 21.6% 3. Urbanization and agricultural shedding are the 20.0% two main factors contributing to a lower female LFP 15.0% in Turkey. An important reason for the fall in the female 10.0% LFP rate in Turkey (from 34 percent in 1988 to 25 1988 2000 Jan 2008 percent in 2006) has been migration from rural to urban Source: Processed from Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) and TÜ�K. areas. In general, the urban and rural labor markets in Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 12 Turkey are quite different in many ways: employment 51.1 percent in 1988 to 63.3 percent in 2006 (Figure and participation rates in rural areas (still driven by II.4). While the rural WAP increased by 2.5 million agricultural employment) are much higher than in urban people (from 16.5 million to 19 million) during areas, especially among women; and unemployment in 1988–2006, the urban WAP increased by roughly 15.5 rural areas is much lower than in urban areas. Turkey million people (from 17.2 million to 32.7 million) during has witnessed a rapid process of urbanization since the same time period. Migration flows reached a peak 1988. The share of urban to total working-age population during 1995–2000. During this period, about 6.7 million rose from 51 percent in 1988 to 63 percent in 2006. people (11 percent of the total population) migrated. Note that female LFP in rural areas is much higher than Of this total, a great majority (80 percent, about 4.8 in urban areas. Urbanization contributed to a decrease million) moved from rural to urban areas. Since one of in female LFP since more women moved from a higher- the main reasons behind migration is the search for participation rural environment to a lower-participation better economic opportunities, migration decisions and urban environment (many migrants from rural to urban labor market choices—regarding LFP and job areas seeking better opportunities and hoping to find characteristics—will be factors that strongly reinforce better access to education and health services) (Figure each other. As a consequence of internal migration, one II.3). However, female LFP has also decreased due to of every three women in Turkey has become an internal a rapid decrease of female LFP in rural areas—from migrant. An important factor to note is that most women 50.7 percent in 1988 to 33 percent in 2006—a trend who migrate from rural to urban areas used to work in that is mainly explained by a general reduction in the agricultural sector but withdrew from the labor force agricultural employment as a share of total employment once they moved to urban areas. in rural areas. Figure II.4: Urban as a Share of Total Working-age Population Figure II.3: Population Shares and Participation by Stratum, 1988 Compared to 2006 70.0% 60.0% 1988 2006 50.0% 100 100 40.0% Female LFP (%) 30.0% Urban 50.7 Migrants 20.0% National Average 34 33.0 Rural National Average 10.0% 17.7 25 19.9 Rural 0.0% 0 Urban Urban 0 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 0 51 100 0 63 100 Working-age Population (%) Working-age Population (%) Note: Covers individuals age 15+. Source: TÜ�K. Source: Processed from Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) and TÜ�K. 6. Migrant women are more educated and more 4. Contrary to common belief, LFP in urban areas likely to be married than non-migrant women. has not decreased as will be discussed in detail in Among the defining characteristics of female migration this chapter. Indeed, female LFP within urban areas in Turkey over the last three decades is the extensive actually increased slightly during the period of study, internal migration from rural to urban areas, mainly from 17.7 percent in 1988 to 19.9 percent in 2006. characterized by movements from the Eastern to the Western regions, and from the inland to the coastal parts Urbanization of the country. The top 10 migrant-receiving provinces (in terms of absolute numbers) are in the Western part 5. Turkey has witnessed high levels of migration of the country and/or along the Mediterranean coast. from rural to urban areas since 1988. The share of Turkey Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS) data urban to total working-age population (WAP) rose from for 2003 indicate that about half of all migrant women Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 13 currently reside in Istanbul and in the Mediterranean the urban LFP rates if the participation propensities of region (Figure II.5). Migrant and non-migrant women rural migrants differed from those of urban residents. display a similar age distribution but differ in their The general perception in Turkey is that one of the distribution of education and marital status (Ozden reasons for a declining LFP in the country is the fact 2009). Migrant women are more educated and more that migrant women have pushed the urban average likely to be married than non-migrant women (Table female LFP down (because they have lower LFP rates II.1). The higher education levels of migrants is a feature than urban non-migrants). This is not the case. Recent frequently observed in migration studies due to a positive studies (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009; Aran and others selection bias (in the place of origin, migrants tend to 2009; Ozden 2009) find that migrant women in urban be better off than non-migrants since migration implies areas, on average, are slightly more likely to participate costs and risks). Also, migration decisions in Turkey, in the labor force than non-migrant women. Results as in most parts of the world, are made intra household using 2003 TDHS data indicate that while 29.6 percent because many women migrate in order to accompany of migrant women in urban areas are in the labor force, their husbands and/or household heads. among non-migrants this rate is 27.0 percent. In other words, migrant women are in fact slightly more likely Table II.1: Profile for Migrant Compared to Non-migrant Women to be in the labor force.5 According to Aran and others (2009), participation rates of migrant and non-migrant Non- Non- migrant Migrant migrant Migrant women in urban areas are actually quite similar, except Marital Status Education among those who attained university education. Among Never married 13% 9% Primary school 68% 56% the latest groups, female LFP rates are slightly higher Married 81% 86% Secondary school 9% 9% among migrant women than among non-migrant women Widowed 4% 3% High school 15% 19% (Figure II.6). Divorced 2% 2% University 9% 15% Living together 1% 1% Graduate degree 0% 1% Figure II.6: Female Participation by Migration Status in Urban Areas Source: TDHS 2003. 100% Labor Force Participation Rate 80% 74.3% Figure II.5: Distribution of Migrant Women by Region 35% 60% 30% 40% 29.5% 25% 21.0% 19.2% 20% 20% 15% 0% 10% No education or Complete Primary Complete Secondary Complete Higher incomplete primary education 5% Educational Attainment 0% Childhood place of residence rural, current residence urban ul t A ra lia t A an ia tra Ma a t A ra a or al A lia ac a a M an e st toli li Se Childhood place of residence urban, current residence urban t B tol nb a a to to to es k S e ne W arm rm eg na a a na na ta k rra n n c �s A A la te Bl Source: Aran and others (2009). es as as st t i ed tr ea st Ea es he le en Ea W M th W ut C en So N C Note: The sum of all bars equals 100 percent. 8. Urbanization seems to have contributed to Source: TDHS 2003. improving the quality of female employment. As a consequence of urbanization and improvements in 7. Female LFP in urban areas increased slightly in educational attainment, the type of jobs that women are recent years. The move out of agriculture in rural areas obtaining today are very different from the ones they and the resulting migration to urban areas would change obtained two decades ago. In 1988, 71 percent of all 5 This result is consistent with findings by Ozden (2009). According to the author, in urban areas migrant women are more likely to participate in the labor force than non- migrant women (26 percent compared to 24 percent, respectively). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 14 women in Turkey were employed as unpaid family Agricultural Shedding workers, mainly in the agricultural sector. By 2006, unpaid employment among women was only 38 percent 9. We will now turn our focus to the decreasing (a 46 percent decrease). On the contrary, in 1988, only LFP rates of rural women. Female LFP rates in rural 22 percent of all women were employed as wage earners. areas have been declining rapidly—from 50.7 percent This share almost doubled (reaching 43 percent) by in 1988 to 33 percent in 2006. The decline in LFP has 2006. Indeed, by 2006, the share of women working as been particularly prominent since 2000. As illustrated wage earners surpassed that of women working in in the left-hand panel of Figure II.8, the decrease in unpaid jobs (Figure II.7). Also, the share of female female LFP in rural areas has occurred hand in hand wage earners registered in social security increased by with a decline in overall agricultural employment. 16 percent in only three years (from 27 percent in 2003 Indeed, in 1988, the agricultural sector in Turkey to 32 percent in 2006). All these changes indicate that accounted for about 47 percent of overall employment; employment quality among working women has by 2006, this share decreased to 27 percent. improved significantly in recent years, influenced largely by the change in the urban/rural demographic structure. Figure II.8: Trends in Rural Labor Force Participation Rates and Agricultural Employment Although female employment in agriculture is decreasing rapidly (from 57 percent in 2003 to 47 percent in 2006), 60 70 Female LFP Rates by Age Group (%) the agricultural sector is still the largest sector employing 50 60 50 women in Turkey (Table II.2). 40 40 30 30 Female LFP (%) Women 1988 20 20 Women 2006 Share of Agricultural Figure II.7: Female Employment by Employment Type, 1988–2006 10 Employment (%) 10 0 0 80 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65+ Age Group 70 Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009). 60 50 % Unpaid 10. Agricultural shedding is an important 40 % Wage earners determinant of female LFP since women generally 30 work in households engaged in agriculture. Rural 20 women generally work as unpaid workers and perform 10 several activities such as seeding, harvesting, feeding 0 animals, and milking cows, among others. Indeed, 1988 1995 2000 2006 farming is a culturally accepted type of employment Source: From Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009). for women in Turkey. As will be discussed in more detail in Chapter III, families in Turkey share traditional Table II.2: Descriptive Statistics on Female Employment by Type values that define the roles of men and women in society. and Sector, 2003–06 There are certain types of employment where it would 2003 2004 2005 2006 % Change not be socially acceptable for women to work. Among Sector of Activity households working in agriculture and farming, female Agriculture, forestry, and fishing 57.0 55.8 50.2 47.2 -17.2% employment is not only acceptable but also promoted Manufacturing 13.2 13.9 14.8 14.6 10.6% Construction and utilities 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.7 16.7% and encouraged among women living in rural areas. Services 29.1 29.7 34.3 37.4 28.5% Employment Type 11. The fall in rural female LFP is linked to a change Registered regular employee 27.4 26.8 29.8 31.9 16.4% in preferences in lifestyle choices of an emerging Unregistered regular employee 6.1 7.7 9.6 10.3 68.9% Casual employee 6.1 6 5.7 5.6 -8.2% middle class. According to World Bank (2009a), per Employer 0.8 0.8 0.9 1.2 50.0% capita consumption in rural areas has increased Self-employed 11.5 9.7 13.1 12.7 10.4% noticeably in recent years. Younger cohorts are becoming Unpaid family worker 48.1 49 40.9 38.3 -20.4% more educated and thus look for better life and Source: Aran and others (2009). employment opportunities. Young men in rural areas Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 15 are rapidly moving from agricultural employment into of household heads that are self-employed in agriculture better-paid jobs in manufacturing and services. dropped from 41.3 percent to 30.5 percent during According to 2006 Household Labor Force Survey 2000–06. This is a remarkable decline in such a short (HLFS) data, rural male workers in agriculture earn on time and it probably meant a significant loss of jobs for average 2.34 Turkish Lira (TL) per hour while rural many women. male workers in non-agriculture earn on average 3.21 TL per hour (that is, 37 percent higher wages). As such, 14. During 2001–07, agriculture and fishing the move from agriculture into services and experienced a loss of employment of approximately manufacturing is associated with higher welfare among 25 percent (more than 2 million jobs lost in the sector). rural households.6 There has been a substantial reallocation of labor from agricultural activities into industrial activities and 12. At the same time, young women are getting services. This has occurred because non-agricultural married to men that no longer work in agriculture sectors of the economy (mainly wholesale and retail as much as they used to. In many cases, shifts in family trade, hotels and restaurants, other services, and activities away from subsistence agriculture (and manufacturing) displayed outstanding growth in both especially in cases where the husband and/or household output and employment demand in the past seven years head move away from agriculture) cause a withdrawal (Taymaz 2009). During 2001–07, the decline in of women from the labor force. For rural women, agricultural employment was partly compensated by moving from unpaid work in agriculture to becoming new jobs in the wholesale and retail trade, hotels and full-time housewives (or students) is perceived positively restaurants (1.1 million), other services (0.75 million), by rural households and is regarded as a rational life manufacturing (0.66 million), and other sectors. In choice. This socioeconomic phenomenon is regarded addition, since 2000, there has been a significant in Turkey as the process of young/rural women becoming worsening of the terms of trade between agriculture more middle class. Indeed, as shown by the right-hand and manufacturing (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). The panel of Figure II.8, the observed decrease in rural prices of agricultural products not only determine the female LFP has been particularly noticeable among wage rate in agriculture but also the earnings of women from younger cohorts. households in the agricultural sector. Falling terms of trade in agriculture would imply lower wages in the 13. There are several reasons why employment in sector and therefore lower supply (which is likely to agriculture has decreased in recent years. As decrease LFP rates among both men and women). mentioned, an important factor explaining the decrease Declining employment in agriculture may also be in participation among rural women is the fact that explained by a general fall in food prices in the early fewer households are engaged in agricultural activities. 