Publication: Why should we care about care? Supply and Demand Assessment of Care Services in Georgia: A Mixed Methods Study
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2019-01-23
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2019-02-08
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Only 58 percent of Georgian women ages 15 and above participate in the labor market, a slightly higher share than the Europe (51 percent) and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (51.3 percent) average but 20 percentage points lower than the share among men in the country. Moreover, the gender gap in labor force participation has been constant and around 18 to 20 percentage points over the last decade. Married women living in households with children under age six are at a higher disadvantage in the labor market; only 50 percent of them participate in the labor force compared to 84 percent of men with similar characteristics.The conflicting demand on women’s time for care and work activities represents a fundamental barrier to economic participation and generates a vicious circle of low labor market attachment and prominence of the care provider role that leads to increased vulnerability and gender-based inequalities. About 60 percent of working-age women not looking for a job in Georgia cite family responsibilities as the main reason (the share is 67 percent among married ones). In the case of men, this percentage is 21 percent. Georgia cannot afford to underutilize a large share of women whose lifetime productivity in the labor market is currently reduced by informal and at-home care provision. In fact, for Georgia, it has been estimated that differences in labor market activity rates between men and women amount to potential economic losses in gross domestic product per capita of approximately 11 percent (Cuberes and Teignier 2016a, 2016b). Policy options to appropriately address the challenges identified in this note include the expansion ofpublicly and privately provided childcare centers in both urban and rural areas, establishment ofeducation and accreditation programs to prepare caregivers and care entrepreneurs, development of aplan to increase quality of services with attention to costs, and design of eldercare system considering the impacts on care recipients, the active aging promotion objective of age-related policies, as well as the impacts on informal and family care providers and their ability to contribute to sustained economic growth.
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“World Bank. 2019. Why should we care about care? Supply and Demand Assessment of Care Services in Georgia: A Mixed Methods Study. © World Bank. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/31253 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO.”
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Section three describes the use of formal care arrangements in FYR Macedonia, based on the analysis of perspectives both from families with care needs and from care providers and discussing the role of norms and perceptions of childcare and eldercare use, the following sections are dedicated to the description of supply and demand of childcare and eldercare, respectively. Sections four and five focuses on the supply and demand of childcare, and sections six and seven describe supply and demand of eldercare. Section eight concludes by examining what we know in terms of policies that can support families in informal care provision in a sustainable and incentive-compatible manner.Publication Why Should We Care about Care?(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2015-10-30)Despite significant progress in closing the gender gap in education, there is a significant disparity between male and female labor participation rates in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Among men aged 15 to 64 years, 65.7 percent participate in the labor force compared to only 41 percent of females in the same age group. It is estimated that BiH forgoes around 16 percent of gross national income due to gender disparities in labor force participation. The conflicting demand of women's time for care and work activities represents a fundamental barrier to economic participation and generates a vicious circle of low labor market attachment and prominence of the care provider role that leads to increased vulnerability and gender-based inequalities.Publication Why Should We Care about Care?(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2015-09-09)This note examines the provision of childcare and eldercare in Kosovo with an emphasis on the availability, price, and quality of care, and suggests policy priorities that address the identified challenges. The analysis in this note is based on a study aimed at exploring childcare and eldercare in the Western Balkans region, drawing primarily from a new mixed-methods dataset, described in the following section, and building on relevant quantitative surveys and data sources specific to Western Balkans countries. The note is structured as follows: section two introduces the new, independent mixed methods data set that is the basis for the analysis and findings presented. Section three describes the use of formal care arrangements in Kosovo. Next, based on the analysis of perspectives both from families with care needs and from care providers and discussing the role of norms and perceptions of childcare and eldercare use, the following sections are dedicated to the description of supply and demand of childcare and eldercare, respectively. Sections four and five focuses on the supply and demand of childcare, and sections six and seven describe supply and demand of eldercare. Section eight concludes by examining what we know in terms of policies that can support families in informal care provision in a sustainable and incentive-compatible manner.Publication Why Should We Care about Care?(World Bank, Washington, DC, 2016-12)Despite a slight increase in female labor participation between 2012 and 2013, employment rates in Serbia stood at 40.1 percent for women in 2013, almost 15 percentage points below employment rates for men (at 54.9 percent). International evidence shows that support for childcare and eldercare affects women’s labor market participation. This note examines the care needs of families with children and or elderly household members and the provision of formal care services in Serbia with an emphasis on the availability, price, and quality characteristics. 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Five main messages emerge from the assessment of supply and demand of formal childcare and eldercare in Armenia: 1) Although social norms strongly highlight the role of women as caregiver, there is scope for policy aimed at increasing access and affordability of childcare and early education: Around 24 percent of parents of children ages 0 to 5 currently not attending kindergarten report that the reason of no attendance is lack of the service or being unable to afford it. 2) The demand for childcare services is voiced predominantly by parents perceiving benefits for their child’s development and working (or willing-to-work) mothers. 3) Use of childcare is regressive: There are significant differences in enrollment to kindergarten and nursery between the poorest and the richest households (12.7 and 36.4 percent respectively). A well-developed childcare sector not only would help generating economic participation opportunities for women but also implies potential improvements in the school readiness for children especially for the most vulnerable households. 4) Day-care centers and home-based formats—if available—will be more compatible with prevailing standards of care for the elderly. 5) Quality is important for potential users of formal care services and the main challenges of the existing supply involves human resources (HR).
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