Ebbs and Flows Analyzing Gender and Social Inclusion Issues in India’s Urban Water Supply and Sanitation Sector 1 1. Introduction 1.1 BACKGROUND Why Focus on Gender in Urban Water Supply and Sanitation Cities in the developing world are witnessing unprecedented growth rates. It is expected that 70% of the global population will live in cities by 2050 (Birch et al., 2011). This increase in urban population is not matched by an equal increase in access to basic services. In particular, limited access to water supply and sanitation (WSS) services poses a challenge to creating sustainable cities. Birch et al (2011) have argued that the current process of urbanization has led to changes in lifestyles, including altering the ways in which water is accessed and used. However, despite these changes, traditional gender roles have remained intact and women and girls continue to be responsible for managing access to water supply and sanitation for the household. In urban areas, as in rural areas, women and girls are often the primary users, providers and managers of water in their household, and are the guardians of household hygiene and health (WSP, 2009). Consequently, they are most affected by inadequate water supply. While the time taken to access water in urban areas is less when compared to rural areas, women and girls face greater challenges, such as health risks associated with contaminated water, safety risks related to fetching water, and reproductive risks linked to poor water quality and quantity (Birch et al., 2011). Women are also more affected than men by inadequate sanitation services; in particular they face greater safety and health risks as a result of poor facilities. Among women and girls too, the impact of inadequate WSS services is felt more by those living in poverty. In spaces of urban poverty, such as slums, women and girls experience ‘multiple deprivations’ that arise from insecurity of land tenure, informal access mechanisms, over- crowding, and the various stresses of urban life. These further affect women’s access to water supply and sanitation services. Despite the wide acknowledgement in literature that limited access to water supply and sanitation services in urban areas disproportionately impacts women and girls, these consequences are not being measured in a systematic way. And, even as women and girls are often looked at as key beneficiaries of water supply programs their involvement in designing, managing and operating WSS systems and programs remains limited. The water supply and sanitation sector, then, is the juncture at which broader goals of poverty alleviation, social development, gender equality and sustainable urban development converge. Particularly now, when it has become clear that the millennium development goals (MDGs) of halving the population without access to improved water supply and sanitation by 2015 will not be met, it becomes critical to re-think WSS policies and programs in a way that they address the rapidly increasing urban population and engage with the specific needs of women, girls and socially excluded groups. How issues of gender and urban poverty can be addressed comprehensively in the design and implementation of urban water supply and sanitation (UWSS) programs is not yet well understood. In order to address these gaps in knowledge, the World Bank commissioned a study to analyze UWSS issues among the urban poor through a gender and social exclusion lens. Using India, with its burgeoning population and growing number of urban poor, as the context, this study assesses how women, girls and socially excluded groups1 are impacted by poor access to water supply and 1 In India, strong prohibitions related to caste still affect the use of common water supply and sanitation facilities. As a result, lower caste residents and socially excluded groups in low income communities face a disproportionate burden of 2 sanitation and how they can be engaged in the design and management of water supply and sanitation programs. This study is at the intersection of several critical gaps in literature. It is expected that the findings from this study will inform Government of India’s policies in this sector and assist in the design of future World Bank-supported urban water supply and sanitation (UWSS) projects. 1.2 OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY OBJECTIVE The overall objective of this study is to clarify issues related to gender and social inclusion in the design and implementation of UWSS programs targeting urban poor populations of India in order to improve their effectiveness. The specific objectives are to (i) assess gender-differentiated WSS needs in urban poor communities; (ii) clarify issues related to poverty, gender, social exclusion and disability; (iii) highlight successful approaches and project design features that address some identified issues, needs and roles; (iv) create an ‘action plan’ to incorporate gender in UWSS projects. Methodology The study uses an integrated methods approach. It includes a review of available national and international literature, a field study of 100 slums each in Gwalior and Pune that includes surveys and group discussions, and seven case studies that analyze specific WSS interventions in the cities of Agra (Uttar Pradesh), Mumbai and Pune (Maharashtra), Kalyani (West Bengal), Tiruchirapalli (Tamil Nadu), Belgaum (Karnataka) and Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh). Literature Review The literature review analyzes available information, from India and elsewhere, on gender needs and roles in the UWSS sector. It also critically examines existing programs and policies in India that attempt to address issues of water access and service delivery. The analysis from the literature review was used to inform survey and interview questions. Field Study Site Selection: Since there are more than 50 million-plus cities in India, 468 Class I cities2, and 738 cities and towns that together house a slum population of about 115 million, the sampling universe for this study was large. In order to narrow the universe, a ‘dipstick’ survey was conducted. Based on this analysis, it was decided to cover a large sample of 100 slums in two cities. One large city, with a population of over 1 million and another smaller city, with a population of less than a million was selected. In order to select these two cities, a list of 19 potential sites was drawn up. Each of the 19 cities selected had previously demonstrated innovative approaches to supplying water supply and sanitation services. Finally, two cities – Gwalior and Pune - were selected from this universe. Gwalior was selected to represent smaller cities (with population of 100,000 or less). Gwalior has constructed accessible public toilets that also have incinerators for better menstrual hygiene. The management of these innovatively designed toilets has been handed over to a local NGO. Gwalior was also a part of a small UN-HABITAT initiative that looked at gender mainstreaming in the water sector. This work was later scaled up in ADB and DFID-funded UWSS projects. limited access to water supply and sanitation. In order to understand water supply and sanitation service deprivation in urban poor communities of the country more comprehensively, socially excluded groups were also included in this analysis 2 Class I cities have a population of over 100,000 people 3 Pune was selected to represent cities with a population of over one million residents. The operations and maintenance of public toilets in Pune is typically handed over to the slum communities. NGOs in Pune have also completed detailed digital mapping of slums, providing valuable data for this work. Sample Size: 100 slums each in Pune and Gwalior were included in the survey. In Pune, this sample size represented 28% of all 341 notified slums for which detailed secondary information was available. In Gwalior, it represented 44% of the 229 notified slums. A two stage sampling was carried out; first to identify the slums, and the second to identify the households to be interviewed within each slum. The population and the distribution across the administrative zones of the city formed the main basis for the stratified random sampling of slums. In each of the selected slums, household interviews and group discussions were carried out to collect a mix of qualitative and quantitative information using both open-ended and close-ended questions. Survey Methodology: Given time and budget constraints, the sample size for the household survey was fixed at 15 households per slum. This included five households that had house taps, five that had toilets and five households with members having a range of special needs. A sample of 1500 slum households each in Pune and Gwalior were surveyed. The 10 households with either a house tap or a household toilet were selected using random walks. The households with members that had special needs were selected purposively. Group discussions: As part of the field study, a total of 443 group discussions with men and women, 283 group discussions with users of public water points and public toilets and 2,344 household interviews were carried out. Some of the qualitative issues discussed in groups, especially those pertaining to user satisfaction and service delivery from public and household infrastructure, were probed using the Quantified Participatory Assessment (QPA). As a part of the QPA, semi-structured group discussions are used to elicit community responses to a particular question, and then the responses are converted into quantitative date using an ordinal scale. Responses are assumed to range from the worst case (score of 0, with a detailed description of this score) to the ideal (score of 100, with a description), with an optional ‘benchmark’ score of 50 (scores of 50 and above are generally considered ‘satisfactory’ or ‘neutral’, while those below 50 are ‘not satisfactory’). These semi-structured group discussions are conducted by trained facilitators and the issues are discussed till a consensus is reached. The response from each group is recorded (as ‘Reasons for Score’), and based on this reason, the facilitators assigned a final score. QPA has the following three key features:  QPA surveys groups of participants, just as household questionnaires survey individual respondents. Findings reported are therefore a proportion of the total number of groups that gave a particular (qualitative) response (i.e., reason for score), which was then converted into a number (‘score’). Typically the number of groups is large (i.e., >100).  The QPA scoring is consensual across the group, with the ‘reason for the score’ recorded separately from the ‘score’, and providing qualitative detail.  In comparison to other scoring systems, each QPA score has a description attached to it, which makes it more ‘robust’ than other scoring systems like Likert scales. Since the QPA looks at both qualitative and quantitative information, it is an integrated approach, as opposed to the mixed methods approach that seeks to keep the qualitative methods separate from quantitative methods. For this study, the scores were used for statistical analysis (including tests of significance of differences, e.g., between men and women, between cities, and across summer and 4 non-summer months) and the qualitative responses gathered during the discussions gave some indication of the ‘reason for scores’ as well as some contextual factors. On the basis of QPA questions, a water supply service delivery ladder was constructed and used to assess user perceptions around the following parameters of service delivery:  Adequacy: Whether or not adequate water was available for all users for drinking and other domestic uses.  Pressure: The time taken to fill a 10-litre bucket was a proxy for water pressure, with longer times indicating lower pressure.  Quality: Whether or not water supply was considered fit for human consumption in terms of taste, smell and appearance (e.g., muddy or colored).  Predictability: Whether or not water was supplied at scheduled timings and for scheduled durations.  Reliability: The time taken to fix breakdowns in service and alternate arrangements made during breakdowns – on the basis that the faster breakdowns are fixed the more reliable the supply For each water point, whether PWPs or house taps, the QPA scores for these five parameters were assessed and then aggregated to derive the service level. The aggregation rule followed was that lowest service level achieved on each of the five parameters was taken as the service level of the water point – even if it achieved higher levels on one or more individual parameters Sanitation service delivery was similarly assessed using QPA-based questions on user perceptions around the following four parameters:  Cleanliness: Whether or not floors, walls and pans are clean and whether or not there is water for flushing the toilet.  Convenience: Whether or not toilets have adequate ventilation, lighting and provisions for water and soap for washing hands after using the toilet.  Privacy and safety: Whether or not the toilets have doors that close properly and bolts or hooks to lock the door while using the toilet and whether or not users feel safe using the toilet  Reliability: Whether or not blocks and other problems with the toilet are resolved quickly. Case Studies The information from the literature review has been used to identify 25 innovative initiatives that incorporate gender and social inclusion concerns in a wide variety of UWSS programs. From this list, seven ‘best practices’ in Indian towns were selected based on geographical distribution and the nature of the initiative. These best practices were further analyzed and have been presented as case studies later in this report. 5 RATIONALE The World Bank’s World Development Report (2012) indicates that the inequalities in access to water supply and sanitation, particularly for women and girls, are intensified in low-income communities. Despite the wide acceptance, literature looking at gender and poverty in the water supply and sanitation sector continues to have a rural focus and there is a dearth of work on analyzing gender dimensions of inadequate water supply and sanitation in urban areas. This study, by examining the gender dimensions of WSS access in slums, begins to address this gap. This study focuses on notified slums, even though the services in non-notified slums were adjudged to be ‘markedly worse in non-notified slums than in notified slums’ (GOI, 2010). Currently, more notified than non-notified slums are served by public utilities, and thus, notified slums provide a better site from which to analyze the role of the public utility in providing access to adequate WSS service to meet the specific needs of urban poor men and women. This study also responds to the lack of literature looking at gender-differentiated water and sanitation needs in secondary and tertiary cities. The number of secondary and tertiary cities in India has grown exponentially in the last decade. The UN (2006) reported that the water supply and sanitation situation in these cities is significantly worse that in the mega cities due to inexperienced utilities, inadequate infrastructure, and haphazard development. By looking at the situation in Pune and Gwalior this study provides valuable input on how to respond to GSI issues in the water supply and sanitation sector of rapidly growing secondary and tertiary cities. STRUCTURE OF THIS REPORT The report is organized as follows. Chapter 2 discusses the findings from the literature review. The field survey findings are reported in Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 presents the case studies. Finally, the conclusions of the study and the possible ways forward, in terms of both programmatic and policy interventions, are presented in Chapter 5. 