2000s; by the fact that agricultural subsidies in Turkey As indicated in Table II.3, there has been an important were significantly reduced during 2000–05 (Box II.1); decrease in the share of individuals and households in and by technological developments in agriculture that rural areas that work in family-run agricultural have made human labor redundant (such as tractors, establishments. For instance, the share, in rural areas, cultivators, and ploughs) (Peker 2004; Yavuz 2005). Table II.3: Declining Share of Agriculture in Rural Areas 2000 2006 % Change Percent of Household Heads in Rural Areas Engaged in Agriculture 44.2% 33.6% -23% Percent of Household Heads in Rural Areas Engaged in Agriculture on Own 41.3% 30.5% -26% Account Percent of Households with at least One Member Engaged in Agriculture on 19.3% 14.5% -24% Own Account Percent of Households in Rural Areas with at least One Member Engaged in 48.4% 36.8% -23% Agriculture on Own Account Source: 2002–2006 HLFS, TÜ�K. 6 HLFS figures only provide information on wage earners. As such, earnings from agricultural self employment and/or the sale of agricultural products are not included in these figures, which could undermine total agricultural earnings. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 16 Box II.1: Turkey’s Agricultural Reform Implementation Program (ARIP) The ARIP was initiated in 2000/01. The program’s initial objective was to address a need for fiscal rationalization for public support to agriculture and to support a wider agriculture development agenda. The program was driven by the European Union (EU) harmonization process. Agricultural support schemes were revised with a view to increasing effectiveness, efficiency, and quality in production, taking into consideration EU pre-accession requirements. During the first stage of the program (2000–05), the ARIP introduced a series of reforms on agricultural subsidies focused mainly on reducing the fiscal support to state and quasi-state marketing enterprises and to credit subsidies and debt write-offs in the rural finance system. The subsidy reduction program eliminated fertilizer subsidies and significantly reduced deficiency payments (output price supports) for most of the supported agricultural products. In partial compensation for these subsidy reductions, the government introduced a Direct Income Support (DIS) program. Starting in 2001, the DIS program has made annual payments of roughly US$90/hectare to all farmers on the basis of their cultivated area. Direct payments to farmers compensate almost half of the income loss arising from the cuts in agricultural subsidies. In 2008, the DIS program was discontinued. The second stage of the program started in 2005. The ARIP moved from a fiscal rationalization focus to strengthening the emphasis on competitiveness-enhancing agricultural and rural development measures, such as investment in farmer’s organizations, the introduction of agro-environmental schemes, the promotion of land consolidation activities, and credit support. 15. A decline in agricultural employment is not employment are likely to improve both the quality of necessarily a bad thing. Such a decrease may be a their employment and their pay. The downside of the consequence of economic progress and probably story is the fact that many of the women who lose their contributed to improvement in employment quality jobs in agriculture, as discussed, shy away from the among working women in rural areas. Data indicate labor force, thus contributing to lower LFP rates. that the decline in rural agricultural employment occurred hand in hand with a decrease in unpaid work and with Table II.4: Statistics on Employment Quality by Sector, Rural Areas an increase in self-employment and wage employment (Dayioglu and Kirdar, 2009). Also, women working in % Unpaid % Informal non-agricultural jobs enjoy more favorable working conditions than women working in agricultural jobs Agriculture 77.5% 98.7% (for example lower informality, and a lower probability Non-agriculture 7.4% 36.4% of working unpaid) (Table II.4). As such, rural women Source: 2006 HLFS. moving away from agriculture into non-agricultural Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 17 CHAPTER III. Why is Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey Low by International Standards? T his chapter aims at understanding why Figure III.1: Labor Force Participation and Working-age Population by Stratum female labor force participation (LFP) in 60 Female Labor Force Participation (%) Working-age Population [2006] Turkey remains low. Analyses indicate that 50 Urban Rural female LFP remains low mainly due to 40 Rural 36.0 % 30 very low participation rates of women 20 Urban 64.0 % with low levels of education in urban areas. This group 10 faces complex cultural and economic barriers that 0 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 constrain their participation in the labor market. Economic barriers mainly relate to the existing precarious Source: Processed from Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) and Aran and others (2009). work conditions (high likelihood of working in the 2. Female LFP in urban areas has increased slightly informal sector, low salaries, lack of affordable childcare, since the 1980s, mainly because urban women are and long working hours, among others), and cultural becoming more educated. Female LFP in urban areas barriers mainly relate to women’s role as caregivers increased from 17.7 percent in 1988 to 19.9 percent in and to family/social demands for women to remain home. 2006. According to Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009), the Indeed, urban women with low levels of education may main factor explaining such an increase in LFP is that be facing an “under-participation trap”. urban women (the population and the labor force) became more educated during the reference period. Since more education attainment is associated with higher levels of Urban Trends participation (as discussed in Chapter I), improvements in the education distribution (especially if such 1. Female labor force participation (LFP) in Turkey improvements boost the share of women attaining remains low mainly due to very low participation university education) are likely to positively affect female LFP. While in 1988, only 2.8 percent of the urban female rates in urban areas. Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜ�K) working-age population had attained university, by 2006, data indicate that overall female LFP in urban areas is this figure had increased to 8.1 percent. The education quite low—at 19.9 percent in 2006. In rural areas, female composition of the labor force also displayed positive LFP is significantly higher—at 33 percent in 2006. The improvements: while in 1988, 12.9 percent of the labor national average female LFP (at 25 percent in 2006) is force was university graduates, by 2006, the figure had somewhat closer to the urban average. This is because increased to 28.5 percent. Similar improvements took place at all education levels above primary school. As the majority of the working-age population (64 percent) a result, the proportion of illiterate and functionally lives in urban areas (Figure III.1). As such, the behavior literate individuals and primary school graduates (in and trends of female LFP in urban areas is likely to have both the population and the labor force) dropped an important impact in overall female LFP in Turkey. significantly during the period of study (Table III.1). Table III.1: Distribution of Female Population and Labor Force by Education, Urban Areas 1988 2000 2006 Population Labor Force Population Labor Force Population Labor Force % Illiterate 26.1 12.5 14.4 4.3 14.8 4.2 % No Diploma 8.3 5.0 4.3 2.0 6.9 3.5 % Primary School 43.2 34.1 46.2 27.9 39.4 26.3 % Secondary 9.2 8.61 10.9 8.0 12.8 9.8 % High School 7.7 19.3 13.2 21.1 11.4 15.8 % Voc. School 2.7 7.7 4.4 10.3 6.7 12.0 % University 2.8 12.9 6.5 26.5 8.1 28.5 Note: Covers individuals aged 15+. Source: Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009) using the 1988, 2000; and 2006 HLFSs. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 18 3. More relevant to the main problem of low female after which participation rates stabilized at roughly 70 LFP is the fact that female LFP rates remain very percent (Figure III.2). However, the main reason for low (and have not improved) among urban poorly this decrease remains unclear. Analysis commissioned educated women, which constitute the largest share of for this Report attempted to explore possible the urban working-age population. LFP rates in urban explanations, but results obtained were inconclusive areas are low mainly due to the fact that poorly educated (Box III.1). women (a large share of the overall urban working female population) participate sporadically in the labor Figure III.2: Labor Force Participation and Working-age Population force. While participation rates among educated women by Education (Urban areas) in urban areas (that is, those who have attained tertiary 90.0 Female Participation by Education (Urban) Female Working - age Population (Urban) education) are quite high (69.8 percent in 2006), LFP 80.0 70.0 rates among women who have attained only primary 60.0 Primary/Basic 29.8 50.0 Secondary and secondary education are surprisingly low, at 13.3 40.0 Tertiary 54.4 Primary/Basic 30.0 Secondary and 15.3 percent, respectively. LFP rates among educated 20.0 15.8 Tertiary 10.0 women in urban areas—albeit high—decreased from 0.0 80.3 percent in 1988 to 69.9 percent in 2006. Such a 19 8 19 9 19 0 19 1 19 2 19 3 19 4 19 5 96 19 7 98 20 9 20 0 20 1 20 2 20 3 20 4 20 5 06 8 8 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 19 19 19 decrease primarily occurred between 1988 and 1999, Source: Processed from Dayioglu and Kirdar (2009). Box III.1: Why Has Labor Force Participation Declined among Educated Urban Women in Turkey? · Are real wages for this group decreasing? If so, this would contribute to a decrease in their labor supply. Unfortunately, wage data are not available prior to 2000. After 2000, real wages for educated urban women have been stable (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). · Is the competitive work environment creating a disincentive? The increasingly competitive work environment of today as compared to that in the 1980s along with changing market conditions may have limited the chances for women to find jobs. This may have led women to give up on looking for a job and to prefer staying at home instead. · Are reservation wages increasing for this group? Economic theory argues that individuals may supply fewer hours of labor after their incomes reach a certain “high” point (this is explained in labor economics as the backward bending supply curve, which captures people’s preference for increased leisure over increased remuneration). However, econometric analysis (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009) does not find household wealth to be a significant determinant of the participation rates for educated urban women. · Have observable characteristics changed for women in this group? Women who participated in the labor force in the 1990s displayed different characteristics from women who participate in the 2000s. But, if anything, changes in characteristics of educated urban women should have favored female LFP: participating women after 2000 are more likely to never have been married, younger, and household heads than women in the early 1990s, all characteristics that are positively associated with female LFP (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). · Is there selection bias? There could also be unobservable differences in traditional datasets between women who participated in the labor force in the early and late 1990s. For instance, the first batch of university graduates in Turkey in the 1980s was probably a very small and rather homogeneous group. Due to the rapid increase in access to university, the university graduates in later years are more heterogeneous (in terms of their value system and preferences). It could be that more recent university graduates are less driven to work and/or perhaps have more conservative values. To test this hypothesis, further qualitative analysis is required. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 19 Why Less-educated Urban Women Do ironing, and taking care of the family. Indeed, according Not Work? to female FGD participants, household work may actually be quite demanding. Women who participated 4. Why has female LFP among poorly educated in the discussions find advantages and disadvantages urban women remained low and unchanged? As of being housewives. Some of the advantages relate to discussed in Chapters I and II, Turkey went through the fact that housewives have more time to care for major structural and demographic changes such as their family and children. As such, family priorities urbanization, declining fertility rates, and improvements (and the efficient use of the resources brought by their in the education distribution, among others. Despite all husbands) take precedence over any other priority, such these changes, female LFP among poorly educated as work. However, participants also shared some urban women has remained very low and unchanged. disadvantages of their role as housewives, such as a What is the main driving force for the women not to feeling of dependence, stress, low self-esteem, boredom, enter the labor market? Is it their choice not to join the little time for self, lack of social security, and a sense labor market? Are they excluded from the labor market? that their work and role in society is undervalued. On This section aims at answering these questions. the contrary, male FGD participants (generally the husbands of the female participants), claimed that being 5. Data indicate that poorly educated urban women a housewife is an easy job, associated with staying at who do not enter the labor force are mainly housewives. home with plenty of spare time. While some male Data from the Turkey Demographic and Health Survey participants accepted that childcare could be wearisome (TDHS) indicate that the main reason the majority (66 at times, they claim that the activity fits the female percent) of urban poorly educated women are out of nature and thus it is not perceived as real work. labor force is their role as housewives. Also, 7 out of According to their husbands, housewives are nurturing, every 100 women claim that they do not join the labor affectionate, and self-sacrificing; their main role is to market because their family would oppose them doing save/spend the family’s money and to care for their so (note that these women are probably housewives, families. too). The remaining 27 percent are not in the labor market because they are looking for a job, because they 7. But not all housewives are so by choice. The great are in school, because they are handicapped/sick, or majority of the women who participated in the FGDs due to other (not stated) reasons (Figure III.3). (most of whom were housewives) stated that they would like to work for money. Participants claimed that by Figure III.3: Main Reasons for Female Inactivity (Urban poorly educated working they could help finance the education of their women) children, have access to social security, contribute to their family budget, and help the family in times of Housewife/looks after a child 65.5 % shocks (such as illness or unemployment of a family member). Also, participants argued that working could Other 11.0 % give them some self-satisfaction by ensuring more Spouse/family does not want her to work 7.1 % independence, by providing them with their own income, Looking for a job 6.3 % by increasing their self-confidence, and by being (and feeling) more productive. For more detailed information, Handicapped/sick/too old 5.8 % the reader may refer to the quotes on “willingness to Student 4.1 % work” in Appendix B. 0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% 80.00% 8. Poorly educated women in urban areas face Source: Processed from Aran and others (2009). complex cultural and economic barriers that constrain their participation in the labor market. 6. Qualitative analysis indicates that women see According to FGD participants, there are several advantages and disadvantages of being housewives. constraints to labor force participation, some involving According to focus group discussion (FGD) participants, economic barriers and some involving cultural barriers. housewives spend most of their time cleaning, cooking, Economic barriers mainly relate to the existing precarious Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 20 work conditions for poorly educated women in urban expressing approval or disapproval of its members’ areas (high likelihood of working in the informal sector, social behavior, the extended family also functions as low salaries, lack of affordable childcare, and long an effective mechanism of social decision making. Even working hours, among others), while cultural barriers among modernized urban dwellers, family loyalty, mainly relate to women’s role as caregivers and to family obligations, and family honor remain strong family/social demands (from husbands, neighbors, and considerations. Thus, even though Turkish culture extended family) for women to remain home (Figure professing to have modern values may define the “ideal” III.4). Indeed, family pressure (from husbands, parents, family as one in which equality exists between spouses, and in-laws) is one of the main constraints to wives who actually attempt to establish themselves as employment faced by poorly educated women. Family equal partners could face (in some cases) resistance pressure arises, among others, due to prevailing from their husbands. This unequal burden placed upon conservative values, mistrust, safety concerns about the women to uphold family honor highlights the ambiguous available working conditions, and worries about what role of women in society. others would say about husbands who have a working wife. As shared by FGDs participants, a working wife 10. Pregnancy and childcare are important may be interpreted by society as a signal that husbands constraints to employment. As mentioned in Chapter are not able to provide a living for his family. As such, I, mothering and childcare constitute important it poses potential reputational risks that are socially determinants of female LFP, especially in urban areas. quite important. For more detailed information, the Many female FGD participants argued that they had to reader may refer to the quotes on “reasons for not stop working due to pregnancy and/or childcare. Most working” in Appendix B. women claim that their kids are young and they would not want to leave them alone or unattended (although 9. Women’s roles in Turkey are still affected by the some of them argue that other family members and/or “extended family” dynamics. Although a majority of friends could help care for their children if they had to households in Turkey are nuclear family units, the larger, work). Most female FGD participants, however, feel extended family continues to play an important social that providing care for their children is their role in the lives of most individuals, especially among responsibility. Also, participant women were aware that the lower-middle-class and lower-class families. By they could not afford a private daycare center or a paid babysitter with the wages they could earn if they worked. Participants mentioned they would need to pay at least Figure III.4: Constraints to Female Participation (Poorly educated 500 TL monthly to hire somebody to take care of their urban women) children. To afford this, they would need to find a job that would pay them more than 1,500 TL, which, Social and Cultural Constraints according to them, was beyond what they could earn given their skills and education level. · Family would not allow · Safety · Mistrusts The Under-participation Trap Hypothesis · What would others say 11. Beyond cultural constraints, poorly educated · Caregiving women in urban areas may be facing what has been Economic Constraints referred to as an “under-participation trap”. Urban women with low levels of education are very likely to · High informality work in the uncovered/informal sector. Informal jobs · Low wages generally offer women wages that are low compared to · Long working hours what they would have to pay to hire someone else to · Economic crisis do their domestic activities such as childcare, cooking, · Insufficient education and cleaning. Consequently, labor supply (employment · Lack of affordable childcare and participation) among women who would only have Source: Processed from GfK Report. chances to work in the informal sector is also likely to Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 21 be low. Low wages and low returns to education may controlling for productivity, there are significant wage cause families to under-invest in the education of girls rate differentials (of up to 40 percent) between workers because they think they have little chance to participate in formal and informal sectors in Turkey (Angel-Urdinola in the labor market when they grow up. This will and others 2009). According to the World Bank (2009b), feedback into the labor market and contribute further the lack of flexibility in the formal sector (high tax to keeping wages low, which in turn will keep labor wedges, high firing costs, and inflexible working hours, supply low This cycle is often known as the under- among others) constitutes the determinant of participation trap (Booth and Coles 2007; Taymaz 2009) segmentation in the Turkish labor market. (Figure III.5). 14. Poorly educated women are particularly vulnerable to joining the informal labor market, Figure III.5: What is an Under-participation Trap? which offers them very low wages. Informality rates among poorly educated urban women are quite high Existence of Low · Low levels of (Figure III.6, Panel A). Moreover, net hourly wages Segmented Informal · Low wages employment among informal women are quite low. As illustrated in low-wage, low- labor · Low returns Labor · Low levels of markets productivity jobs sector to education Supply participation Figure III.6, Panel B, the distribution of net hourly wages among formal women has stochastic dominance Inividuals over the distribution of hourly wages among informal Under invest in education women (that is, formal wage rates are higher than informal wage rates at all points of the wage distribution). Source: Authors’ elaboration. Poorly educated women in the formal sector are likely to earn wages at, or slightly above, the official minimum 12. Are poorly educated women in urban areas wage. On the contrary, most women in the informal facing an under-participation trap? To answer this sector (77 percent) earn wages that are below the question, this section analyses three main factors: labor minimum wage (Dayioglu and Kirdar 2009). As market segmentation, returns to education, and working mentioned, low wages constitute an important reason conditions. for low levels of labor supply. 13. Many workers in the urban labor market in Figure III.6: Employment Status and Wages for Poorly educated Urban Women in Turkey Turkey work in the informal (low productivity) sector. A segmented labor market implies the existence Panel A: Informality Rates by Education Panel B: CDF of Hourly “Net” Wages of dual sectors in the labor market: a covered “high- 100 1 Minimum Wage productivity” sector (with good-quality jobs) and an 86.9 .8 90 78.9 Cumulative Probability 80 .6 uncovered “low-productivity” sector (with low-quality 70 % Informal 60 50 46.5 42.8 .4 jobs). Labor market segmentation is characterized by 40 30 26.1 20.9 .2 scarce and constrained mobility across sectors (workers 20 10 8.6 0 queue) and by participation in the uncovered sector 0 Illiterate Inc. Basic Primary Inc. Secondary High School Voc. High School Univ. -4 -2 0 Iwage 2 4 c.d.f of formal c.d.f of informal being not optional (that is, exclusion). The urban labor market in Turkey indeed displays symptoms of CDF = Cumulative density function. Lwage= Natural logarithm of hourly net wages segmentation. First, firms in the formal sector display Source: World Bank using 2006 HLFS. higher productivity levels than firms in the informal sector (Taymaz 2009). Second, among poorly educated 15. Besides low wages, informal jobs offer women workers, flows from informality to formality are rather very precarious working conditions. According to scarce.7 Third, among poorly educated wage earners, the FGD findings, urban women with low levels of informality in Turkey seems to be caused by exclusion education mainly work in the textiles sector, as house and not by choice (World Bank 2009b). Finally, 7 According to data from a World Bank informality survey, only 2 out of every 10 poorly educated workers in the labor market (in all age groups) are expected to transition from the informal to the formal sector. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 22 cleaners, as cashiers, and in sales (Figure III.7). This education pays off only if one has a profession. Indeed, is consistent with results from HLFS data, which indicate 2006 HLFS data indicate that returns to education in that the majority of less educated urban women (80 the informal sector (where most poorly educated women percent) work in manufacturing (46 percent), services are likely to work) are very low. Even with more than (19 percent), and sales (14 percent). Note that the textiles 10 years of education, informal urban wage earners are sector constitutes a large employer for poorly educated likely to earn wage rates that are at, or below, the workers in urban areas. However, this sector is regarded minimum wage. On the contrary, returns to education by women as one with very difficult employment are significant in the formal sector (which is, as conditions. Beyond jobs in the textiles industry, FGD mentioned, a symptom for market segmentation). Indeed, participants argued that the employment conditions in formal workers expected to earn wages above the available jobs were very precarious, in general (see minimum wage after having attained six years of Appendix B). Many of the interviewed women who education (which corresponds to basic education had some type of work experience affirmed that lack attainment) and to experience significant wage increases of social security was the most important reason for with extra education. Returns to work experience are having stopped working. Participants complained that also significantly lower in the informal sector (Figure available jobs would require long working hours and III.8). difficult transportation arrangements (especially for cleaning ladies). This claim about long working hours Figure III.8: Wage Rates, by Years of Education, in Urban Areas is consistent with findings using HLFS data. As (Formal compared to informal wage earners) illustrated in the right-hand panel of Figure III.7, the 6.0 10 Yrs. of Experiance majority of all urban women (86 percent) currently HourlyWage Rate in YTL 5 Yrs. of Experience employed in the labor market work more than 40 hours 5.0 Formal per week. Furthermore, about 3 out of every 10 working 4.0 urban women with low levels of education work more 3.0 than 60 hours per week. Under the aforementioned 2.0 conditions, many women appeared quite discouraged 1.0 Informal from looking for jobs. For more detailed information, the reader may refer to the quotes on “reasons for not 0.0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 0 0 13 14 15 16 17 18 working”, “reasons for having stopped working”, and Years of Education “reasons for not wanting to work” in Appendix B. Source: Angel-Urdinola and others (2009). Figure III.7: Employment Opportunities and Hours of Work for Urban Women with Low Levels of Education 17. According to FGDs participants, insufficient education is one of the main constraints to Textiles 33 % 15-39 hours 40-59 hours 60+ hours participation. Most participants in the FGDs agreed Cashier 14% House cleaning 14% that finding a job is much easier for women who have 14 % Sales person 10% 29 % attained a high-school degree or above. Also, participants Home marketing 5% Farmwork 5% acknowledged that many of the constraints to LFP are Beadwork 5% 57 % eased once women attain at least high-school education. Handwork 5% Tea lady 5% Indeed, working women with a profession (i.e. university Secretary 5% education) are perceived quite positively. FGD 0.0 % 10.0 % 20.0 % 30.0 % 40.0 % participants argued that the employment possibilities Note: Home marketing activities are related to selling products such as cosmetics for less educated women are almost limited to the textile and underwear. Source: World Bank using 2006 HLFS and focus group discussions, Istanbul, industry, to the provision of cleaning/domestic services, February 2009. and to retail activities in the market place. Unfortunately, these type of available jobs, according to the participants, 16. Returns to education in the informal sector are are exactly those that the more “conservative” segments very low, which could explain why some women tend of society seem not to favor. For more detailed to “under-invest” in education—thus leading to the information, the reader may refer to the quotes on under-participation trap. FGD participants argued that “importance of education” in Appendix B. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 23 18. How can the under-participation trap be This can be seen by the spike of the CDF at the reversed? Policies that can help improve women’s level of the minimum wage. Since 2001, the opportunities for more and better jobs in Turkey include: minimum wage in Turkey has increased by about (Figure III.9): 77% in real terms – a rather large increase (from 1.03 TL per hour in 2001 to 1.83 TL per hour in Figure III.9: Policy Framework to Reverse the Under-participation 2006). According to estimates from the 2006 LFS, Trap this has occurred hand-in-hand with a 14 percent increase in informality rates among wage earners 1. Creating job opportunities for first time job seekers (from 27 percent in 2001 to 32 percent in 2006). 2. Affordable childcore Raising the minimum wage increases the cost of “formal” unskilled labor and thus contributes to 3. Sustaining investments on education lower the demand of labor for individuals in this group (which in turn contributes more to labor Source: Authors’ elaboration. market segmentation).8 19. Interventions should aim at promoting formal · Tax Wedges: While the tax wedge in Turkey has employment for women with low levels of education, been historically high, the 2008 employment and especially for those transitioning from school to package introduced important reforms that reduced work. More flexible labor market regulation may reduce non-wage costs significantly, especially among less the barriers of businesses hiring women. For instance, educated workers. In particular, the 5 percentage the Government of Turkey has introduced recently a points across the board reduction in social security program that subsidizes employers’ social security contributions and exceptions for employer contributions for newly hired women for up to 5 years. contributions for newly hired youth and female Programs like this are likely to contribute to increase workers in the first year and reduced rates over a the rate of employment for women, especially in times five year period are designed to boost “formal” of healthy economic performance (Box III.2). labor demand for poorly educated women. Interventions should aim at decreasing high levels of Unfortunately, the impact of such programs may informality among workers with low levels of education. be undermined by the low levels of growth in labor To do so, a comprehensive set of policies that involve demand due to the ongoing economic crisis (Box taxation, enforcement, inspections, and a more flexible III.2). labor market are required. For more details, the 2009 Turkey Country Economic Memorandum (CEM) · Labor Market Flexibility: Turkey still has rather describes a policy framework to mitigate structural and strict employment protection legislation (EPL) for non-structural factors of informality. Labor regulation workers in the “formal” sector. EPL covers many should aim at containing direct and indirect costs of areas such as the types of contracts permitted, “formal” hiring to avoid incentives for lower labor worker’s rights, and employment protection rules. demand for unskilled formal employment. According to World Bank (2009b), Turkey and Mexico display the most protective EPL among 20. Revisions in labor regulation may contribute to OECD countries. This is primarily due to a rather improve labor market segmentation and thus generous severance payment system and to the increase female LFP: existence of regulation that limits temporary and fixed terms contracts. Rigid and generous EPL is · Minimum wage policy: As illustrated in Figure likely to contribute to labor market segmentation III.6, the minimum wage seems to be binding for and will likely have an adverse effect on harder-to- working women with low levels of education. employ individuals, such as youth and women. 8 While the minimum wage seems binding for poorly educated urban women in the formal sector, this is not the case among poorly educated urban men in the formal sector (which constitute the majority of all formal urban unskilled employment). Indeed, as documented in World Bank (2009), the minimum wage in Turkey is not necessarily binding among unskilled workers (on average). This is because men in the formal sector generally earn wages that are higher than the minimum wage. The wage gap between men and women in the formal sector is partly explained by the fact than men work in better-paid sectors and partly due to other unobserved factors such as discrimination and/or effort. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 24 Box III.2: Impact of the Targeted Social Security Reduction for Youth and Female Employment Relying on ranges of demand elasticity estimates from introduction of similar subsidies under Law 5350 (Betcherman, Daysal, and Pages, 2007), World Bank estimates indicate that the introduction of the targeted labor subsidy to youth and women could lead to a net creation of approximately 163,000 to 235,000 new jobs during the first year. This net job creation results from an increase in the number of jobs among those targeted by the program (youth and adult-females – in the range of 225,000 to 317,000) accompanied by a decrease in jobs among those excluded from the program (adult-males) as the subsidy would not apply to them. The range of estimates is included in the Table below: New Jobs due to Introduction of Subsidy (July 2008-July 2009) Range of New Jobs* Youth (18-29) 145,000 to 205,000 Adult Females (30-64) 79,000 to 112,000 Adult Males (30-64) -62,000 to -82,000 Net Job Creation 162,000 to 235,000 * World Bank (2007). Labor Annex Project Appraisal Document for CEDPL II. Washington, DC. · Protection of Women: There are some provisions new maternity provision enables women to maintain in the labor regulation that may make it more their job attachment, it may also lead firms to shy expensive (or constrained) for employers to hire away from hiring women workers. There are no women. For instance, women cannot work in coal provisions in the law for paternity leave. Also, mines, underground quarries or in dangerous jobs. should a female worker quit her job due to marriage Labor Law still views child care as the responsibility she is entitled to receive a severance payment (a of the mother, requiring workplaces employing similar measure exists for men leaving their jobs more than 100 female workers to set up nursing to do their military service). Although all these rooms, and those with 150 women workers or more measures may seem to benefit women, they may to provide day care. That the establishment of day also work to decrease women’s work attachment care depends on the number of women workers and and employer’s demand for female workers. not on the total number of workers creates an asymmetry in the cost of employing female and 21. Many women could be encouraged to work by male workers. Labor Law recently extended maternity leave from 12 weeks to 16 weeks, with having access to affordable care for their children. the flexibility of using all but three weeks after the This could be achieved by promoting early childhood birth of the child. The law also allows women to development programs (ECD), such as preschool have 6 months of unpaid leave following the end education and public/subsidized childcare programs of 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. Although the (Box III.3). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 25 Box III.3: Public Childcare Programs in Chile and Colombia “Chile Grows with You” (Chile Crece Contigo): The Government of Chile launched a social policy initiative in 2006 promoting full support for the country’s children as of their birth. Through it, boys and girls are protected from the moment of conception with relevant and timely services that allow for early stimulation and provide opportunities for their comprehensive development. Under the policy, Chilean children from the poorest families are eligible to attend daycare centers and preschools for free. The aim is to ensure that all children have access to primary health care, and that all the families receive tools to better support the growth of their children not only in terms of health and nutrition, but also psychological support. Chile Crece Contigo offers educational programs for all citizens (specialized aid in education), strengthened legislation, and standards of protection for maternity and paternity, and accompaniment for all boys and girls from the first prenatal control until entry into the school system through improved prenatal controls, healthy birth, and improved health controls, especially for the first two years. The program offers direct action to help the poorest 40 percent households—those who make less than 300,000 pesos (about US$560) per month. Colombia’s Community Mothers: In the mid-1980s, the Colombian government, alarmed by very high rates of infant mortality and malnutrition, launched this far-reaching program to protect preschool-age children, with the help of the United Nations and the Inter-American Development Bank. Welfare centers were created that were run by volunteers known as “community mothers” who organized, on their own or with the help of NGOs, education and care facilities for about 3,000 children. Each mother takes about 15 children into her home and gets the equivalent of about half the legal minimum wage (about US$130 a month) and the right to social security and a pension. As a rule, the mothers look after the children between eight in the morning and four in the afternoon, Monday through Friday. They organize their day themselves, guided by the Colombian Institute for Family Welfare (ICBF) educational aims, which focus on making the children aware of values such as solidarity, friendship, and respect for differences. Before being hired, the “mothers” take a short course to prepare for their future role and take a self-assessment test. The “mothers”, who now number 82,000, are becoming increasingly important and are in great demand by families disrupted by the violence, which, as of January 1998, had forcibly driven 1.1 million people (42,000 families) from their homes. Source: De Tournemire (1990); and Dolan (2006). 22. Subsidizing childcare and preschool education 23. Sustaining Investments in Education and has several externalities that positively affect the ‘Vocational Education and Training’ (VET) are likely welfare of future generations. First, International to facilitate employment for first time job seekers. evidence (MIT 2006) suggests that high-quality early Since more education attainment is associated with childhood education and care helps prepare young children higher levels of participation, improvements in the to succeed in school and eventually in life. This translates education distribution (and especially if such into economic returns because they are associated with improvements boost the share of women attaining lower repetition and dropout rates throughout a student’s university education) are likely to positively affect lifetime. Second, and directly relevant for this Report, female LFP. Also, investment in VET is likely to prepare a developed child care education industry could be economically important because it creates jobs and allows women, and especially young women, with the skills parents (mainly mothers) to be economically active. A needed to qualify for good jobs in the labor market. recent World Bank Report on Equality of Opportunities International evidence indicates that investments on in Turkey (World Bank, 2009a) highlights that ECD VET help women to get formal jobs, and promotes interventions may contribute to break intergenerational gender equality in earnings and labor market transmissions of poverty and inequality. opportunities (Box III.4). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 26 Box III.4: Youth Training and Gender Equality Improved access to desegregated training opportunities will help increase the employability of young women and improve their future earnings and socio-economic conditions. Ensuring that adolescent and young girls are provided with quality formal and non-formal education programs is essential, including vocational training that would lead to their empowerment and to more opportunities for decent work in their adulthood. At the same time, reassessing gender and youth employment policies such as addressing the mismatch between education and market demands, occupational segregation, strengthening vocational training, and forecasting labor needs would be effective in creating a “virtuous circle” of employment and productivity. The following are some examples of projects related to youth training and gender equality: · The “FORMUJER” Model (Latin America – 1999/2004): the objective of the project was to promote and strengthen the capacities of formal training institutions of Latin American countries. It successfully increased possibilities and access of low-income women to training and employment. Self-esteem of participants was reinforced and developed through enhancement of their employability and competencies. · Promoting decent work through enhanced access to training (India - 2002): project designed to promote women’s employment by extending the services of formal vocational training institutions to the informal sector. Approximately 70% of the women trained became involved in income generating activities, most of whom were self-employed, increasing their monthly household incomes and improving their health and that of their families. · Increasing employability through skills development and entrepreneurial education (Caucasus and Central Asia - 2004): project implemented to enhance skills development and entrepreneurial training of young women and men through improved vocational training, career guidance and “business training”. This project resulted in increased percentages of entrepreneur women (40%) and the development of policies and action plans to ensure that both women and men had equal access to skills development and entrepreneurial training. Source: ILO (2007, 2008) , ILO/Cinterfor (2004) 24. Investments in education quality are also 25. Interestingly, investing in education alone is not important. Recent studies consider skills development, the solution. Since higher investments in education are entrepreneurial education and vocational training as associated with higher participation rates, one could “building blocks” for generating strategies to achieve argue that, with time, further (and sustained) gender equality. They have determined that young improvements in education could solve the issue of low women, particularly in developing countries, are often female LFP in urban areas. However, analysis indicates unable to take advantage of training opportunities due that this may not be the case. Despite improvements, to barriers to entry, discrimination in selection and men in Turkey are still far more educated than women. gender stereotyping. However, what is important is not In such a context, a fair (and rather egalitarian) policy just the level of education achieved, but also the quality goal could be to try to equalize the male/female education and relevance of the education and training. Indirect attainment distribution. A simple micro-simulation discrimination against girls results in stereotyping them exercise indicates that such a policy would only as less interested or capable in certain subjects – for marginally contribute to increasing the female LFP example, math and sciences. Women’s lack of training (from 19 to 22 percent). This is because the majority in non-traditional occupations causes preference for of urban women, and especially those with no university male recruits in many formal economy jobs resulting education, display a very low (and even negative) in a high number of young women in the informal probability of joining the labor market given their age, economy (ILO 2007, 2008; ILO/Cinterfor, 2004). education, and family structure (Figure III.10). Indeed, Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 27 Figure III.10: Effects of Higher-education Attainment in the Hours of to businesses hiring women. Turkey has strict Work Supplied by Urban Women (Micro-simulations) regulations of temporary employment, with the current distribution simulated (male’s educ. structure) simulated (all went to college) latter having been proven to often be the entry point 008 006 006 LFP=19% LFP=22% LFP=47% for young women into the labor market. The Government of Turkey has recently introduced a 006 004 004 program that subsidizes employers’ social security Density Density Density 004 contributions for newly hired women for up to 5 002 002 years. Programs like this are likely to contribute to 002 increase the rate of employment for women, 0 0 0 -400 -200 0 hours worked (non-censored) 200 -400 -200 0 200 simulated hours worked (non-censored) -400 -200 0 200 simulated hours worked (non-censored) especially in times of healthy economic performance. Note: Sample: Urban women aged 15–54. Source: Angel-Urdinola and Haimovich (2009) using 2006 HLFS data. (b) Affordable childcare: Many women could be encouraged to work by having access to affordable care for their children. This could be achieved by simulation results indicate that in the extreme case that promoting early childhood development programs all urban women in Turkey attained university education, (ECD), such as preschool education and female LFP would rise to only 47 percent. This suggests public/subsidized childcare programs. A forthcoming that education, while being an important determinant World Bank report on Equality of Opportunities in for the existing low levels of female LFP, is not the Turkey highlights that ECD interventions may only factor. contribute to break intergenerational transmissions of poverty and inequality. In Summary (c) Sustaining investments on education: Higher 26. Improving female employment in Turkey (access education attainment is associated with higher levels and quality) is a process that requires policy of female participation. 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Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 31 APPENDIX A Data and Definitions Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 32 Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 33 Quantitative Data HOUSEHOLD LABOR FORCE STATISTICS (HLFS) Responsible Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK) Objective Information on the structure of the labor force in the country. Sample Size Year Sample Size 1988 11,160 households 1994 15,000 households 2000 7,800 households per month / 23,000 households per quarter 2004 13,000 households per month (NUTS2 level estimates on key variables) Sampling Two stage stratified clustered probability sample involving 8 sub samples. Since 2000, the methodology same households were included in the survey for four times over a period of 18 months. · Conducted regularly since 1988, initially on a biannual basis. Data released quarterly since 2000 survey and on a monthly basis (using a moving average of three months) since Other 2005. · Survey questionnaire modified to some extent over time but definitions of key variables have remained constant over the 1988-2006 applications. · Information on fertility is missing and wage data only available in recent applications TURKEY HOUSEHOLD BUDGET SURVEY (HBS) Responsible Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK) Objective Measure of consumption and poverty statistics in Turkey Sample Size Year Sample Size 2002 800 households per month / 9600 annually 2003 2,160 households per month / 25,920 annually (NUTS-1 level) 2004 720 households per month / 8,640 annually (urban and rural level) Sampling Sample households selected by stratified two-stage cluster sampling method, changing every methodology month within a year. Other The Report uses 4 years of data available: 2003-2006 Earnings data collected by HBS is more detailed than that collected by LFS data. TURKEY DEMOGRAPHIC AND HEALTH SURVEY (TDHS) Responsible Hacettepe University Institute for Population Studies (HUIPS) Objective Rich information for women such as fertility, husband’s background, region and place of birth, migration status and other social- and cultural-related variables. Sample Size Year Sample Size 1993 8,619 households and 6,519 ever-married women younger than 50 1998 8,059 households, 8,576 women age 15-49 and 1,971 husbands 2003 10,836 households and 8,075 ever-married women age 15-49 (NUTS1) Sampling The TDHS-2003 sample was selected through a weighted, multistage, stratified cluster methodology sampling approach. Other The survey has been conducted in 5-year intervals since 1968. Information of women’s labor market participation collected since 1998. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 34 Quantitative Data FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION IN TURKEY Responsible GfK (Growth for Knowledge) Türkiye – Study commissioned by the World Bank Objective Explore reasons for low female labor participation in Turkey Generate insights to enhance the female labor participation in Turkey Place / Date Urban Istanbul, February 12-23, 2009 Methodologies Focus Group Discussions In-house Visits Sample Size / 8 mini focus group discussion / 9 visits Quantity 4-5 respondents each Approx. Time 2 hours 1hour Specific Location GfK Türkiye Qualitative Studios Participants’ residencies (facility equipped with one-way mirror) The recruitment process was done through phone calls. A field brief and screening form was applied to each participant. ESOMAR rules of multiple participation were followed. Other The participants were given incentives for participating in the research. Focus group sessions were video and audio taped. Visits were audio taped. Recordings will be filed for six months by GfK Türkiye. Focus Group Discussions Detail Qty. Participants Age Marital Status and Number of Children Respondents FEMALE 18-24 Married & Single 2 3 Inactive, who quit working at least 3 25-35 Married (with children and without children) At least 1 months ago 36-45 Married (with children under 6 and without children) At most 2 FEMALE 18-24 Married & Single 2 3 Inactive, who have 25-35 Married (with children and without children) At least 1 never worked before 36-45 Married (with children under 6 and without children) At most 2 2 MALE 18-45 Husbands of the female respondents 8 Total Focus Group Discussions In-home Visits Detail Qty. Participants Age Marital Status and other characteristics 1 18-24 Married with children FEMALE 1 Inactive, who quit 25-35 Married without children 2 working at least 3 25-35 Married with children months ago 2 36-45 Married with children 1 FEMALE 18-24 Single 1 Inactive, who have 18-24 Married with children never worked before 1 36-45 Married with children 9 Total In-home Visits Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 35 Total Sample Characteristics - Detail Ever worked Age Marital Status Household Size Number of Children Cat. % Cat. % Cat. % Cat. % Cat. % Yes 53 18-24 25 Married 87 2 people 5 1 child 14 No 48 25-34 37 Single 10 3 people 20 2 children 49 35-44 38 Divorced 3 4 people 35 3 children 26 5 people 28 4 children 3 6 people 8 5 children 3 7 people 5 No children 6 Birthplace Based Household Size 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Kýrþehir (n=1) Kilis (n=1) Malatya (n=1) Almanya (n=1) Giresun (n=2) Kars (n=1) Sivas (n=3) Adana (n=1) Bolu (n=1) �stanbul (n=18) Erzurum (n=3) Kastamonu (n=1) Ordu (n=2) Sinop (n=2) No Answer (n=1) Tokat (n=1) Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 36 Indicators, Variables and Definitions MAIN EMPLOYMENT INDICATORS USED IN THE REPORT U = Unemployed population WAP = Population aged 15 to 64 E = Employed population LF = Population in the labor force (U + E) Indicator Description Calculation LFP rate (%) Share of labor force in the WAP LF (U + E) ÷ WAP Employment rate (%) Share of employed in the WAP E ÷ WAP Unemployment rate (%) Share of unemployed in the labor force U ÷ LF Inactivity rate (%) Share of WAP not in the labor market WAP - LF ÷ WAP Joblessness rate (%) Share of WAP not working, excluding students U + (WAP - LF) – Enrolled ÷ WAP EMPLOYMENT INDICATORS USED IN OTHER SOURCES Turkstat - Turkish Statistical Institute Labor Force Participation Ratio of the labor force to non-institutional population for age 15 and above. Unemployment All persons at working age (15 and above) who were not employed (neither worked for profit, payment in kind or family gain at any job even for one hour, who have no job attachment) during the reference period who have used at least one channels for seeking a job during the last three months and were available to start work within two weeks. Persons who have already found a job and will start to work within 3 months, or established his/her own job but were waiting to complete necessary documents to start work were also considered to be unemployed if they were available to start work within two weeks. Eurostat - Statistical Office of the European Communities Unemployed persons All persons 15 to 74 years of age (for years 1995-2000, all person 16 to 74 years in Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, Iceland, and Norway) who were not employed during the reference week, had actively sought work during the past four weeks and were ready to begin working immediately or within two weeks. The duration of unemployment is defined as the duration of a search for a job or as the length of the period since the last job was held (if this period is shorter than the duration of search for a job). Employed persons All persons who worked at least one hour for pay or profit during the reference week or were temporarily absent from such work. Unemployment rate The number of people unemployed as a percentage of the labor force. The labor force is the total number of people employed and unemployed. OECD - Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Labor Force Participation Indicates the ratio of the labor force to non-institutional working-age population (age 15-64). Unemployment All persons above a specified age, who during the reference period were: · Without work, i.e. were not in paid employment or self-employment during the reference period. · Currently available for work, i.e. were available for paid employment or self-employment during the reference period. · Seeking work, i.e. had taken specific steps in a specified recent period to seek paid employment or self-employment. The specific steps may include registration at a public or private employment exchange; application to employers; checking at worksites, farms, factory gates, market or other assembly places; placing or answering newspaper advertisements; seeking assistance of friends or relatives; looking for land, building, machinery or equipment to establish own enterprise; arranging for financial resources; applying for permits and licenses, etc. WDI - World Development Indicators Labor Force Participation Indicates the ratio of the labor force to working-age population (age 15 and above). Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 37 APPENDIX B Quotes from Qualitative Analysis Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 38 Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 39 Perceptions of Being a Housewife · All women without a Profession · Husbands DEFINITION OF SELF · “Even if the husband cheats you, you have to be loyal to him” · “Since you have children you cannot go to cinema freely whenever you want” · “You have plenty of time so you can spare more time for your husband and for your kids. You can be more responsive to the needs of them. You try to be understanding towards them, to behave motherly to them”. · “You do not improve yourself doing the same things, gossiping with neighbors. So by time you feel inferior near others” · “There is no freedom when you are living with your mother in law. I have to take permission for everything from her”. · “I am always alone at home; I have limited contact with my neighbors and relatives. So I cannot feel myself confident when I am in a social environment with strangers”. · “My mother in law or my husband always underestimate me saying “you did not have education, you do not have any talent so what you can do outside, how you can earn money” this makes me really sorry and that decreases my self confidence” · “Everybody expects you to be tidy and clean so you become more meticulous compared to a working woman” · “Since most of the time is spent at home, you do not spare time for personal care. You do not do much make up or go to a coiffeur apart from the special days”. · She chooses to be quiet and can not object to the husband or mother in law since she has no economical independence” · “I do not clean and do some housework if I do not like. I sleep after the kids go to school. I watch TV most of the time”. LIFE-STYLE AND VALUES · “Being a housewife means a monotonous life. You are doing the same things every day. Nobody appreciates you. Moreover when there is one thing missing, the husband complains and says you, “what you did the whole day long”, devaluing the work you do. The kids always expect things from the mother, not from the father” · “After 23:00 when everybody goes to their rooms, I take my tea and watch TV, that is the only moment that I am with myself and I relax” · “When you are a housewife, all family members pass on the responsibilities to you. The kids do not clean their rooms” · “The housewife tries to pass her time doing the house chores as well as handiwork as knitting. It is boring. When she gets bored at home, she goes outside to the market to relax. You become slow and lazier over time”. · “You think a lot before buying something, you cannot spend freely. You have to prioritize the needs with your limited sources” FEELINGS OF SELF · “When the kids were smaller, I was like their friend, I was holding their hands and we were travelling around together. Now they have their friends. I became alone and introvert” · “As a housewife our work is ungrateful. We do not have anything in return of our effort. That is not motivational. You feel yourself worn out after some time” · “You feel as if you are tired and get bored doing the same things and being dependent on your husband and your kids. It is extremely difficult to ask for money from your husband. This is really stressful”. · “If the husbands say no to a thing then she cannot insist for the thing she wants and that makes her submissive. If she behaves differently, her husband would behave badly to her. So she lives with this fear” HUSBAND’S QUOTES · “When I spend twenty minutes with kids at most, I get exhausted. But since she’s used to it naturally, she enjoys being with kids and doesn’t get tired as much as we do” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 40 Perceptions of Being a Working Women “with” a Profession · All women DEFINITION OF SELF · If the woman has an economical independence then she lives like a “lady”. She wears beautiful dresses, appears well cared. She is following the latest trends. In weekends, she spends time outside eating, travelling different places, going to cinemas, etc. She goes to holidays. She lives the life to its fullest” · “If she works in a good position she does not have to explain everything to the mother in law or the husband. She is stronger. She lives freely. She can do what she likes to do. People around her respect her”. · “She always tries to improve herself to make a better career. Everybody respects her. She is stronger in front of her husband. She can defend herself well”. · “Every day of her life is different from the day before. She has a dynamic and lively life”. LIFE-STYLE AND VALUES · “She has to go to work even if she does not feel well. She has the responsibility of delivering a good job. She has the stress of the boss over her. In weekdays she cannot find much time to spare for herself” · “Working woman plans the time well. She has to program her schedule in advance. For example she cooks the meals at night. She uses readymade foods, spinach that is already washed to be able to cook it fast. However, a housewife has time to wash the spinach and spare more time for preparation of the food” · “Working woman knows how to behave properly outside. She has self confidence in getting into social interaction with people, making new friendships, and satisfying her needs by herself”. · “She cannot find enough time to be with her children and her husband. Someone else takes care of the kids. There might be lack of love, lack of communication, and some problems might occur as an end result”. FEELINGS OF SELF · “When you see that you achieve in your work, then you become more self confident, more dynamic, and more productive”. · “You become shrewd when you work outside. Nobody can cheat you easily”. · “She gets help from her husband for the household chores. Her husband is tolerant to her and that makes her satisfied” · “It is not easy to work outside and to be housewife, to spare time for the family; working women get tired”. · “Decisions are taken together with the husband. There is equality in relations. She does not fear when she wants to say something. She has high self-esteem” · “She has the courage to share opposing views with her husband and defend herself. She is more self confident” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 41 Perceptions of Being a Working Women “without” a Profession · All women DEFINITION OF SELF · “You work and cannot take the money for yourself. The husband gets it from you. You end up working and having nothing in return. That makes you exhausted”. · “Since she comes home very tired she does not have the energy to spare for her husband and kids and herself. They cannot live as a family; there are very limited relations towards each other. That is a very difficult life condition”. · “At least she has some independence at the weekend to travel and visit friends” LIFE-STYLE AND VALUES · “When you come home, the husband and the kids expects everything from you. You get tired” (an elder woman who has worked before) · “You wake up early in the morning to go to work as a cleaning woman, then you arrive and you do the house chores at home. You go to bed very late at night. It is very difficult to wake up early in the next day. You get exhausted over time”. (a younger woman who has never worked before) · “The husband goes to a coffee house; the woman arrives late; she cannot really take care of the kids. When the woman and the husband become angry they use bad language, this effect the psychology of the family in a bad way”. (a younger woman who has worked before) FEELINGS OF SELF · “You become depressed, angrier, and less tolerant to the kids”. · “Working for long hours, getting tired, and not having time for the well being of one’s self makes you worn out” · “Others do not behave good towards you at work so you feel the inferiority” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 42 Reasons for Having Stopped Working · Women who have worked before EMPLOYMENT CONDITIONS · “I was working as a shop manager in a market. They had told me that they signed me in social security. After a while I checked and saw that they had not signed me in social security. I wanted social security, but they told me they couldn’t employ with social security. So, I decided to quit. Social security is very crucial for working individuals” · “I didn’t like the conditions and decided to quit. I was working from 8 am to 9 pm and earning 650 TL. I thought it would be better and more comfortable to stay at home..”. · “I had worked as a textile worker. They started my social security, but then they discontinued it. They retained my wages in some cases. …I told them “I am not going to work anymore..”.” · “I worked as a housekeeper in a lady’s home for about 1 year. She didn’t give my travel expenses but she was very nice, telling me that her house was also mine. However, I had to quit since it was very far, it was in Ulus..”