6 7 2. THE LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 INTRODUCTION Gender, poverty, and access to water supply and sanitation remain unfavorably connected. At least 85% of the world’s water is being used by 12% of the wealthiest people, and 20% of the poorest people have the least access to clean water. At this time, almost two in three people that lack access to clean water survive on less than $2 a day, with one in three living on less than $1 a day. More than 660 million people without sanitation live on less than $2 a day, and more than 385 million on less than $1 a day (UN HDR, 2006). Because 70% of the world’s poorest residents are women (UN WOMEN, 2012), this issue is also closely linked to gender development. The JMP data corroborates this claim and notes that, in the global context, poor ‘[i]n almost three- quarters of households without access to drinking water on premises, women and girls have the primary responsibility for collecting water’, and that in some countries, women are responsible for more than 90% of the water collection (WHO/UNICEF, 2011, p. 28). Women and girls are also responsible for looking after livestock and kitchen gardens wherever these exist. These, however, are the more visible roles. Women are also ‘guardians of household hygiene’ (WB, 2007a, Rop, 2010) and primary caretakers for family members suffering from any illness. In sanitation, as well, women have greater responsibilities than men, as they often clean and maintain household toilets. In a study done by UNHABITAT (2013), women from cities in Brazil, India, Jamaica, South Africa, and Uganda reported that, for them, the most problematic area in terms of access to infrastructure was sanitation. This was especially true for women living in slums. Although women from slum and non-slum areas of cities experience a similar range of challenges in accessing WSS services, the greater concentration of poverty in slum settlements, further aggravated by overcrowding, insecurity, lack of security of tenure, water and sanitation, as well as lack of access to transport, and sexual and reproductive health services, magnifies their problems (UN HABITAT, 2011, xii). Even within this group of slum residents, households headed by women, suffer more due to “any combination of lack of durable housing, lack of sufficient living area, lack of access to water, sanitation, and a lack of security of tenure.’ (UN Habitat, 2011, p. xvi). Thus, globally poor women living in slums are disproportionately affected by the lack of access to water supply and sanitation services. Gender and poverty issues in water supply and sanitation (WSS) have been well-documented and discussed in the literature. While this has raised awareness around the issue, the focus has largely been on the problems faced by women and socially excluded groups in rural areas. The World Bank, for instance, acknowledges that its work on gender and UWSS has largely been focused on willingness-to-pay (WTP) household surveys that assess some gender-related aspects of improving access (WB, 2007a), rather than on a systematic and comprehensive understanding of the issues and their consequences. 8 In order to address existing gaps in analysis, this chapter begins by describing the current status and past trends in access to water supply in urban areas, both, globally and in Indian cities. Even though urban areas have seen progress and are have better water access than rural areas, much more remains to be done. The chapter also highlights the specific challenges faced by poor women and socially excluded groups in accessing water supply and sanitation in urban areas in India. It then goes on to critically describe the major initiatives undertaken by the Government of India in addressing these challenges. Finally, it outlines the key issues that are addressed in this study At the outset, however, four important contextual issues need to be mentioned. First, since examining ‘water supply and sanitation’ jointly leaves sanitation as the ‘poor cousin’ of water (Evans, 2007, p. 4), this analysis treats urban water supply and urban sanitation separately. Second, it is acknowledged that drinking water is only a small part of the water resources sector – with irrigation and industry taking the major share of resources and of policy-makers’ attention – and that domestic drinking water is only a small share of drinking water demands, the major share being taken by institutions and by industries: domestic sanitation, too, is only a small part of the urban waste management sector. This analysis, however, is restricted to domestic drinking water and domestic sanitation. Third, this work is focused on gender and social inclusion issues, predominantly faced by the urban poor, which form a small segment of urban consumers of domestic water supply and domestic sanitation services.3 Fourth, the analysis does not cover in detail health impacts of poor water supply and sanitation, a large and important subject on its own, and beyond the scope of this study. 2.2 URBAN GROWTH AND WSS GLOBAL TRENDS The WSS-related MDG is to halve the proportion of population without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation by 2015. The Joint Monitoring Program (JMP) of WHO and UNICEF, which tracks the progress towards achieving this MDG, released a report in 2011 marking the improvements in access to water supply and sanitation. Globally, the world is on track to meet the targets for drinking water, and access to water supply is better in urban areas as compared to rural areas. However, at this time, at least 35% of the world’s urban residents do not have access to piped water supply. The JMP report also notes that, between 1990 and 2008, ‘[t]he growth of informal settlements and poor environmental sanitation has hindered efforts to increase access to safe drinking water’ (ibid, p. 14). 4 The sanitation situation is worse. The world is off-track to meet the sanitation related target, and the largest number of people without access to basic sanitation is in South Asia. As with water supply, the situation in urban areas is better than in rural areas, however, the number of people without access to improved sanitation in cities and towns has increased in many developing countries. As shown in Table 2.1, and the number of people using unimproved sanitation sources in South Asia and Sub Saharan Africa have increased between 2000 and 2010. . Within urban areas too, the poor 3 Typically, around 2/3 of urban consumers of government water supply are industries and institutions, only 1/3 are domestic consumers. (Personal communication, Managing Director, Hyderabad Metrowater, 2003). 4 ‘Of the 949 million urban dwellers that gained access since 1990, three out of four people gained access to a piped supply on premises’ (WHO/Unicef, 2011, p. 24). Also, by 2008, 94% of the urban population of developing regions used improved sources, but only 76% of rural populations (WHO/Unicef, 2010, p. 18). 9 and in particular women and socially excluded groups, bear a disproportionate burden of this mismatch between WSS service provision and increasing populations. Table 2.1: Access to Water Supply and Sanitation Services Water Sanitation Urban Urban Country Year Improved Unimproved Improved Unimproved Total Improved Total Unimproved Total Improved Total Unimproved (x1000) (x1000) (x1000) (x1000) 2010 713,133 11,231 548,650 175,715 Eastern Asia 2000 501,787 12,348 328,454 185,682 2010 452,935 12,310 401,375 63,867 Latin America and the Caribbean 2000 376,970 16,653 328,964 64,654 2010 86,831 4,301 85,997 5,133 Northern Africa 2000 68,678 4,446 68,246 4,879 2010 522,149 27,195 351,611 197,731 South Asia 2000 390,131 32,911 253,363 169,678 2010 246,511 15,019 210,049 51,483 South-east Asia 2000 184,374 15,803 148,899 51,284 2010 258,764 50,756 131,549 177,970 Sub-Saharan Africa 2000 178,408 36,870 92,262 123,018 2010 133,817 5,738 133,632 5,923 Western Asia 2000 98,266 4,558 96,543 6,279 Other global trends also impact access to water supply and sanitation in urban areas of the developing world:  Rising coverage under threat: Although urban areas are better served than rural areas, and the overall coverage figures are quite high, rapid population growth, unplanned and fast- growing urbanization and in particular the growth of informal settlements, poor environmental sanitation, decreasing international aid for water supply and sanitation and the potential impacts of climate change are major threats to increasing the coverage of sanitation and water supply services (WHO/Unicef, 2010, p. 17; WHO/Unicef, 2011, p. 14).  Access for the poor: Improved access does not necessarily mean that the poor have adequate water supply and sanitation services. The JMP report (2011) notes that ‘in all developing regions, access to improved drinking water sources increases with wealth and access to piped water on premises is much higher among the richest quintiles’ and that ‘in all countries, the poorest have the lowest level of service’ (pp.26-27).  Huge unserved populations even after MDGs are met: Even if the substantial effort is made to meet the MDGs on sanitation, there will be 2.7 billion people without access to sanitation by 2015. And even after the world meets the MDG targets for water, there will be 672 million people without access to improved drinking water sources by 2015 (WHO/Unicef, 2011).  JMP numbers are under-estimates: The numbers of people with access may be exaggerated by the fact that the current JMP defines and measures access only as ‘access to water infrastructure’, an indicator that ‘does not provide information on the quality of the water used, the reliability of water services, or whether people’s sustained access to them is hampered for economic, financial, social or environmental reasons’ (ibid, p. 57). 10 Thus, while the JMP data provides useful information to better understand the macro picture around water supply and sanitation across all regions of the world, there continue to be limitations. The JMP categorizes users on the basis of their ‘access to infrastructure’ and does not specify the nature of service received from the infrastructure (Table 2.2). In the case of water, for instance, they acknowledge that while the MDG is defined in terms of ‘sustainable access to safe water supply’, the JMP approach only measures the proxy indicator ‘use of improved sources of drinking water’ – which does not provide any information on ‘the quality of the water used, the reliability of water services, or whether people’s sustained access to them is hampered for economic, financial, social or environmental reasons’ (WHO/Unicef, 2011, p. 57). A similar concern underlies the use of sanitation infrastructure as the proxy indicator for sustainable access to safe sanitation services: there is no indication of whether the toilet is properly constructed, and that no waste from the toilet contaminates nearby water sources (including groundwater), that there is sufficient water for flushing, that there are functioning doors and lights in shared public toilets. The JMP definition of the problems (as all those using unimproved water sources or sanitation facilities), thus, is only a description of the physical infrastructure and not of the quality of service provided. This is well accepted by the JMP team who acknowledge that this ‘limitation’ needs to be overcome ‘at global, regional and national levels in the post-2015 period’ (ibid.). As it stands, however, the use of the JMP definition identifies the problem as a lack of access to improved infrastructure – and simultaneously identifies the ‘target group’ as all those who do not use improved infrastructure. This, they acknowledge, will always underestimate the true target group, as defined by the MDG – all those who do not have sustainable access to safe water supply and sanitation services. Thus, it is necessary to look at access figures from a perspective of service delivery, and not simply access to infrastructure. SERVICE DELIVERY The basic idea behind ‘service delivery’ is that what matters most is the quality of service delivered by the infrastructure is important and not the infrastructure itself. The term ‘service’ refers to ‘provision of a public benefit through a continuous and permanent flow of activities and resources; a concept applied in many other sectors, such as health, education, electricity, telephone and water’ (Lockwood and Smits, 2011, pp. 18-19). A water supply service thus consists of ‘access to a flow of water with certain characteristics (such as quantity, quality and continuity)’ (ibid, p. 19). ‘Service levels’ describe and differentiate between quality of a service. In the case of water supply, common indicators to measure service level include the quantity of water (measured as liters per capita per day), the quality of water (comprising both chemical and biological quality), distance to the water source, the number of users using a source (e.g., a public stand post or hand pump) and the reliability of service (the proportion of time it works as designed) (Moriarty et al., 2011, p. 3). One of the early measures of access to water services used five levels: coverage, continuity, quantity, cost and quality (Lloyd and Bartram, 1991, quoted in Moriarty et al., 2011, p. 3). Service levels are also specified with indicators that can be measured and arranged in the form of a ‘service delivery ladder’ (Table 2.3) 11 Table 2.2: IRC Suggested service delivery ladder for water supply Quantity Quality Accessibility Reliability Service level Status (JMP Litres/person/day Qualitative Minutes/person/day Qualitative High >=60 Good <10 Very reliable Improved Intermediate >40 Acceptable <30 Reliable/secure Basic >20 Acceptable <30 Reliable/secure Sub- >5 Problematic <60 Problematic Unimproved standard No service <5 Unacceptable >60 Unreliable/insecure Source: Moriarty et al., 2011, p. 12 Each level in the service delivery ladder is described more fully in Table 2.3. Table 2.3: Descriptions of the IRC Service delivery ladder for water supply Service level Description Refers usually to High People access a minimum of 60 lpcd of A modern utility service involving taps in the high quality water on demand homestead Intermediate People access a minimum of 40 lpcd of A mix of basic and high levels of service, typically acceptable quality water from an from small piped networks in small towns and improved source, spending no more than peri-urban areas 30 minutes per day Basic People access a minimum of 20 lpcd of Most rural water supply schemes, some informal acceptable quality water from an schemes in peri-urban areas, and emergency improved source, spending no more than situations – often provided by point sources such 30 minutes per day as bore holes, wells and springs Sub- People access a service that is an Services suffering endemic problems or context- standard improvement on having no service at all, specific issues, which makes it impossible to meet but that fails to meet the basic standard all service delivery parameters on one or more criteria No service People access water from insecure or Less than 5 lpcd of water from an unimproved unimproved sources that are too distant, source, or water of unacceptable quality or where too time-consuming or are of poor it takes more than 1 hour per day to collect quality Source: Moriarty et al., 2011, p. 14. A service ladder thus depicts ‘incremental progression between service levels of different quality, starting at the bottom rung and climbing to the top’ (Moriarty et a., 2011, p. 6). The norm, in this case, is specified as the ‘basic level of service’ with the understanding that there can be better service levels above this level (i.e., ‘intermediate’ and ‘high’). Similar service delivery ladders have also been developed for sanitation, most recently as a part of the WASHCost Project (Table 2.4). 12 Table 2.4: WASH Cost Sanitation Service Delivery Ladder Environmental Service Accessibility Use Reliability (O&M) protection (pollution & level density) Improved Each family dwelling Facilities used by all Regular or routine Non problematic has one or more members of the O&M (inc. Pit environmental impact toilets in the household emptying) requiring disposal and re-use of compound minimal user effort safe by-products Basic Latrine with Facilities used by Unreliable O&M (inc. Non problematic impermeable slab some members of pit emptying) and environmental impact (household the household requiring high user and safe disposal or shared) at national effort norm distance from household Limited Platform without No use/Insufficient No O&M (pit Significant service (impermeable) slab use emptying) taking environmental separated faeces from place and the pollution, heightening Users presence of with increased extremely dirty population density toilets No service No separation No use/Insufficient No O&M (pit Significant between user and use emptying) taking environmental faeces, e.g. open place and the pollution, heightening defecation presence of with increased extremely dirty population density toilets Source: Potter et al., (2011) The WASHCost service delivery ladder broadens the criteria beyond the quality of immediate service to wider environmental considerations and also holds that the norm is the highest level of service, i.e., ‘Improved’ service. The discussion of the concepts of social exclusion and service delivery in the context of the ladders presented above highlights three key issues:  The ‘No Service’ level includes the socially excluded: The worst case in both ladders is ‘No service’ – which includes cases of ‘social exclusion’, that are defined as systematic discrimination in service provision, where users are denied access to existing facilities and forced to go elsewhere.  Self-provisioning by households is treated differently in water supply and in sanitation: The JMP does not recognize ‘safe self-provisioning’ of drinking water, e.g., protected domestic urban wells containing unpolluted water or the use of treated water from such sources or even the use of bottled water. This is especially true in urban areas. Therefore, the ‘No service’ category in the Water Supply Service Delivery ladder really means lack of access to government-provided urban water supply. In the case of sanitation, however, ‘self- provisioning’ is not a problem and there is no distinction between household toilets 13 constructed (and paid for) by individuals from their own money or those paid for, at least partly, by government subsidy. In other words, ‘government-provision’ of sanitation services includes publicly shared toilets and government-subsidies for individual household toilets.5  ‘Poor service’: While the ‘No Service’ level is clear, service delivery levels between ‘No service’ and the ‘norm’ constitute ‘Poor Service’. In the case of water, this would exemplify instances when government-provided public stand posts or hand pumps temporarily run dry or are under repair and thus fail to provide water. In the case of sanitation, this ‘poor service’ is when government-provided public toilets are temporarily out of order, for a variety of reasons (doors or locks broken, no lights, not cleaned, blocked drains, etc.). Such poor access can result in certain groups of people being ‘unserved’ temporarily. Although problems of ‘poor service’ can affect households with piped water on their premises and also those with toilets inside their homes, these are more difficult to identify and classify. In other words, those with household provision of water supply and sanitation facilities are assumed to be ‘covered’. Only a detailed household survey of service levels can identify problems of ‘poor service’. RE-DEFINING THE PROBLEM These service levels suggest a useful re-definition of the problem into two separate issues, combining the infrastructure and service delivery aspects:  The Problem of No Service which affect all those who are forced to defecate in the open (in the case of sanitation) and to use unimproved or unsafe sources of water or walk far to access water (in the case of drinking water supply). (In this report, this is referred to as the problem of ‘the unserved’ and of no access to water supply and sanitation infrastructure)  The Problem of the Poorly Served which affect those who have access to water supply and sanitation infrastructure, but face problems due to poor infrastructure and poor service delivery. (This is also referred to throughout this report as the problem of poor access or poor service). In the following section, relevant development trends in India are analyzed and, using the categorization of poor and no service, the current WSS access in the country is also evaluated. 2.3 TRENDS IN URBAN INDIA RAPID URBANIZATION Despite relatively slow growth rates till 2000, in the last decade India’s urban population and the urban poor have grown exponentially. In 2001, 42 million people, 15% of India’s total urban population, were living in slums (2001, Census of India). Also, nearly 35% of the populations of Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi and Chennai lived in slums (Planning Commission, 2011, p. 7). In 2010, India’s urban population was 377 million (TCPO, 2012). This marks the highest ever urban population in India (TCPO, 2012, p. 4). In 2010, 31% of India’s 1.21 billion people were living in urban areas. This urban population is distributed among 7,935 cities and towns, an increase of over 50% from the 5 The Integrated Low Cost Sanitation scheme of the Government of India provides subsidies to the poor to construct individual household toilets, while public toilets are constructed under the VAMBAY scheme. 14 5131 towns and cities listed in the 2001 Census. Of these 7,935 cities and towns, 468 have a population of more than 100,000 (Class I Cities), including 53 cities with more 1 million inhabitants. The distribution of urban population in India is skewed towards a few cities and towns in select states and union territories. The 2011 Census of India estimates that around 70% of India’s urban population resides in 468 Class I Cities and 42% in the 53 Million-Plus Cities (TCPO, 2012, p. 3). Also, a few small states and UTs are highly urbanized while two-thirds have low levels of urbanization. Further, ‘highly urbanized’ states and union territories are all geographically small (e.g., NCT, Chandigarh, Lakshwadeep Daman & Diu, Puducherry, Goa and Mizoram). And in 23 out of 35 states and union territories in India, less than 40% of the total population lives in urban areas (17 out of these have only 10 - 30%). POOR SERVICES FOR THE URBAN POOR With growth in urban population, urban poverty is also increasing. In 2004-5, the number of people living Below Poverty Line (BPL) in Indian cities was estimated to be 80 million. The proportion of the total population living below the poverty line has also increased from 19% in 1973 to 27% in 2005 (Planning Commission, 2011). If the 40-45 million of those ‘on the border line of poverty’ are added, the poor constituted nearly 40% of the total urban population in 2004-5 (ibid. p. 3). Much of this poor population is living in slums. These slums are generally located on hazardous sites, have poor health conditions and inadequate access to basic services such as health, education, water supply and sanitation. The Planning Commission Report of 2011 noted that service deprivation was ‘higher in slums and squatter settlements’ and that the majority of the urban poor used shared facilities (Planning Commission, 2011, p. 8). The National Sample Survey (NSS) clearly shows that ‘households in the lowest [Monthly Per Capita Expenditure] quintile classes are more likely to be without a latrine facility than households in higher quintile classes and may practice open defecation’ (GOI, 2010a, p. 26). The National Family Health Survey of 2004-5 found that 24% of urban Indian households were sharing toilets and, more worryingly, 5% of households were depositing untreated faecal matter into the environment despite having toilets (quoted in GOI, 2011, p. 40). Even within slums, services vary according to legal status, and are markedly worse in non-notified slums6 (GOI, 2010). The Planning Commission (2011, p. 8) noted that even where these facilities exist, the urban poor ‘face barriers when attempting to access basic civic and social services at [urban local body] level’ (p. 12). And GOI admitted that ‘The Urban Local Bodies (ULB) and Municipal Corporation [which] are primarily responsible for providing minimum basic services to the inhabitants … are unable to cope up with the increasing demand of providing quality urban services in towns and cities due to lack of resources’ (GOI, 2009, p. 3). Thus, at this time, 18% of urban households are defecating in the open and the 4% are using unimproved water supply facilities (Table 1.1 supra). This household level data hides the available access to adequate WSS services at work places, schools, and other public areas. Lack of these services often serves as a reason for exclusion of many people, especially women and girls, from employment, education and leisure activities. 6 A notified slum is one that is ‘notified as slums by respective municipalities, corporations, local bodies or development authorities’, and which then is statutorily to receive basic civic services, while a non -notified slum does not have this legal status and is merely ‘a compact urban area with a collection of poorly built tenements, mostly of temporary nature, crowded together usually with inadequate sanitary and drinking water facilities in unhygienic conditions’ (GOI, 2010) 15 While water supply and sanitation in urban India have improved significantly in the past decade, two-thirds of the households still lack access to treated tap water. Even where the urban poor have access to infrastructure they had issues receiving services from it: ‘Despite expansion, those who have access to water supply and sanitation infrastructure do not necessarily get adequate services and the poor continue to rely on alternative sources that are often very costly to the consumer and incur hidden costs to society’ (WSP, 2009a, p. 6). McKenzie and Ray (2009) have also found a strong relationship between asset ownership and access to piped water in Indian cities, indicating that poor households had the lowest access to piped water. Since the poor bear the brunt of any lack in delivery of basic public services like water supply and sanitation, there is an urgent need to continue on-going efforts to improve urban infrastructure – not only by increased investments, but by ensuring that these investments target the poor and the marginalized. It is also important to note that poverty is not monolithic and often, within poor communities, women and socially excluded groups bear a larger share of the WSS issues. Across urban areas, 15.9% households within the lowest asset decile had access to piped water, and 12.3% had access in secondary cities and towns. 36% households still have to fetch water from a source located within 500 meters in rural areas and 100 meters in urban areas. While the average distance of public standpoints is less in urban areas as compared to rural areas (Birch, 2011), there is an increased risk of contaminated water and issues of safety, adding to women’s water related burden in urban areas. In this way, the increasing WSS coverage numbers for urban India present an incomplete picture of the situation on the ground. GENDERED ECONOMICS OF INADEQUATE WSS The World Bank reported that women tend to be disproportionately represented among the poor, and the poorer the family the more likely it is to be headed by a women (World Bank, 1989, 1996). This trend is reflected in India. The percentage of females living in poor households in urban areas was 34% in 1994, compared to the 32% for males. In 2000, 25% of women were living in poverty in urban areas compared to the 23% for men. A larger proportion of female-headed households, as compared to male-headed households, live in one room or no exclusive room dwellings, indicating greater poverty. The proportion of female-headed households that possess assets is also lower than male-headed households (World Bank, 2008), and in the last decade, the number of female-headed households in urban areas has increased by approximately 1%, compared to the 0.5% increase across the country. Urban poor women, not only deal with social, health, and safety issues due to inadequate WSS, they also deal with a larger share of the economic consequences. India loses US$ 54 billion annually due to inadequate WSS. Of this, at least 71.7% of the losses are related to health and 20% to access time. These economic losses are borne disproportionately by the poor and the poorest 20% households loose over $4.85 billion per year due to inadequate water and sanitation. In urban areas INR 337 billion is lost to inadequate water supply and sanitation, with the poorest households losing approximately INR 16 billion ($0.35 billion). Urban households in the poorest quintile also bear the highest per capita economic losses due to inadequate water and sanitation, specifically 37.5 – 1.75 times the national average of $21. A study done in Mumbai found that at 35-45% of families in slums have at least one member always suffering from some kind of disease. Among short duration diseases, water and sanitation related illnesses represented 26-32% of all cases. Annual diarrheal cases were around 300 per thousand people in slums (Karn and Harada, 2002). These trends are observed in other cities as well and, overall, India loses more than $29,000 million in premature mortality, $4,787 million and $4,677 million in productivity losses and 16 health care, respectively (WSP, 2011). Although there is a dearth of large-scale survey data from India showing the gender division and time spent in household tasks such as collecting water and cleaning toilets, some small-sample data is available and shows that women were the major users of water for cooking and cleaning and ‘played a major role in controlling the use of water’ and sanitation for the household (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 53). This can have implications for the type of work available to women. The UN Habitat study found that at least 50% of the 400 women included in the survey were employed (ibid, p. 34) and approximately 96% of these women were working in the unorganized sector (MWCD, 2007, p. 21). These women were also considered a part of the ‘working poor’ (MLE, 2010, p. 16).This also implies that the economic impacts of inadequate water supply and sanitation disproportionately affect women. The findings from this study indicate that time costs and opportunity costs of inadequate WSS would be the highest for women. WSP’s on the economics of inadequate WSS has also revealed similar trends. WSP reported that in 75% of India’s urban households, fetching water and managing sanitation facilities is a woman’s responsibility, indicating that economic losses are more severe for women. Each year, women and girls miss 94 million work-days and 74 million school-days due to water and sanitation related issues. In urban areas, this amounts to over INR 3.5 billion in annual costs (WSP, 2011). These economic losses further impact women’s limited social and political agency in Indian cities. Looking at the data from India, it is clear that (i) The number of urban poor and the total slum population in Indian cities are increasing; (ii) the proportion of urban poor that are female is increasing; and (iii) the number female-headed households, which represent some of the poorest and most vulnerable persons, are increasing at a faster rate in urban areas as compared to the rest of the country. These findings pose distinct developmental challenges that are masked by the high coverage numbers. HIGH AND GROWING URBAN COVERAGE The JMP notes that in 2008, 88% of India’s population of 1.2 billion used drinking-water from safe sources, as compared to 72% in 1990. Between 1990 and 2008, the proportion of the population using improved sanitation facilities in India rose from 18% to 31% (WHO/Unicef, 2010), and the coverage in urban India is generally better than that in rural India (Table 2.7). Table 2.5: Access to improved water and sanitation facilities, India, 1990 – 2008 URBAN INDIA (‘000) RURAL POPULATION (‘000) 1990 2000 2008 1990 2000 2008 Population 2,24,162 2,91,925 3,42,609 6,38,000 7,50,665 8,38,803 17 Urban Sanitation: % population using Improved facilities 49% 52% 54% 7 14 21 Unimproved facilities 51% 48% 46% 93% 86% 79% defecating in the open 28% 22% 18% 90% 79% 69% using shared sanitation facilities 19% 20% 21% 1% 3% 4% using unimproved sanitation facilities7 4% 6% 7% 2% 4% 6% Urban Water Supply: % population using Improved facilities 90% 93% 96% 66% 76% 84% Piped on premises 52% 50% 48% 8% 9% 11% Other improved facilities 38% 43% 48% 58% 67% 73% Unimproved facilities 10% 7% 4% 34% 24% 16% Source: WHO/Unicef, 2010, p. 43 This macro-picture shows that nearly half of urban India did not have access to improved sanitation facilities. The seemingly good coverage related to urban water supply also hides wide variations on the ground, especially for the urban poor.8 In 2005, the Government of India (GOI) acknowledged that the available urban infrastructure may not be sufficient for providing basic urban services such as water supply and sanitation (MoUD, 2009, p. 3): ‘Massive urban growth has led to complex problems of ina dequacy of basic urban services. About 21% of urban population is living in squatter settlements where access to the basic services is very poor or very substandard. About 80% of population leaving in urban areas though has access to safe drinking water but there are severe deficiencies in regard to equitable distribution of water. As per estimates about 46% of households have water borne toilets while only 36% are connected with public sewerage system. Almost half of the solid waste generated in towns & cities remains uncollected … The infrastructure development could not keep pace with rate of urbanization’. The 54th National Sample Survey also noted that there was ‘tremendous pressure on civic infrastructure systems like water supply, sewerage and drainage, solid waste management, etc.’ Thus, it is important to look critically at the numbers and at the problems beyond these numbers to better understand the current status of access to WSS services in urban India. THE PROBLEM IN TERMS OF NUMBERS Even though the JMP and NSSO data together provides valuable macro information on country-level poverty and WSS status, it does not provide the complete picture. The NSSO figures appear to be an underestimate of the true population – with 2012 estimates of 44 million slums in the country being 21 million less than the Census 2011 estimates of 65 million, largely due to problems in interpreting the definition of slums9. Due to the fact that both the JMP and the NSS have used only ‘access to physical infrastructure’ to measure coverage of water supply and sanitation services means that these numbers are over-estimates and the problem is larger than the numbers suggest. The focus on 7 The JMP defines ‘unimproved sanitation facilities’ as those that ‘do not ensure hygienic separation of human excreta from human contact; include pit latrines without a slab or platform, hanging latrines and bucket latrines’ (WHO/Unicef, 2010, p. 12). Users of such toilets are grouped with those practising open defecat ion and sharing toilets, as the population not using ‘improved sanitation facilities’. Improved facilities ‘ensure hygienic separation of human excreta from human contact’ and are - flush to piped sewer system or septic tank or pit latrine; ventilated improved pit latrine; pit latrine with slab; and composting toilet (ibid, p. 12). 8 See for instance the detailed analysis of water supply and sanitation in 71 cities across the country carried out in 2005-6, by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE, 2012a and 2012b). 9 Times of India (2014). 18 the poor in WSS policies, programs and performance assessments tends to hide problems faced by specific groups within the urban poor – including women, children, the differently-abled, the elderly, migrant populations, and people living with HIV and AIDS (PLWHA). While the second gap is addressed in the next section, the extent to which JMP figures may under-estimate the problem is discussed below. Urban Water Supply Services  No service: 14 million (JMP in 2011): According to the latest JMP Report, in 2008 around 4% - or around 14 million - of India’s urban population uses ‘unimproved water sources’ (WHO/Unicef, 2010, p.6). These ‘unimproved’ sources include ‘unprotected dug well; unprotected spring, cart with small tank/drum, surface water (river, dam, lake, pond, stream, canal, irrigation channels) and bottled water’ (ibid, p. 12-13).  Poor service: 329 million (JMP in 2011): This figure includes urban citizens who access shared water sources, including piped water supply. Around half of these consumers (165 million) had piped water supplies while the other half accessed public taps. Since the JMP definition only considers ‘access to infrastructure’ and not actual service delivery, all those with household piped connections may suffer from poor service (intermittent supply, poor pressure, contaminated water, etc.). However, even when analyzing this data from the perspective of access to infrastructure, at least 165 million urban citizens in India are sharing taps (based on the JMP estimates for 2008). Since WSS ‘service deprivation is higher in slum and squatter settlements’ (Planning Commission, 2011), it can be inferred that the 165 million people with limited access to infrastructure are currently living in spaces of poverty. That water access figures may hide poor service delivery was argued by Zerah (2000), who found that for water, despite the increasing coverage, the number of household water connections in most cities is very low. Zerah (2000) also argued that JMP statistics only look at optimal water production figures and do not include water losses. Similar trends are also visible for sanitation access figures. Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) reports that in 50% of urban India lacks sanitation coverage. Even in areas where service is available, the toilets are often not connected to underground sewerage networks Urban Sanitation Services  No Service: 51 million (JMP in 2011): This figure represents urban Indian residents without access to any toilet facilities, that are forced to defecate in the open., According to the latest JMP Report, 18% of urban Indians in 2008 were defecating in the open. The NSS estimated that in 2008-9, 11% of urban households did not have access to toilets, down from 26% recorded in 2004-5 (GOI, 2010b).  Poor Service: 100 million (JMP in 2011): The JMP Report estimates that 21% of the urban population in 2008 was using shared sanitation facilities. Although this includes toilets shared between a small numbers of households, the overwhelming majority of shared 19 toilets are community or public toilets. The NSS estimated that 24% of the urban population was using shared toilets in 2004-5, but as with the JMP data, these estimates are based on access to physical infrastructure and are silent on the level of service delivered by public toilets. This represents an increasingly serious problem as the number of urban Indian residents using unimproved sanitation facilities has increased in the last decade due to the mismatch between provision of services and the increasing urban population. These aggregate numbers not only mask service levels, they also render invisible inter-city variations in WSS access. For example, at least 40% of Indian’s total sewerage treatment capacity is concentrated in Delhi and Mumbai, and only 160 of 8,000 smaller cities and towns have both sewerage systems and treatment plants (Elledge and McClatchey, 2013). Mahadevia and Sarkar (2012) found that non-metro cities house more than double the number of households without access to drinking water and sanitation as compared to metro cities (Table 2.8). Table 2.6: Access to drinking water and sanitary toilets: Metros and non-metro cities Percentage of households … Non-Metro Metro All Urban Without access to drinking water 26.80% 12.30% 23% Using tap water 70.70% 84.50% 74.30% Without access to sanitary toilets 14.4% 2.5% 11.3% With access to individual toilets 67.8% 59.5% 65.5% When combined with the fact that cities are set to witness unprecedented growth in the near future, and, within cities, slums and other low-income areas have the lowest access to WSS, the true dimensions of the UWSS problem begin to emerge. 2.4 CONSEQUENCES OF NO SERVICE AND POOR SERVICE Statistics not only mask difference in WSS access for communities and groups and between cities, they also hide the very tangible problem faced by millions of men and women in India due to poor water supply and sanitation, which lead to economic, social and physical consequences. This section aims to highlight the problems faced by those without access and those who are ‘covered’ as per the JMP definition of ‘access to physical infrastructure’. For the purpose of this report, the consequences are discussed for women, children and other special groups such as the elderly, the disabled, people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) and the chronically ill.10 URBAN WATER SUPPLY SERVICES The consequences discussed below affect those with no access to government-provided water the most; however similar problems, though to a lesser extent, are experienced by those with access to poor service. Consequences of No or Poor Water Supply 10 The problems discussed in this section are not confined to the poor or the special groups of the socially excluded or even those who live in poverty-pockets or low-income settlements. These problems affect all those who have to use public facilities in urban areas. Poor quality of public toilets in streets, government offices, hospitals and restaurants affect not just the working poor (both men and women) but also affect the ‘so-called’ middle classes, though not as severely. 20  Less time for work, loss of livelihood: Due to Inadequate pressure at water points people have to spend more time filling vessels, which in turn implies longer lines and more time loss. This situation is made worse when water is supplied during office hours. A UN Habitat study (2005) looked at the time of day water was supplied to low income neighborhoods in Madhya Pradesh. Women from one low income community of Indore indicated that water was always supplied in their neighborhood from 9 am to 11 am and women from another neighborhood of the same city reported that water was supplied from 8.30 am to11 am. The time of supply in both neighborhoods renders it difficult for household members who are responsible for collecting water to work during regular office hours. This exemplifies how not having an assured or reliable source of water can affect the ability to work and consequently the earning capacity of the poor.  Having to ‘search’ for water: If supply is inadequate at the nearest water point, or if the line is too long, users have to search for alternate, and often more distant, water points, which can add to time loss and health issues from carrying heavy containers over long distances (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 68).  Conflicts at the water point: When water supply is inadequate, users often have to form long lines and wait for water- which becomes a "source of tension and can precipitate fights" (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 71). Women respondent from the UN Habitat study (2005) also noted that conflicts arise when communities ‘capture’ water points for their exclusive use of when water is supplied through tankers and the quantity is limited.  Health impacts: Poor water quality of intermittent supply available at the public taps leads to diseases such as typhoid, dysentery, cholera and other water borne illnesses. Stagnant water near houses, especially during the rainy season and storage tanks (both on roof-tops and inside homes) and containers provides breeding grounds for mosquitoes which, in turn, cause diseases such as malaria that are “among the main causes of illness and death among children and adults in many urban areas” (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 59). In addition to diseases, carrying heavy containers of water also has health consequences, such as back pain and risk of injury.  Safety: One key consequence of having to fetch water from public points is lack of safety. As women and girls walk to and from water points, they face harassment and other physical risks.  Other social costs: The loss of human dignity in having to ask neighbors, particularly those from nearby higher income neighborhoods, for drinking water has also been noted. During the UN Habitat study (2005), women reported that “we have to plead for water from adjoining bungalows” (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 70). In addition to these problems, the elderly, the disabled and chronically ill and people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) face special problems. Often, due to limited mobility, the elderly that have no or limited access to piped water supply within their homes, have to depend on others to fetch water for them from public stand posts or tankers. They are therefore vulnerable to being denied adequate water supply. The situation for PLWHA is even more striking, as the recent joint initiative by WaterAid India and the Government of Uttar Pradesh brought out (WAI, 2010) found, “Where people living with HIV/AIDS have to walk a long way to collect water, studies have shown they will simply use less than they should, and without latrines close to home they will resort to open defecation. Even in communities that have water and sanitation facilities the lack of knowledge 21 about HIV/AIDS and fear of the illness means people are prevented from using them. The stigma forces some ... to leave their homes and family.” These problems in collecting water are compounded by problems faced due to a lack of (or ‘deficient’ and poor) sanitation services. URBAN SANITATION SERVICES Without access to a household toilet or a public toilet, the urban poor have no option but to defecate in the open. Even those with access to pay-and-use public toilets may be forced to defecate in the open if they have insufficient funds (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 67) or if the public toilets are unusable due to multiple reasons, such as cleanliness, lack of water, and safety risks. However, it is important to distinguish between those individuals who are forced to defecate in the open due to unavailable or poor services and those within available, usable household toilets that are not used for a range of behavioral reasons. This marks the difference between delivery of sanitation services and individual behavior patterns that in part determine the use of available facilities. The next section discusses the consequences of forced open defecation. . Consequences of forced open defecation The major consequences of open defecation, particularly for women, as noted in the literature are discussed below:  Inconvenience of having to defecate at night: Women from the 20 slums surveyed in Madhya Pradesh reported that they were ‘afraid to go in the open’ and that they therefore ‘have to go early in the morning’ or ‘in the dark as during day men go in the area’ (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 73). They also reported that they had to ‘accompany young girls during early morning hours’. (ibid, p. 78).  Fear of men: Women who are forced to defecate in the open often fear being harassed, molested and even raped by men (WaterAID, 2013). Women from a Bhopal slum said that they ‘avoid going after 8 pm because of men loitering in the area’. Women also claimed to worry about the safety of young girls who were forced to defecate in the open late in the night (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 73).  Health impacts of forcibly controlling defecation and urination: Women suffer from abdominal pain, fissures, infections, and other health problems because they drink less water, eat less food, and forcibly stop themselves from defecating during the day.  Fear of snake, scorpion and insect bites: Women face the risk of being bitten by snakes, scorpion and other insects (UN Habitat, 2005; UN, 2007).  