. · “If our financial conditions don’t get worse, I never think about working again. I decided to quit my job because I didn’t like the people at the workplace and I couldn’t trust them. It is easier and more comfortable for me to be at home” · “I was working in a cleaning company; we were giving cleaning services to offices. However, my employer did not cover for travel or food expenses” · “There was no social security; they did not give travel expenses; so I quit” CAREGIVING · “I was working even before marriage not for money, but for social actualization. I was curious about other people’s lives and about new things. After marriage, since I got pregnant very soon, I didn’t consider working anymore. Yet, I am thinking about starting to work, after my kid grows up. Housewives cannot improve themselves as they stay all day at home. But I want to improve myself and learn new things” · “My mother-in-law was looking after my kid. But she was old; it became hard for her to take care of a small kid. Even more, my kid has been missing me and has become naughty. So, I had to give up working. Now, I can’t start working because of my kid”. · “I was delivering beading work to approximately 70 women and was controlling their work. It took long hours and was very tiring. Then I had a medical problem and had to take acre of the needs of my son, who is hearing- impaired. I had to quit” · “I was working in textiles. Then, I got pregnant and this period was very hard. So, I had to quit because work conditions were very tiring” · “My travel expenses were covered and I had social security. I had to quit due to pregnancy. Afterwards, I started to work again. But then my kid was diagnosed with bronchitis. I had to quit in order to take care of my kid” · “I worked in a market for 3 years. When I got pregnant, I gave up working” · “My daughter is so small that I don’t want to leave her alone” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 43 FAMILY · “There are many job opportunities now but my husband does not let me work because it would require long overtime hours and the workplace is very far” · “My husband is a taxi-driver and he meets all sorts of people all day. He’s a little bit skeptical and mistrustful. He seems to be afraid that something bad can happen to me if I work outside. Some men can like me and come after me or purse-snatching can happen” · “My husband seems to be afraid of losing me. He sees my self-confidence difficult to bare” · “I had worked as an agricultural worker since my childhood in Adana. We migrated to Istanbul during my engagement period. And my father didn’t let me work here since then because Istanbul was a foreign and dangerous environment” · “My husband says that if I ever find a job and start to work, I should go back to my father’s house; and to not ever come home again. He is from eastern Turkey and these people are traditionally against women working” · “I was living in Istanbul with my brother and my parents were in Sivas in a village. I worked in the market of my father’s friend. There was a very good, family-like environment in the market. However, my father removed me from the work. My brothers did not let me work anymore saying that I had grown up. (...) I don’t know… they started to control me. For instance, they lay hand on my mobile phone” · “I had a nice job offer from a patisserie in Divan, where my husband’s friend works. However, my husband didn’t want me to work there since he didn’t want me to be around too many men” · “If I work, my husband gets happy because I will be supporting him. He never interferes with my working. He just says that ‘you can work as long as it doesn’t impede household order’. He knows that I like to work. I don’t like to lean my back against somebody. Even when I was single, I didn’t ask for money from my brother or father. I always earned my own money” · “Before getting married, I was working in my brother’s market. Since it was our own place, I was comfortable. It was close to the house. After marriage, my husband didn’t want me to continue working, saying that his income was enough to support the family” · “My brothers are very strict. My eldest brother gives me an allowance so that I don’t work” · “My husband says that I will neglect my kids and household and that I will not cook properly for him..”. · “My husband didn’t interfere me with beading or sewing at home. However, he doesn’t want me to go outside to work. My own father is also against women’s working. This might be why my husband is not letting me. My family can accuse him of not being able to support his family” · “My husband had been fired and stayed 2 months unemployed. Even in this case he didn’t let me work. He told me that he is healthy enough to support his family and that he doesn’t need to depend on me..”. · “My husband’s family is so conservative and reactionary. A woman has never worked outside the house in their family. They must have a concern about other people’s opinions..”. ECONOMIC CRISIS · “I had to quit due to economic crisis. I want to work but there isn’t any nowadays”. · “I was finding audience for a TV program and was serving tea there. It was close to my house. The conditions were good; I had social security, my wage was adequate, I was meeting new people. Then the program ended and I become unemployed” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 44 Reasons for not Working · (a) Women who have never worked before FAMILY · “My husband feels sorry for me. Because I have a herniated disk and rheumatism, I could not feel myself efficient. Last summer I found a job in a law office, they called me for an interview. When I told my husband, he told me not to go. He told me that I would get tired and there would be unrest in the family” · “I intensely wanted to work. However, my husband has never approved. In his perception, a working woman is disrespectful, ungrateful, and disobedient towards his husband. Therefore, he thinks that if a woman works, there will be unrest and discomfort in the household” · “Husbands are afraid of educated and knowledgeable wives so they do not want their wives to work outside and earn money. They are afraid of losing their power towards their wives and feeling subordinate. ” · ”My husband didn’t want me to work. He thinks that if a woman works, she would have to be involved with decisions” · I always wanted to work. However, I was the only daughter of the family. We did not have any economic problems and my family did not let me. My father is still the same. He says that he will support me all my life. Likewise, they did not let me continue my education, forcing me to stay at home” · “I did have headscarf when I was younger and single. But my father did not let me work. He said; I cannot make my own daughter work outside and girls are not supposed to work; we are men and know the work conditions out there; you are not lacking anything so why you would need to work at all!!! Indeed, you will have to marry within 3-4 years... After marriage, my husband did not allow likewise” · “My husband and his family wouldn’t allow me to work because they believe women cannot even look through a window. And they say that since I’m from a village, I’m ignorant and cannot stand on my own legs” · “I found a job as a cook two hours a day. I’m 40 and I have four kids, but my father raged. He said that he raised me and married me off, and always supported me; how my husband could not look after his family and could think of making me work... Far before my husband, my father will never ever give permission!!! · “When I was single, I had to take care of my mother since she was sick. After marriage, my husband did not allow. He is from Erzurum and this region believes that women are not supposed to work” · “My husband had been unemployed for 4 months. But even in that case he did not let me look for a job” · “My parents say that I can work after I get married if my fiancée allows” · “Two of my friends fell into debts. They started to work. There have been bad rumors and criticisms in the neighborhood that their husbands made them work to owe a car..”. ECONOMIC CRISIS · “My husband isn’t against me working. I considered working for a while; I thought my mom can look after my kid. However, there is an economic crisis…” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 45 INSUFFICIENT EDUCATION · “I wish I had education. If I had graduated from high school, I would have had a proper CV and could find a good job. When they ask today about my education, I feel uncomfortable to say ‘primary school’” · “I wish I had attended school after primary school too. As a primary school graduate, what type of job can I acquire?” · “With my qualifications, I can only get a job as cook, let’ say. And this is what my husband wouldn’t let me do. He would say that it is not worth it to put up with other people’s caprices for a very low wage” CHILDCARE · “I also thought about working. However, then I got pregnant. And now, my kids are small” · “If I hadn’t had kids, I could have considered working. But even if it was the case, what could I do? · “It is very difficult to leave a 10-year-old child behind in a city like Istanbul” · “I will work when my kids grow up” · “If my mother lived in the same apartment building, I could leave my kid to her and she could take care of my kid while I was at work” · “When my little kid is 1,5 years old, I will work and my mother will look after him” · “My kids are little now; they’re 5 years old and 7-months-old. My husband seems not to be letting me work ever. However, I’m so determined to work after my little one grows up to 2-years-old. I cannot depend on him forever” Reasons for not · (b) All women who declared that Working they “do not” want to work EMPLOYMENT CONDITIONS · “A friend of mine, who is working in textile production, has been using anti-depressants. She says she is too tired, unhappy and she has no freedom to spend the money she earns herself. She gives the money directly to her husband and her husband gives her some pocket money. She also works at home weekends, doing household chores. Is this being a working woman? She works but she doesn’t have her own money. Then, I live a more luxurious, comfortable and less tiring life than hers” · “It depends on the quality of the job. There is so much difference between my friends who work in textile production and those who have a desk job in a pharmaceutical company“ · “I would not work in textile again. You’re under noise and dust all day” · “If you asked me whether I would like to work or not, I would say ‘no’. What can I do today? Would I become a nurse, teacher, absolutely no... It doesn’t worth it. If I worked in textile, I would need hospitalization in the end; with no time for rest; bad working conditions, uncultured people, very low wages..”. · “If our financial conditions do not get worse, I never think about working again because it is more comfortable and easy at home and I don’t like and trust the people at the workplace” · “Because my kids are small, I don’t want them to be raised by their grandmothers” · “It’s very difficult to work with kids. If you earned 1,000 TL, it would be okay. But 800 TL isn’t enough. I can make beading at home, your kids are in front of your eyes at least”. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 46 Willingness to Work · All women FUTURE OF THEIR CHILDREN · “My kids are growing up and their needs are also becoming more and more. If I earned my own money, I wouldn’t need to say no to them” · “To provide for a better future for my kids. To send them to extra courses for the examinations and help their school. Their wish for a computer, Internet..”. · “I want my kids to have an education as higher as possible. So, I would like to use the money I earn for their school needs” · “Our house is a rental. Single income isn’t adequate today. My kids are growing; they will feel an appetite for what they see around. So, If I worked, I would afford anything they want” · “I want to give everything to my child” · “I want to save money to buy a house for my daughter. If something bad happens to me, she would at least have her own house” · “My parents did not send me to school and I suffer for this. I want my kids to continue their education. If needed I would go clean a house, or wipe the stairs to help them continue their education. My son is now a university student”. · “We send 300 TL monthly to my son. If I worked, I would send 500 TL instead of 300 TL. Then, my son would live in better conditions and could spend more comfortably” · “In order to spend my time better, and have my own money to spend for my kids and myself; however my husband would not give me permission to work. Because people would say that he is just squandering his wife’s money. Otherwise, I would like to work” · “I would not only support my husband, but also provide a better future for my kids. Honestly speaking, we didn’t live a good childhood; stuck between Istanbul and the village. I don’t want my kids to go through similar things. I want to send them to better schools to get better education” · “My daughter goes to a private classroom for exam preparation. However, my father pays for it and I feel uncomfortable about it. I want to support my kids’ future on my own” · “My son is going to military service in May and I want to work very much in order to support him and make him comfortable there. Children grew up at the same time and they can take care of themselves. Our economic condition is not very well, so I want to contribute to the family income and alleviate my husband’s burden” FINANCIAL REASONS · “I would like to contribute to the budget of the family. My husband had been working in a textile firm, however he had to quit since the firm closed down due to the economic crisis. He now works in an automobile repair shop. And there are so many bills that we cannot afford” · “In order to have social security..”