Embarrassment and loss of dignity: When women defecate in the open, during the day, they have to stand ‘whenever a man comes nearby’ and, if there are no shrubs nearby, they ‘have to stand up often while defecating’ (UN Habitat, 2005, p. 73). Women are also forced to encounter voyeurism that adds to embarrassment (UN, 2007). Other issues include challenges such as young girls being forced to drop out of school on reaching puberty due to lack of usable sanitation facilities. Even in cases where public toilets are available, women faced specific challenges during menstruation and pregnancy. Similarly, children, elderly, 22 people with disabilities, the chronically ill and PLWHA also face special problems. Time of the year also impacts the problems faced by women, girls, people with disabilities, and other socially excluded groups, and often, the situation worsens during the rainy season. Consequences of Poor Sanitation Services Poor men and women who have access to public toilets - which, in the Indian context, are either public toilet complexes (public toilets) or community toilet complexes (CTCs) - in theory, have access to sanitation infrastructure. However, the situation on the ground is different and, as women and other socially excluded groups are forced to defecate in the open, they face severe consequences:  High costs of using pay-and-use public toilets regularly: Even at the nominal price of Re 1 per use, public toilets are expensive for the urban poor, particularly for daily use of the entire family (UN Habitat, 2003 and 2005). Although there are successful cases of pay-and- use community toilets (e.g., organized by Gramalaya in Tiruchirapalli in Tamil Nadu; Gramalaya and WAI, 2006) and of public toilets (e.g., organized by Sulabh International across several states of India; see Chary et al, 2003), these still pose problems for poor in urban areas.11  Queues in front of public toilets: Even if the public toilet is free for use, long lines can affect access and service. The time cost of standing in these lines can lead to economic losses. Women living in low-income settlements in Pune reported that there is often a queue of 10 or 20 women. Sometimes, a woman would even defecate on the steps if the wait was too long (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 87).  Fear of being molested: In walking to distant public toilets, women face the risk of f being molested, harassed, or even raped. The dangers worsen at night, especially if there is poor lighting in and around the public toilets.  Fear of insects: Women in slums have complained about insects crawling up their legs as they use public toilets. (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 86).  Difficult to approach public toilets: Garbage, stagnant water, and children defecating near the toilets often make it difficult for users to approach the facilities. (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 85).  Blocked toilets: Public toilets are often not maintained adequately leading to blockages and overflow. While in some cases, toilets are dirty due to lack of caretakers, in other cases, it is because the appointed cleaner does not come regularly (UN Habitat, 2003.).  Having to use dirty toilets: Women from slums have reported problems associated with using poorly maintained toilets. Women have reported that toilets often have ‘no water or electricity and are not clean’. Women also claimed that ‘rags and cloths accumulate in stalls and there is a lot of dirty graffiti on the wall. The filth brings insects, mosquitoes, and other animals, further adding to the lack of cleanliness’ (UN Habitat, 2003, p. 85).  Lack of privacy: Public toilets offer minimum privacy for users because the doors to stalls are broken or missing, cannot be locked, or simply do not close properly. This often is more problematic for female users, adding to their safety risks. 11 Three categories of poor have distinguished, for instance by the Rapid Gender Assessments by UN Habitat in cities in Madhya Pradesh, the lowest being the ultra poor (UN Habitat, 2006a). 23  Gas and the danger of explosions: Women from low-income settlements in Pune recounted that although each settlement had toilets, they were not clean. ‘It is so dirty and there is no [ventilation to allow] the foul air to go out, leading to explosions’. (UN Habitat 2003, p. 90). These problems are worse for children, elderly, people with disabilities, the chronically-ill and the PLWHA. These consequences, often ignored in favor of access numbers, are not a part of decision making on UWSS issues. Thus, even as GoI designs and implements policies and programs that attempt to address UWSS issues, there remain key gaps particularly related to gender-differentiated needs of the urban poor. The next section discusses some key GoI programs that address WSS issues, and highlights gender and social inclusion related gaps. 2.5 POLICY AND PROGRAMME INITIATIVES NATIONAL URBAN INITIATIVES Water and sanitation are state subjects under the Constitution of India and individual state governments and ULBs are responsible for WSS services. Given the deteriorating UWSS situation and the ‘very limited’ impact of existing national programs to support UWSS (GOI, 2011, p. 40), GoI launched a series of policy initiatives and programs to redress this situation - (1) The Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), which includes two streams - one for 63 selected towns and cities that aimed to prepare detailed City Development Plans (CDPs), and another for the remaining towns (called Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and Medium Towns), (2) the 2006 National Service-Level Benchmarking (SLB) Exercise (3) the2008 National Urban Sanitation Policy (NUSP), which details the formulation of City Sanitation Plans (CSPs).  The Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission This ‘comprehensive program of urban renewal and expansion of social housing in towns and cities, paying attention to the needs of slum dwellers’ was launched in 2005 in 63 selected cities across the country for a period of seven years. JNNURM was launched in recognition of the fact that ‘physical infrastructure assets created in urban areas have generally been languishing due to inadequate attention and/or improper [Operation & Maintenance]’ (GOI, 2011b, p. 4). With around Rs. 100,000 crores as ear-marked funding, this major initiative to improve urban infrastructure aimed to ‘enable cities to become effective engines of growth’ and to achieve the MDGs for the country as a whole (ibid, p. 5; and MoUD, 2009, p. 2). The JNNURM has two Sub Missions: (1) The Sub Mission for Urban Infrastructure and Governance (UIG), administered by the Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) that focuses on ‘infrastructure projects relating to water supply and sanitation, sewerage, solid waste management, road network, urban transport and redevelopment of old city areas with a view to upgrade infrastructure therein, shifting industrial and commercial establishments to conforming areas, etc.’ and (2) the Sub Mission for Basic Services for the Urban Poor (BSUP) that focuses on the ‘integrated development of slums through projects for providing shelter, basic services and other related civic amenities with a view to providing utilities to the urban poor (ibid, pp. 5-6). While the JNNURM provided funding to 63 selected cities, another program called the Urban Infrastructure Development Scheme for Small and 24 Medium Towns (UIDSSMT) was created to provide funding for the remaining towns and cities as per the Census of 2001 (MoUD, 2009, p. 3).12  National service level benchmarking The MoUD started an exercise in 2006 to develop standardized service level benchmarks for basic municipal services, and in a national workshop in 2008, benchmarks for water supply, sewerage, solid waste management and storm water drainage were adopted (MoUD, 2009, p. Preface). The MoUD published a Handbook in 2009 detailing these indicators and their benchmark values (Table 2.7).13 Table 2.7: Urban Service Level Benchmarks, Ministry of Urban Development, GOI Sector Indicator Benchmark 1 Water 1.1 Coverage of water supply connections 100% Supply 1.2 Per capita supply of water 135 lpcd Services 1.3 Extent of metering of water connections 100% 1.4 Extent of non-revenue water (NRW) 20% 1.5 Continuity of water supply 24 hours 1.6 Quality of water supplied 100% 1.7 Efficiency in redress of customer complaints 80% 1.8 Cost recovery in water supply services 100% 1.9 Efficiency in collecting water supply-related charges 90% 2 Sewage 2.1 Coverage of toilets 100% management 2.2 Coverage of sewage network services 100% 2.3 Collection efficiency of the sewage network 100% (Sewerage 2.4 Adequacy of sewage treatment capacity 100% 2.5 Quality of sewage treatment 100% and sanitation) 2.6 Extent of reuse and recycling of sewage 20% 2.7 Efficiency in redress of customer complaints 80% 2.8 Extent of cost recovery in sewage management 100% 2.9 Efficiency in collection of sewage charges 90% 3 Solid 3.1 Household-level coverage of solid waste management services 100% Waste 3.2 Efficiency of collection of municipal solid waste 100% 3.3 Extent of segregation of municipal solid waste 100% Management 3.4 Extent of municipal solid waste recovered 80% 3.5 Extent of scientific disposal of municipal solid waste 100% 3.6 Efficiency in redress of customer complaints 80% 3.7 Extent of cost recovery in solid waste management services 100% 3.8 Efficiency in collection of solid waste management charges 90% 4 Storm water 4.1 Coverage of storm water drainage network 100% Drainage 4.2 Incidence of water logging/flooding 0 Source: MoUD, 2009, Benchmarks at a Glance, p. 1 Although not necessary, the idea was that performance data on these SLBs ‘should be included in the set of information disseminated under public disclosure, as required by the reforms mandate of the JNNURM’ (MoUD, 2009., p. 7). In 2009, the SLBs were piloted in 28 cities and the findings of the 12 The UIDSSMT combined earlier schemes known as the Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) and Accelerated Urban Water Supply Programme (AUWSP). 13 The Handbook also defined each indicator, specified the data needed for calculating the indicator, detailed the rationale for the indicator and described the reliability of different measurement methods. 25 pilot assessments are publicly available (MoUD, 2010 and MoUD, 2012). The Report of the Thirteenth Finance Commission submitted in 2010 urged that ‘State Governments must put in place standards for delivery of essential services provided by local bodies in the form of indicators mentioned in the Handbook of Service Level Benchmarks’ (NIUA, 2010, p. 1).  National Urban Sanitation Policy (2008) The National Urban Sanitation Policy (NUSP) adopted in 2008 was a landmark document, articulating for the first time a vision for urban sanitation in India (MoUD, 2008a, p. 7): ‘All Indian cities and towns should become totally sanitized, healthy and liveable and ensure and sustain good public health and environmental outcomes for all their citizens with a special focus on hygienic and affordable sanitation facilities for the urban poor and women. ‘The policy document identified key bottlenecks in the way of realizing this vision (Box 2.2) and defined a policy goal of transforming urban India into ‘community-driven, totally sanitized, healthy and liveable cities and towns’ (ibid.). Key sanitation policy issues to be addressed by the NUSP were the following (MoUD, 2008a, p. 7):  Poor Awareness: Sanitation has been accorded low priority and there is poor awareness about its inherent linkages with public health.  Social and Occupational aspects of Sanitation: Despite the appropriate legal framework, progress towards the elimination of manual scavenging has shown limited success, Little or no attention has been paid towards the occupational hazard faced by sanitation workers daily.  Fragmented Institutional Roles and Responsibilities: There are considerable gaps and overlaps in institutional roles and responsibilities at the national, state, and city levels.  Lack of an Integrated City-wide Approach: Sanitation investments are currently planned in a piece-meal manner and do not take into account the full cycle of safe confinement, treatment and safe disposal.  Limited Technology Choices: Technologies have been focused on limited options that have not been cost-effective, and sustainability of investments has been in question.  Reaching the Un-served and Poor: Urban poor communities as well other residents of informal settlements have been constrained by lack of tenure, space or economic constraints, in obtaining affordable access to safe sanitation. In this context, the issues of whether services to the poor should be individualized and whether community services should be provided in non-notified slums should be addressed. However provision of individual toilets should be prioritized. In relation to “Pay and Use” toilets, the issue of subsidies inadvertently reaching the non-poor should be addressed by identifying different categories of urban poor.  Lack of Demand Responsiveness: Sanitation has been provided by public agencies in a supply-driven manner, with little regard for demands and preferences of households as customers of sanitation service Specific goals of the NUSP are (A) Awareness generation and behavior change; (B) Open defecation free cities and (C) Integrated city-wide sanitation (Table 2.8) 26 Table 2.8: Detailed Goals of the National Urban Sanitation Policy, 2008 Goal Details A Awareness Generating awareness about sanitation and its linkages with public and environmental generation health amongst communities and institutions; Promoting mechanisms to bring about and sustain behavioural changes aimed at and adoption of healthy sanitation practices; behaviour change B Open All urban dwellers will have access to and use safe and hygienic sanitation facilities and defecation arrangements so that no one defecates in the open. In order to achieve this goal, the following activities shall be undertaken: free cities a. Promoting access to households with safe sanitation facilities (including proper disposal arrangements); b. Promoting community-planned and managed toilets wherever necessary, for groups of households who have constraints of space, tenure or economic constraints in gaining access to individual facilities; c. Adequate availability and 100 % upkeep and management of Public Sanitation facilities in all Urban Areas, to rid them of open defecation and environmental hazards; C Integrated Re-Orienting Institutions and Mainstreaming Sanitation City-wide a. Mainstream thinking, planning and implementing measures related to sanitation in all sectors and departmental domains as a cross-cutting issue, especially in all urban Sanitation management endeavours; b. Strengthening national, state, city and local institutions (public, private and community) to accord priority to sanitation provision, including planning, implementation and O&M management; c. Extending access to proper sanitation facilities for poor communities and other unserved settlements; Sanitary and Safe Disposal 100 % of human excreta and liquid wastes from all sanitation facilities including toilets must be disposed of safely. In order to achieve this goal, the following activities shall be undertaken: a. Promoting proper functioning of network-based sewerage systems and ensuring connections of households to them wherever possible; b. Promoting recycle and reuse of treated waste water for non-potable applications wherever possible will be encouraged. Promoting proper disposal and treatment of sludge from on-site installations (septic tanks, pit latrines, etc.); d. Ensuring that all the human wastes are collected safely confined and disposed of after treatment so as not to cause any hazard to public health or the environment. Proper Operation & Maintenance of all Sanitary Installations: a. Promoting proper usage, regular upkeep and maintenance of household, community and public sanitation facilities; b. Strengthening ULBs to provide or cause to provide, sustainable sanitation services delivery 27 Source: MoUD, 2008, pp. 8-9. A key provision of this policy is the City Sanitation Plan (CSP), which is envisioned as ‘a comprehensive document which details out the short, medium and long term plans for the issues related to governance, technical, financial, capacity building, awareness and pro-poor interventions to ensure 100% access to safe sanitation’ and also identifies ‘key areas where further detailed studies (detailed project reports) are required’ (GTZ, 2010, p. 3). In coordination with MoUD, a total of 120 CSPs are being implemented across the country with support from the major External Support Agencies (ESAs). These CSPs are meant to focus on long term, comprehensive, integrated, and hybrid solutions for the entire city. At the city level, the urban local bodies charged with providing water supply and sanitation services to all residents play a critical role in the implementation of each of these schemes. URBAN LOCAL BODIES As has been discussed earlier in this report, India is facing rapid urbanization. There is an urgent need to improve governance and service delivery in order to meet the needs of the growing urban population. In response to this, the Government of India created the 74th Amendment Act, which states that ‘ULBs should be self-sustaining bodies that are able to effectively govern the areas under their jurisdiction’. Prior to this act, ULBs did not play a very critical role in the delivery of infrastructure services due to lack of financial, institutional, and political capacity. Even now, despite additional powers and increased focus on improving ULB capacity, the growth of these local bodies has been skewed – some states are performing better than others on devolving powers, and larger ULBs are more effective at managing service delivery programs (IDF, 2010). This is clearly exemplified in the delivery of water supply and sanitation services. Even though consequences of inadequate water supply and sanitation services have been recognized as ‘local issues that require local solutions’ (GoI, 2006), many ULBs, particularly in small cities, lack the capacity to meet the increasing needs of all residents. The water delivery and sewerage systems in large cities are generally in a better condition than in small and medium cities, and these smaller ULBs often lack the capacity to effectively manage large WSS programs (IDF, 2012). Small and medium sized ULBs also lack appropriate institutional frameworks to achieve good service delivery. They lack staff and technical capacity because they are unable to attract qualified people. The lack exposure to good practices, training programs, cross-learning opportunities, financial and commercial management skills compounds the inability of these ULBs to meet the needs of all residents, particularly the poor (MoUD, 2012). These challenges further add to gender burdens associated with providing and accessing WSS in small and medium sized cities. There is between 33 to 50 percent reservation for women in urban local bodies, which is expected to ensure their increased representation and participation, and also mainstream gender concerns in governance and decision-making, particularly in the water supply, sanitation, solid waste management, health and education sectors (ToI, 2012). Despite these provisions, given the overall lack of capacity, women working in small ULBs are unable to clearly articulate their need for training and operation support (MoUD, 2012). In the WSS sector, this implies men and women who are a 28 part of small and medium sized ULBs are unable to make any significant advances in identifying and meeting gender specific WSS needs. The quota-based representation of women also fails to address concerns of gender mainstreaming in WSS related decision-making. The lack of available finances for small and medium sized ULBs implies that even if women and men are able to identify specific WSS needs, they may not be able to design and run effective programs. In rare cases where any such programs are instituted, the men and women comprising the ULB lack the capacity, training, and knowledge to be able to effectively operate and maintain them. In this way, a viscous chain is created where small and medium sized ULBs lack the capacity to meet WSS needs of residents, which has acute impacts on urban poor women and socially excluded groups, further adding to the inefficiencies of the delivery systems and to the challenges faced by the local bodies. These gaps are exacerbated by the lack of specific gender objectives in national policies and programs. Clearly, therefore, the size of problems is large and growing. But these problems cannot just be judged in terms of numbers. Who suffers these problems also matters. The problems faced by the urban poor and, within this group, by women and other socially-excluded groups, are of primary concern. Given the Government of India’s emphasis on improving access to water and sanitation (GoI, 2002, Section 6.1) it is imperative to find policy solutions and operational answers to the water supply and sanitation issues for the urban poor women and socially excluded groups. In responding to these challenges, it is also important to acknowledge that this problem disproportionately affects urban poor women. Water and sanitation issues are not simply problems of access; they are deeply linked to gender development. WSS issues are underpinned by an imbalance in access to information, physical work, contribution in time and money, decision-making and access to and control of resources and benefits. In order to design and implement effective urban water supply and sanitation programs, looking at gender-differentiated needs and issues of social exclusion is imperative. GENDER AND SOCIAL INLCUSION GAPS IN POLICIES AND PROGRAMS There is no clear engagement with gender issues in WSS related policies. Even though women are often considered the main beneficiaries of WSS programs, their role in designing, planning, implementing and managing WSS schemes is limited. This chronic underrepresentation of women in decision-making bodies indicates that the national, regional and local policies are unable target gender differentiated needs in the WSS sector. Through benchmarking of WSS utilities several key ways to improve performance and service delivery were identified, including improved data management, better metering, and improved monitoring of network performance. Representatives of JNNURM and MoUD decided that during the next revision of the city development plans, cities can be asked to assess their water and sanitation systems using benchmarking indicators (WSP, 2010). While benchmarking of WSS utilities provides an important tool for improving service delivery, there is no clear gender-related performance indicator within this exercise. Technical and financial considerations, while important to improve ULB performance, also serve to hide the socio- political complexities of gender-differentiated WSS needs as discussed earlier in this report. India’s largest urban development program, the JNNURM, exemplifies this lack of awareness around gender in development schemes. Gender, it is argued, remains a key area of exclusion within JNNURM (UN WOMEN, 2012). Independent reviews have revealed that the consultations for the CDPs were organized in a way that made the participation of the poor and of the illiterate extremely difficult. Groups representing women were also not included as stakeholders in the consultative 29 process (Khosla, 2009). The implementation also assumed that male-headed households are the norm and that infrastructure is equally accessible to men and women and to rich and poor, which creates a gender- blind development policy, rendering the program incapable of meeting the needs of particularly vulnerable groups. One of the key components of JNNURM’s - Basic Services for Urban Poor – focuses on developing new housing units, without an equal emphasis on improving services for poor residents without secure land tenure. These housing units, often a replacement of existing slums, are located further and further from city center, exacerbating women’s economic and social vulnerability. Despite the increasing number of female-headed households in urban areas, there has been no gender analysis of housing schemes and upgrading programs. Because there is a lack of focus on gender- differentiated needs, local municipal staff lacks the motivation and the capacity to address gender concerns. Another key aspect of this is accessing adequate water supply and sanitation services. In attempting to do so, women, and particularly poor women, face challenges due to an absence of norms in services (hours of supply, time of supply etc.), which results in high opportunity costs. There continues to be a lack of clarity of roles and responsibilities of duty bearers. Within the JNNURM context, then, poor women are often caught in a double bind – they are not involved in the consultative process in order to better influence the design of schemes and also bear a disproportionate share of consequences of the inequitable design and implementation. This ‘gender imbalance’ translates from the national level policy programs to the local UWSS service delivery. The NUSP attempts to address some of these issues. The NUSP acknowledges that sanitation policies and interventions need to address the needs of women and of the poor, however, there is limited engagement on how ULBs, especially small and medium sized utilities can effectively meet these specific needs given their capacity limitations. Thus, even though there is an interest in engaging with GSI issues the way forward is not clearly defined and there are no tools to measure gender outcomes. The systemic gaps for engaging with GSI issues in UWSS are clearly indicated – national level policies are not providing a definite way forward, and ULBs, particularly small and medium utilities, lack the capacity to implement, operate and maintain any ongoing GSI-focused UWSS programs. In response to these gaps, development partners such as WSP have suggested a path for reforming WSS institutions. These reforms, which include removing legal and administrative barriers that can prevent urban poor from accessing services, strengthening service providers, employing a cost recovery and subsidy policies, removing physical and technical barriers to infrastructure, and addressing macro-level policy gaps (WSP, 2009), provide very critical interventions that will help improve men and women’s access to WSS services in urban areas. However, even within these reforms, GSI issues are not the focus. Technical, financial, and legal issues and not GSI concerns remain at the center of this reform agenda. Gender awareness, then, is both critically important and relatively absent from India’s water supply and sanitation sector. Gender-differentiated needs and priorities are neither a part of national, regional & local policies, nor of program design, implementation and management. Women, especially poor women, and socially excluded groups become spectators of water and sanitation related decision-making processes and bear the highest share of the consequences of poor or no services. The challenge that remains is to reorient the thinking within this sector, by understanding and addressing gender differentiated needs at the level of policy, institutions and the community, creating meaningful partnerships between policy makers, 30 development partners, ULBs, NGOs, and community residents. 2.6 KEY FINDINGS The literature review highlights several key findings on gender and social exclusion issues faced by the urban poor in accessing water supply and sanitation services in India.  Urban water supply and sanitation problems for the poor are large and growing: Globally and within India, the urban poor - and within this larger group, women, children, the elderly, the disabled and PLWHA - face critical problems in accessing water supply and sanitation services in cities – even if they have access to the physical infrastructure. These problems are likely under-estimated by the methods used by international measurement surveys like the JMP and national surveys like the NSS due to their continued focus on physical infrastructure rather than on service delivery.  Relatively limited literature: Despite the scale of WSS problem in urban areas, the literature has a rural bias. Existing literature that focuses on urban areas is skewed towards large cities such as Delhi, Mumbai or Bangalore. There is very limited information on medium-sized cities and smaller towns even though these are rapidly increasing in number across India (and elsewhere). The available literature is either in the form of large country-level studies (e.g., the National Sample Survey on water supply and sanitation facilities in slums) or anecdotal evidence based on a relatively small sample of slums (e.g., from 20 slums in Bhopal, Indore, Gwalior and Jabalpur).  Gender-blind policies: The steps taken by the GOI to promote ‘urban renewal’ focus largely on framing policy guidelines (e.g., the NUSP), providing funds to urban local bodies (ULBs) and utilities (e.g., JNNURM and UIDSSMT), earmarking funds for pro-poor development (e.g., Basic Services for the Urban Poor) and subjecting them to regular comparative assessments (Service Level Benchmarking). These strong pro-poor policies, however, ignore differences between the WSS needs of men and women, the rich and poor, and different social groups.  Women bear a disproportionate share of problem related to accessing public water taps and public toilets: Women are primarily responsible for water collection and use in urban households. Even well-functioning public taps that are delivering high quality services can pose health and safety problems for women who have to make several trips to collect and carry water. Further, well-functioning public taps do not ensure access for groups and individuals that are excluded from accessing public infrastructure for social reasons. Poor quality service poses additional problems for women and children (e.g., time wasted in waiting for water or going to alternate sources, getting late for paid work, house work, or school). These problems are worse for pregnant, disabled, chronically ill and elderly men and women.  Options for addressing gender and social exclusion: Two broad set of options to address social inclusion in water supply and sanitation are to (i) provide piped water supplies directly to households and support households in building household toilets – which will have a beneficial effect across different categories of the socially excluded; and (ii) raise provision 31 to an intermediate level e.g., hand pumps and piped water schemes, supplying good quality water within a short distance of houses and, in the case of sanitation, providing well- functioning community toilets and public toilets, again within a short distance of homes. The second option requires involving women and men in all major decisions (e.g., siting of the public stand posts; hours of supply; maintenance arrangements, etc.) in order to ensure that specific issues of socially excluded groups (e.g., women, elderly, children, disabled) are taken into account.  Household-level service best addresses social inclusion: If the urban poor were provided good quality piped water supply in their houses and had functioning household toilets, gender and social inclusion problems would be addressed satisfactorily. There have been significant policy changes since 2005 which have improved the capacity of cities and their local institutions to provide household-level piped water supplies to all residents, including those living in slums and other poverty pockets (MoUD 2008, 2009).  ‘Intermediate’ service levels are more realistic in the short run: It is also clear that the massive problem of water supply and sanitation in all 7,935 Indian towns and cities will not be addressed with just one intervention. Thus, providing well-functioning public toilets and water points is essential to improving access for the urban poor, even as we aim for providing household level service in the future. It is important to note that women will continue to face harassment on the streets as they go to collect water or use public toilets. And, without maintenance of infrastructure, they may still face other health and safety risks.  The poor are willing to pay for improved service delivery: Poor urban customers have demonstrated that they are willing and able to pay for good quality services, and have been paying more, particularly for water supply, as compared to what higher income residential consumers pay for piped water.  