. · “I want to give support to my husband. I don’t want him to overstrain himself with working. Moreover, I would like to buy beautiful clothes for him and dress him up with new things..”. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 47 SELF-CONFIDENCE · “If I had a chance, I would like to work. First, you become more self-confident. Then, you are respected and more perceived as a human being” · “A working woman is not so much dependent on her mother-in-law or father-in-law..”. · “To gain my economic independence, in order not to ask for money from my husband; if I were to have my own income I would do what I want, I would spend my money the way I would like to” · “I would like to work not only because of economical condition; but also to be a creative person” · “No one could belittle you”. · “I could spend my own money, be more free and independent. I could buy anything I want without asking someone else’s permission. But since my husband’s family is conservative and rigid, they don’t let girls work outside the house. They even don’t let them going to school” · “Since I worked before, I’m more stubborn and knowledgeable as compared to my sister-in-law. Therefore, my mother-in-law can’t harass and belittle me as she did my sister-in-law; I can answer back. But she always humiliates and threatens her with sending back to the village” (the sister-in-law of a 23-year-old married woman who has never worked). · “The most crucial reason for me is to have more faith and confidence in myself. I don’t want to be dependent on someone else financially” · “With the money I earned, I would have vacation and would become more social” · “I would change the decoration of my house” · “Besides the economical advantage, I would like to feel productive”. · “I want a change in my life” · “I believe housewives do not improve themselves. I do not want to stay behind, I want to improve myself”. · “When I was working I was less concerned about life. When you stay at home, you feel stressed and depressed” · “For instance, I see an expensive dress on a window-shop and I can’t buy since I’m not working” · “Working is wonderful. You feel more energetic and are more scheduled and organized when you work regularly. When you’re at home, you can’t be organized” · “I feel exhausted and moody at home. If I work, I know I feel better” · “Even if we were in good financial condition, I would like to work because spending time outside the house helps to deal with stress and psychological burdens” FAMILY SHOCKS · My husband is a driver. If he had an accident and becomes paralyzed, or has a stroke and cannot bring an income; then I would work” (a younger woman who has never worked before) · “If any medical problems, then I would work” Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 48 Employment Opportunities for Unskilled Women · All women RETAIL AND MANUFACTURING · “For example my husband works in a market. Sometimes they pay his social security tax, sometimes they do not. There is no guarantee of social security”. · “In certain retailers there is a premium system. You get a minimum wage but with the premiums you can earn more” · “When you work without a social security you receive a higher wage. You can earn about 1,500 TL monthly” · “Men always earn more than women. Even if they do the same job, men have higher wages” · “I feel it’s hard to bear all the long hours, noise of the machines and tiring work of textile now. You get exhausted mentally as you get older. So, I’m thinking of cleaning in a hospital or something similar when I look for a job in the future” · “I don’t like to work in textile again. All the noise and dust negatively affects you. Serving tea type of job could be better for me” (an elder married women who worked before) · “Textile work is a bad sector because the work environment is uncomfortable. People frequently swear at each other..”. · Domestic work is no good for me. I don’t want beading at home either. Office cleaning could be a good choice. It’s easier, wages are higher, and work hours aren’t such long” HOME-BASED BUSINESS · “I don’t to do activities like beading at home because it is very tiring and time-consuming. Your home gets dirty. Yet, the money you receive is funny” · “It takes too much time. You have a strict deadline, therefore you cannot take care of the house and your kids enough” · “Since I have a kid at home, I would not want a home-based work. He wouldn’t let me do anything” · “If I work at home, then my social life would not get better and the money I would earn would be very low” · “I tried beading at home but it made me exhausted and put too much pressure on me” · “I made lacework to towels and earned 25 TL per day. It took all my day” · “If they provide the ingredients you can cook for a company for 600 TL, which is quite good” · “I cannot look after someone else’s child. If something happens to the child, God forbid, I will be held responsible for it”. Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 49 Importance of Education · All women IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION · “A high school graduate can find better jobs. Let’s say jobs that you need to work on a computer” (a 23-year- old married woman who has never worked) · “My sister has only primary school education. When her husband was unemployed, she looked for a job. Even in the market they did not employ her as a shop assistant for the vegetables section since they wanted someone who had at least a secondary school degree. This is the way it is! There’s no job for primary school graduates nowadays..”. (a woman who has worked before) · “The type of jobs available for a primary and a high school graduate would differ. A primary school graduate can get cleaning or housework, while a high school graduate can get a desk job” (a woman who has never worked before) · “Employers perceive primary or secondary school graduates as passive. A high school diploma is requested even for a secretary job” (a woman who has worked before) · “I sent my CV to a law firm to apply for a secretary position. They told me that all my qualifications were adequate and would hire me if I had a lyceum diploma” (a woman who has worked before) · “If I had received higher education, why would I work in textile or do cleaning? I could have worked in a fancy office as an accountant or secretary and could have been in the shoes of people I admire” (a 28-year-old married woman who has worked before) · “All the doors are getting closed when you say that you are only a primary school graduate” (a woman who has worked before) · “I couldn’t get a job as a cash clerk since I’m not a high school graduate” (a woman who has worked before) · “Not important just in terms of wages. With higher education, people respect you more..”. (an elder woman who has worked before) · “With high school education I could have better job opportunities. Let’s say I could work in higher quality and more decent environments. This also would prevent discomfort feelings of my husband; he would be peaceful while I was at work” (a 39-years-old married woman who has worked before) · “I don’t want my daughter to depend on her husband” · Education is so important. Even the university graduates cannot find a job today. We can find only cleaning type of low quality jobs. If we had graduated from high school, we could have found desk jobs like answering phones at least” (a woman who has never worked) · “I’m from Erzurum, my family did not send me to school. I can hardly read and write. I can never forget the horrible feelings of not being educated at school. Now, I would clean the stairs, do cleaning at homes and make my children finish their education. My son entered Istanbul University and this is my daughter’s last year” (a woman who has never worked) · “I have two daughters and I tell both of them not to be dependent on their husbands. They cannot be as lucky as we are..”. (a woman who has never worked) · “I tell my daughter not to become a housewife so that she could live in better conditions, both socially and financially” ( a woman who has never worked) · “If I had a daughter, I would like her to graduate from university and to work so that she could stand on her own feet and wouldn’t be in contempt. She would have self-confidence” (a 23-year-old married woman who has never worked before) · “I want my daughter to graduate from university so that she will be knowledgeable and intellectual and she will have high self-esteem. All of these will help her choose a better husband” (a younger woman who has never worked) · “I tell my daughter to study and study so she can go to university and have a better life. She would have a chance to experience varied social interactions” (a younger woman who has never worked) · “Textile requires skills but I would like my daughter to have a normal job” (a woman who has worked before) · “My daughter is studying hard. I hope she would have a career in the future. And if she has any problems in her marriage, she will stand on her own feet” (a woman who has worked before) · “I want my daughter to go to university; hopefully it would be Boðaziçi University. If she studies there, I think she would have a better future” (a 22-years-old, married woman who has worked before) · “I will dedicate my whole life to my daughter; to make her get higher education. She wants to be a doctor, I hope she will..”. (a 28-year-old married woman who has worked before) · “I tell my daughter to study and to have higher education. I say that otherwise you’ll have to stay at home and your husband won’t send you to work outside” (a woman who has worked before) · “There are malevolent people around. If she did not receive education, she might be desperate. If she has a profession, then she can work in a high quality environment” (an elder woman who has worked before) · “I give myself as an example to my daughter. If she doesn’t study and work, she will become a servant at home like me” (a 36-years-old, married woman who has worked before) Female Labor Force Participation in Turkey 50 Community Approach to Working Women · All women ATTITUDES TOWARDS WORKING WOMEN · “Nowadays you cannot support the family with one income” · “Living conditions force women to work, so it is more accepted than in the past”. · “They do not consider what their social surrounding is thinking about them” · “Today, men want working women because they cannot make it alone. Also today’s couples want everything”. · “My mother-in-law says: ‘I could not work, you work’”. · “Now, even women in the rural areas, work”. · “A man cannot afford even the expenses of a child by himself”. · “I think today it is perceived as normal. I do not think that people would question the reasons of a woman working because everyone knows she is legitimate and trying to support her family”. · “They do not consider what their social surrounding is thinking about them” · “Before, the community used to say to the men ‘Do you let your wife to work because you cannot take care of your family’”. · “They used to think that a woman should be dependent on a man so that she cannot leave him”. · “Neighbors used to ask the reason why women were working”. · “Neighbors used to blame women for not staying at home with her kids”. · “Before, it was impossible for a woman to work among men”. · “According to men; if a woman works, she would have self-confidence so that she would behave rebellious and would not behave as her husband wants”. · “They perceive working women as immoral. Women should stay at home”. WHO DECIDES IF A WOMAN WORKS · “This decision should be given with the husband. You live in the same house, you share a life together”. · “Women cannot take work related decisions by themselves”. · “If the family needs money, then woman should work in whatever the husband says because the issue is the children’s future”. MEN AND WOMEN WORKING TOGETHER · “It is a normal situation. There is not a perception in our society that women and men cannot be together”. · “Everyone is in search of earning money, so having women and men in the same place does not matter”. · “Some feel comfortable, some do not”. · “You cannot act comfortably”. HEADSCARF · “People cannot be excluded according to their beliefs because it is their personal choices”. · “At many work places, headscarf is forbidden. They are threatening one’s job”. · “Women with the headscarf cannot find a job because of their beliefs and choices. On the other hand, I have seen the job announcements which is written ‘Women with the headscarf is what we’re looking for.’ which is the opposite”. · “The situation should not be dependent on headscarf because if a person is independent and productive, she should not be excluded. Headscarf should be in the secondary”. · “They despise the women with headscarf. They perceive it as illiteracy”. · “To work at an environment where headscarf is disliked, is annoying”. · “Disrespect… Why does headscarf disturb them?” · “I cannot work at a place which there is headscarf restriction”. · “My children’s teacher get offs her headscarf when she goes to school. She gets on it when she returns home”.