Gender mainstreaming: Efforts to include women in water supply have centered on ‘mainstreaming gender’ into planning, implementation and evaluation of both government programs and donor-funded pilot projects (e.g., UNDP, 2003, SDC, 2005; AusAid, 2005). Although this literature does not explicitly demarcate between rural and urban water supply, the underlying context for the majority appears to be rural, and only some of this literature focuses on urban women (e.g., UN Habitat, 2003, 2005 and 2006). The message, however, is the same: to give women a greater voice in planning, implementation and evaluation of water supply programs and projects, of governments or donors. Women’s role in service delivery appears to be conspicuously absent. Also, it fails to address a vital gender issue in urban water supply and sanitation - working poor women do not have time to participate in all decision-making processes, or attend meetings, workshops and trainings that are a necessary part of project activities. However, there are a growing number of initiative where SHGs are running community or public toilets: early examples (1998 – 2003) include Mumbai, Pune, Kanpur, Bangalore and Hyderabad (Burra et al., 2003, Baken, 2010), and more recently, Tiruchirapalli, Gwalior and Kolkata.  Utilities vary widely across India in their capacity and service delivery: Larger cities seem to have more human and financial resources to provide better quality of water supply and sanitation services, as compared to smaller cities. Given that smaller cities are growing rapidly, extra efforts are needed to improve their capacity to provide good quality water supply and sanitation services, especially to the urban poor. 32  Need city-specific surveys of GSI in UWSS among the urban poor: A better understanding about the nature of the gender and social exclusion problems faced by the urban poor is a vital first step towards improving their access to adequate water supply and sanitation services. Equally important is to analyze innovative UWSS initiatives that address GSI concerns in order to highlight the lessons they offer. 3. FIELD STUDY 3.1 FIELD WORK BACKGROUND OBJECTIVES The literature survey suggested three key gender and social inclusion issues in urban water supply and sanitation. First, women are still primarily responsible for water collection and use in urban households. Second, even well- functioning public taps delivering ‘high quality’ services (e.g., 24 hours of good-quality water at good pressure, from a large network of well-maintained taps) can pose health and safety problems for women who have to make several trips to collect water. Third, these problems are worse for pregnant, disabled, chronically ill and elderly women. Some groups and individuals may not be able to access these services due to social reasons. Poor quality service, then, poses far greater challenges for women and socially excluded groups. Women and girls spend time waiting for water or searching for alternate water sources, which excludes them from academic, economic and leisure activities. While household level water supply can address many of gender and social exclusion related issues associated with public water supply, merely providing taps is not enough. It is necessary to look at quality of service (e.g., water quality and the adequacy, predictability and reliability of supply), current status of infrastructure, bill payment mechanisms in place, and level of customer service, all of which could pose problems for women and socially–excluded groups. The field study, therefore, assesses the quality of service delivered by public and household-level water taps and toilets, and analyzes the consequences of poor service delivery for women and socially-excluded groups. Initial findings from the literature review and from preliminary fieldwork suggested that the existing institutional arrangements in urban WSS sector were very limited. Based on this information, this field study assesses (i) the WSS problems faced by women and socially excluded groups across a large sample of slums, and (ii) the relative success of different approaches to address GSI problems, including analyzing alternate technical and institutional arrangements, and looking at the impact of household piped water supply and household toilet facilities in these slums. FIELD WORK LOCATIONS The literature review revealed that there were 53 Million-Plus cities in India, 468 Class I Cities (with a population of over 100,000) and 738 cities and towns (Census of India, 2011). The total slum 33 population across all urban areas is about 115 million (extrapolating from the 42 million identified in the 2001 Census), and ‘80% of the urban poor reside in cities with populations less than one million’ (Cities Alliance, 2011). Since these numbers indicated that the ‘universe’ to sample from is large, a diagnostic dipstick survey was conducted. While this survey was not statistically representative, it provided critical information for site selection. Based on this survey, it was decided that the field study would cover a large sample of slums (100 slums) across two cities, one representing large cities (>1 million) and another representing smaller cities (<1 million). In order to select the two cities, a list of 19 potential sites was drawn up. Only cities not covered in the case study analysis were included and the criterion for selection was the use of innovative approaches to UWSS service delivery (Table 3.1). From the list, Gwalior was selected to represent smaller cities (with population of 100,000 or less. The public toilets in Gwalior include incinerators for better menstrual hygiene and are more accessible for users with disabilities. The management of these innovatively designed toilets has been handed over to a local NGO. Gwalior was also a part of a small UN-HABITAT initiative that looked at gender mainstreaming, which was later carried forward in ADB and DFID-funded UWSS projects. Pune was the second city selected for this study. It represents cities with a population of over one million residents. The operations and maintenance of public toilets in Pune is typically handed over to the slum communities. NGOs in Pune have also completed detailed digital mapping of slums, providing valuable data for this work. 34 Table 3.1: List of potential cities for field study, with innovative approaches to UWSS Slum Covered Population % Slum to Population Innovations in Innovations in City State Population in case 2001 total 2011 water supply to sanitation 2001 study? (Million) population (Million) the urban poor for the urban poor (Million) 1 Belgaum Karnataka 0.46 0.06 12% 0.49 24x7 water supply to slums Yes Hubli- 2 Karnataka 0.79 0.18 23% 0.95 24x7 water supply to slums Yes Dharwad 3 Gulbarga Karnataka 0.43 0.53 24x7 water supply to slums Yes 4 Jamshedpur Jharkhand 1.13 0.06 5% 0.63 Good quality & reliable supply 5 Bangalore Karnataka 4.29 0.35 8% 8.49 Improved quality, reliable supply Yes Kulgaon- 6 Maharashtra 0.10 0.18 24x7 water supply to slums Badlapur 7 Nagpur Maharashtra 2.05 0.73 36% 2.40 24x7 water supply to slums Andhra 8 Kadapa 0.33 0.34 Citizen's Service center Pradesh Andhra 9 Vijayawada 1.04 0.03 3% 1.05 Water connections in 24 hours New public toilets built & run by Sulabh Pradesh Andhra 10 Hyderabad 3.45 0.60 17% 6.81 New public toilets built & run by Sulabh Pradesh 11 Kolkata West Bengal 4.58 1.49 33% 4.49 Public toilets rehabilitated by MC & run by SHGs 14 Kalyani West Bengal 0.08 0.10 Pay-and-use toilets in 44 ODF slums; New public Yes 12 Mumbai Maharashtra 11.90 5.80 49% 18.41 toilets with new design run by community Yes 100% sewerage in slums + 100% waste water 13 Navi Mumbai Maharashtra 0.10 Yes treatment & selling recycled water 15 Alandur Tamil Nadu 0.15 0.03 23% 0.16 All households connected to u/ground sewerage 16 Tiruchirapalli Tamil Nadu 0.75 0.17 23% 1.02 Community toilet operated by SHGs Yes UT of 17 Chandigarh 0.81 0.11 13% 0.96 New Public toilets built by MC & run by Sulabh Chandigarh 203 household toilets + 1 community toilet with Madhya Gender Mainstreaming 18 Gwalior 1.05 incinerator & disabled/elderly access; Pradesh Action Plan Community toilets refurbished & handed to NGO Child-friendly toilet blocks built with people's 19 Pune Maharashtra 2.54 0.53 21% 3.11 Contribution; 200+ public toilets built & handed to the community by SPAARC & Shelter Associates Sources: GOI (2011c); GOI (2011d); Govt of Jharkhand (n.d); ASCI (2011, 2012); WaterAid and Gramalaya (2008); WSP (2009a) 35 3.2 SAMPLING AND METHODOLOGY One objective of the field study was to cover 100 slums in each of the two cities. It was decided that a large sample size would provide robust data to support policy dialogue and ongoing government initiatives in this sector. In Pune, this sample includes 28% of the 341 notified slums for which complete secondary information was available and for Gwalior, it includes 44% of all 229 identified slums. A two stage-sampling was carried out first to identify the slums and next to identify the households for interviews within each slum. In each of the 200 slums, household interviews and group discussions were held to collect a mix of qualitative and quantitative information using both open-ended and close-ended questions (See field formats in Volume 2 of this Report). Some of the qualitative issues discussed in groups, especially those pertaining to user satisfaction and service delivery from public and household infrastructure, were probed using the Quantified Participatory Assessment (QPA), which is discussed later in this section.14 SAMPLE SELECTION PUNE Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) area includes 564 slums, out of which 357 are notified.15 As secondary data on the other slums was not available, the study was limited to 357 notified slums. Of these, PMC has detailed secondary data for 341 slums, including population information, date of notification and total area. A sample of 100 slums was selected from this universe. For the purpose of sampling, three parameters were chosen, including population, age of the community and the geographic location of the site. Population: At least 50% of all slums in Pune house less than 500 people and 6% have a population of more than 5,000 persons. There are ten slums with a population over 10,000, and two with a population over 25,000. The population distribution indicated that the top decile will include slums with more than 3,490 residents and the last decile (ignoring slums for which data are not available) will include settlements with less than 120 inhabitants. Based on the total population, Pune slums were categorized into five groups. Since a proportional sampling would have caused the sample, and thus the study findings, to be dominated by small slums, more weight was given to large slums by selecting 35% of slums from the top three categories (large slums) and the remaining 65% from the two smallest categories (Table 3.2). 14 See Appendix 1 for an overview of the Quantified Participatory Assessment. 15 Other slums are considered by PMC to be “recognised slums” and the PMC extends its schemes, subsidies and support to all these 564 slums but perhaps not to the same extent as it does to notified slums (Personal communication, Mahesh Pathak, Municipal Commissioner, PMC, 16 January 2013). 36 Table 3.2: Sampling categories based on slum size Sampling universe Sample Category Population Number of Slums % to total % to total Number of slums 1 More than 5000 23 7% 15% 3 2 3001-5000 20 6% 20% 4 3 1001-3000 73 21% 25% 18 4 401-1000 82 24% 30% 25 5 400 or below 143 42% 35% 50 TOTAL 341 100% 15% 100 Age of the slum: The age of slum was also taken into account mainly because it was expected that the service delivery levels in the older (or established) slums would be better than those in the more recently settled slums. The age of the slum is also important because it is indicative of Pune’s population growth trends. The city saw two growth stages, one in early eighties (around 1982) and another in the late nineties (after 1995). The growth in number of slums was the largest during this earlier period - accounting for 77% of total slums in the PMC area. Based on this, slums were categorized into three groups - those established more than 30 years ago, between 15-30 years ago, and during the last 15 years.16 The sample includes one-third of the slums from each category (Table 3.3).17 Table 3.3: Sampling as per age of slums Number Number Number Number Number of slums Number of of slums of slums Total of slums of slums Administrative to be slums 16 - to be to be Number less than more Ward selected 30 years selected selected of slums 15 years than 30 in the old in the in the old years old sample sample sample 1 Aundh 28 0 23 9 5 2 Bhawani Peth 51 3 1 40 13 8 3 Bibwewadi 18 9 3 9 2 0 4 Dhankavdi 4 0 4 1 0 5 Dhole Patil Road 44 3 1 34 8 7 1 6 Ghole Road 28 2 2 21 6 5 2 7 Hadapsar 34 4 2 26 4 4 2 8 Karve Road 43 5 2 34 4 4 1 9 Kasba Peth 22 1 19 7 2 10 Sahakar Nagar 32 6 22 7 4 2 11 Sangamwadi 24 1 23 9 0 12 Tilak Road 14 2 1 8 4 4 1 13 Warje Karvenagar 2 0 2 0 14 Yerawada 13 1 10 3 2 2 Total 357 37 12 275 77 45 11 16 As per date of official notification of the slum. 17The actual sample size for the oldest slums (age>30 years) had to be restricted to 24% for practical reasons: many of the older slums had turned into permanent tenements over the years. It was therefore decided to limit the study to those slums, which have not been taken up under PMC’s slum resettlement sc hemes. 37 Geographic distribution: This parameter was used to ensure that all 14 administrative wards of PMC were represented in the final sample.18 Final sample in Pune: From the strata created using the three criteria discussed above, a final sample of 100 slums was selected using random sampling. However, because the sampling was done on a priori basis using secondary data from PMC that had been compiled 3 to 4 years ago, some slums selected in the final sample have since been converted into permanent settlements under resettlement or renovation schemes. Such slums were finally excluded from the study. These were replaced by slums from the same ward that were also of comparable age and size. A supplementary list of 30 slums was prepared from which replacement slums were randomly selected. The final sample represents 28% of all notified slums in PMC areas and 18% of all slums in Pune city (Table 3.4; full slum list in Appendix 2). Table 3.4: Final sample of 100-slums for the Pune slum survey Total number Number of slums % of sample Administrative Ward of notified slums in the sample to total 1 Aundh 28 9 32% 2 Bhawani Peth 51 14 27% 3 Bibwewadi 18 5 28% 4 Dhankavdi 4 1 25% 5 Dhole Patil Road 44 10 23% 6 Ghole Road 28 10 36% 7 Hadapsar 34 8 24% 8 Karve Road 43 7 16% 9 Kasba Peth 22 7 32% 10 Sahakar Nagar 32 9 28% 11 Sangamwadi 24 9 38% 12 Tilak Road 14 6 43% 13 Warje Karvenagar 2 0 0% 14 Yerawada 13 5 38% Total 357 100 28% GWALIOR The sampling method for Gwalior was similar to that used for Pune. Three key modifications were made - (i) the list of slums available with the Gwalior Municipal Corporation (GMC) included both officially-listed slums and squatter settlements (collectively termed ‘poverty pockets’) which had been identified during a Poverty Mapping exercise by an NGO, Sambhav, and WaterAid India in 2005. This was for UN HABITAT and GMC’s Slum Environmental Sanitation Initiative (SESI) (UN HABITAT, 2006)); (ii) the age parameter had to be dropped, because GMC’s official list did not include information on the date of notification of the slum;19 and (iii), based on available data, number of households was used to represent the size of slums instead of the population. In order to reduce the potential bias of having the sample dominated by small slums, 10 out of the 11 large slums (defined as those having more than 700 households) were included in the sampling plan and 18 The Warje-Karvenagar Ward could not be covered because there were only two notified slums and both had been taken up under PMC’s resettlement scheme. 19The official slum list with the GMC was adopted from the list prepared by the NGO, Sambhav, as a part of their study on identification of urban poverty pockets supported by WaterAid India. This list has subsequently used even in academic studies, e.g., Kumar and Aggarwal, (2008). 38 the proportion of middle-sized slums (of 101-300 households) was reduced from 49% to 40% (Table 3.5). Table 3.5: Sampling categories based on slum size: Gwalior Sampling universe Sample Category Households Number of slums % to total % to total Number of slums 1 More than 700 11 5% 91% 10 2 301-700 51 22% 66% 34 3 101-300 113 49% 40% 45 4 100 or below 54 24% 20% 11 TOTAL 229 100% 100% 100 Geographic spread: This parameter was applied to ensure that all 20 administrative wards of GMC were represented in the final sample.20 Final sample of slums in Gwalior: The final sample of 100 slums represents 45% of all 229 slums in Gwalior (Table 3.6; full slum list in Appendix 2). Table 3.6: Final sample of 100-slums for the Gwalior slum survey Administrative Ward Total number Number of slums % of sample Number of slums in the sample to total slums 1 21 9 43% 2 24 10 42% 3 14 8 57% 4 5 3 60% 5 11 3 27% 6 4 1 25% 7 12 4 33% 8 4 2 50% 9 23 7 30% 10 4 2 50% 11 4 2 50% 12 5 2 40% 13 18 6 33% 14 1 1 100% 15 12 3 25% 16 18 11 61% 17 3 3 100% 18 11 3 27% 19 22 9 41% 20 13 11 85% Total 229 100 44% METHODOLOGY FIELDWORK DESIGN 20 Note that a group of electoral wards is known as an ‘administrative ward’ in Pune and a ‘zone’ in Gwalior. To avoid confusion, however, the term ‘administrative ward’ is used in both cases in this report. 39 A mix of qualitative and quantitative data was collected in both cities using both open-ended and close-ended questions. Questionnaire-based interviews were conducted with families that had taps and toilets in their houses, and with families that had at least one member with special needs (elderly, differently-abled, chronically ill and those living with HIV/AIDS). Different types of group discussions were held, including males only, females only, and male and female spot discussions at public water taps and toilets. Developing a sampling plan for the household survey and group discussion posed several challenges. The standard methods use to arrive at a representative sample for household interviews were not easy to apply for this study, due to the scale of the survey and the lack of secondary information on slum households. If reliable secondary information had been available, it would have been relatively straightforward to stratify the respondents and to sample randomly from the population. Field (2005), for instance, used a national register of property owners living in Peruvian slums to draw a random sample of 2,750 households to study the effects of changes in tenure security on investment in residential houses. Medical and epidemiological studies usually use lists of patients living in the slums near health centres to identify the sampling population. For instance, Ackumey et al. (2012), investigating local meanings and experiences of burulic ulcers in two municipalities in the outskirts of Ghana, used the list of endemic communities from the local Municipal Health Directorates and then had community-based surveillance volunteers to trace and register all affected persons and draw a sample of 181 respondents. It would also have been possible to do a census for a smaller number of slums as demonstrated by Anand et al (2007) while studying the risk factors for non- communicable diseases across all 2,564 men and women living in four slums located within the Ballabgarh block of Faridabad district in Haryana. However, the scope of this work required a variation of the standard slum survey sampling method. Another key challenge for Pune was that the atmosphere in the slums had been vitiated by previous surveys, especially one in March 2011 (a year and a half before the present survey) by an NGO called Mashal (Maharashtra Social Housing and Action League) to produce a Slum Atlas for Pune city. This atlas was later used by the PMC to guide its slum demolition and rehabilitation program. Local slum dwellers felt they had been misled by field surveyors and have become hostile to all subsequent surveys (10-14 August 2012).21 Prior discussions with persons knowledgeable about the ground realities in both Pune and Gwalior had revealed that the water and sanitation situation in the slums of the two cities was quite different: Pune had very few public water points and a large number of public toilets, while Gwalior had more public hand pumps and water taps and few functioning public toilets.22 Based on these challenges, a practical fieldwork design had to be developed that suited both contexts. Using field visits and pilot tests, a methodology for household surveys was first developed in Pune and then replicated in Gwalior. This is discussed in a subsequent section on Fieldwork Processes. Transect walk Two members of the field team walked around different parts of each selected slum, taking note of all public water points (taps connected to piped water supply schemes or hand pumps) and all public 21 Ms. Pratima Joshi of Shelter Associates and Dr. Ashok Dayalchand of the Institute of Health Management Pachod (IHMP). Personal communication. August 2012. 22 This is based on discussions with NGOs and government officials in Pune and Gwalior. In Pune, we spoke to Ms. Pratima Joshi and Dr. Ashok Dayalchand and, in Gwalior we spoke to Dr. SK Singh. 40 toilet blocks. The team also prepared a rough sketch of the slum, indicating the location of all WSS infrastructure. During these walks, the field team asked local residents questions regarding number of users per facility. They also asked questions regarding the number and location of households that had their own taps connection and private toilets. During the walk, the field team also identified people from different parts of the slum for an ‘introductory meeting’. Introductory meeting The field staff held an introductory meeting at a community area, such as school or anganwadi centre.23 The purpose of the meeting was for the staff to introduce themselves to community residents, provide a brief description of their agency and the purpose of their visit. The field staff was aware that they had to provide a factual account of the purpose of their work in order to avoid raising false expectation.24 Following a general discussion on available WSS infrastructure, the field team gathered detailed information on public water points and public toilets in the slum as well as on number of households with individual water taps and individual toilets in their houses. They also asked about households that had members with special needs (chronically-ill, elderly or differently-abled). This information was later used to set up household level interviews. Towards the end of the meeting, the field team informed the group about the next steps including separate group discussions with men and women, visits to public taps and public toilets, and household visits. The best times to hold each of these were also discussed. In some cases, the group discussions were held immediately after the introductory meeting. GROUP DISCUSSIONS Group discussions with men and women: Separate discussions were held with men and women. At the start of the meeting, the field staff used the sketch prepared during the transect walk to ensure that representatives from all parts of the community were present. The field team also ensured that users of all public water points (PWP) and public toilet was represented within the group. In large slums (with a population greater than 1000), two group discussions each were held with men and women. Group discussions at public water points: The field team inspected the PWPs to ensure that they were working properly. They, then, gathered male and female users of functional PWPs and held semi-structured group discussions25. Based on the information gathered during exploratory work, it was discovered that Gwalior has more PWPs than Pune. As a result, it was decided that group discussions would be held at a maximum of five PWPs in each slum, producing a maximum sample of 1000 across both cities. Group discussions at public toilets: The field team visited the functioning public toilets in the slums, visually inspected them and then held semi-structured discussions with the users present at the time. Based on prior information that Pune had a large number of functioning public toilets in each 23 Temples or mosques were avoided since not all people were allowed to enter these places 24 Residents were told that, while the data gathered during this study would be useful to better understand the WSS needs of women and socially excluded groups, the municipal corporation may not act upon the findings of the study. The field staff also mentioned the larger goal of this work was to inform government policies in the sector. 25 The format for these discussions has been included in the annex. 41 slum while Gwalior had relatively few, it was decided that group discussions would be held at a maximum of two public toilets in each slum, giving a maximum sample of 400 public toilets across both cities. The field teams were asked to carefully record their own observations to ensure the reliability of the participants’ responses. Some of the qualitative issues discussed in groups, especially those pertaining to user satisfaction and service delivery from public and household infrastructure, were probed using the Quantified Participatory Assessment (QPA), which is described in the next section. HOUSEHOLD SURVEYS Given time and budget constraints, the sample size for the household survey was fixed at 15 households per slum. This included five households each with taps, and with toilets. Five households that had members with a range of special needs26 were also selected. The total sample size was 1500 households each in Pune and Gwalior. Houses with taps and toilets  For large slums where households with taps or toilets were dispersed throughout the community, field staff used an informal plan of the neighbourhood to randomly select one household from each lane. Using this method, a total of five households with private water taps and five with private toilets were selected.  In large slums where households with private water taps or toilets were concentrated in one location, field staff made an approximate list of households in the area and identified five households from each category using simple randomisation.  In slums with fewer than 15 households with water taps or toilets, every third house was sampled. Households with members that have special needs The field team selected these households purposively, based on information gathered during the transect walk and introductory meeting. All household survey questions were addressed to the head of the household or the spouse. A total of 443 group discussions with men and women, 283 group discussions with users of public water points and public toilets, and 2,344 household interviews were carried out as part of the field study (Table 3.12). Table 3.12: Participants and respondents during fieldwork: Gwalior and Pune City Group discussions Households surveyed with 26 For the purpose of this work, households with members having different special needs were included in the survey. At least one household each with a visually challenged member, a mobility challenged member, an elderly member, a chronically ill member and a member with HIV/AIDS was selected, 42 At Public Own Own Special At Public Water With Women With Men Points Toilets Taps toilets needs Gwalior 103 103 105 36 482 475 249 Pune 115 115 26 115 427 351 360 TOTAL 225 218 131 151 909 826 609 Group Discussions 443 Spot surveys 283 Household interviews 2344 Even though the total number of group discussion held was higher, data from some was excluded for quality reasons. For Gwalior, the data from 100 discussions with men and from 97 with women was used for analysis. For Pune, data from 111 discussions with men and 120 discussions with women was used. QUANTIFIED PARTICIPATORY ASSESSMENT METHOD For group discussions, Quantified Participatory Assessment (QPA) methodology was used to gather qualitative and quantitative information. QPA was first developed using the Methodology for Participatory Assessment (MPA) and is one of many methods that allows for the quantification of qualitative information in large-sample assessments.27  QPA uses semi-structured group discussions to elicit community responses to a particular question and then allows for the conversion of these responses into numbers using an ordinal scale. Responses are assumed to range from the worst (score of 0, with a detailed description of this score) to the best case scenario (score of 100, again with a description), with an optional ‘benchmark’ score of 50.Scores above 50 are generally considered ‘satisfactory’, while those below 50 are considered ‘not satisfactory’. The semi-structured group discussions are usually conducted by trained facilitators. Each issue is discussed until a consensus is reached. The reason for the response from each group is recorded and, based on this reason, the facilitators assigns a score on a 0-100 scale.28 For this study, QPA was used because of two critical reasons: QPA surveys groups of participants, just as household questionnaires survey individual respondents. Findings reported are therefore a proportion of the total number of groups that gave a particular (qualitative) response (i.e., reason for 27 QPA evolved from the MPA developed by Christine van Wijk (van Wijk, 2003) for the Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) project of the Water and Sanitation Program (WSP), which was a multi-disciplinary and multi- country assessment exercise looking at the factors underlying the sustainability of water supply and sanitation projects (Dayal et al., 1999, Gross et al., 2001). The QPA was developed by AJ James who did the statistical analysis of the MPA data for the initial PLA study coordinated by Rekha Dayal of the Water and Sanitation Program. See also, James (2002, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d), James and Kaushik (2002), James et al., (2002), James and Snehalata (2002a and 2002b). For more details, see the Note on the QPA in Annexure 1. 28 Different options for scoring have been tried in earlier applications of the method (e.g., Pragmatix 2007), including scoring by participants using flash cards (with and without scores), and recording the consensual responses from the group and then scoring by the facilitators has been found to be most effective and least biased. Participant scoring introduced the strategic bias of trying to get ‘benchmark’ or ‘passing marks’. 43 score), which is converted into a number (‘score’). As a part of this study, more than 400 group discussions were held. The QPA methodology allowed for a broad analysis of the issues and trends across the city and also provided detailed information of the WSS services within the slums.  The QPA methodology records the reason for the score. For our work, this qualitative information allowed for a deep analysis of the problem. The QPA methodology also allowed for the integration of the qualitative and quantitative information – as opposed to the mixed methods approach that uses disparate, and often disconnected, methods to collect both types of data. 29 For the purpose of this work, the scores from the group discussions were used for statistical analysis (including testing the significance of differences, e.g., between men and women, between the two cities, and also across summer and non-summer months). The qualitative data was used to better understand the context and the underlying factors that affect access to water supply and sanitation service in gathered during the discussions gave some indication of the ‘reason for scores’ as well as factors underlying the situation reported. SERVICE DELIVERY WATER SUPPLY Parameters for service delivery Service delivery was measured by scoring user perceptions across five parameters. For each parameter, the QPA scores range from 0-100:  Adequacy: Whether or not adequate water for drinking and domestic purposes is available QPA scores range from 0 to 100  Pressure: The time taken to fill a 10-litre bucket is used as a proxy for water pressure.  Quality: Whether or not water supply is considered fit for human consumption in terms of taste, smell and appearance (e.g., muddy or having a foul smell).  Predictability: Whether or not water is supplied at scheduled timings and for scheduled durations.  Reliability: The time taken to fix breakdowns in service and if alternate arrangements are made during breakdowns – on the basis that the faster breakdowns are fixed the more reliable the supply Based on QPA questions that probed each of these parameters, a water supply service delivery ladder was constructed (Table 3.7).30 Combined QPA categories were used, such that, scores ranging from 0 to 24 represented ‘no service’, scores ranging from 25 to 49 represented ‘sub-standard 29 Prof. Mitchell Weiss. Personal communication. 24 January 2014. 30 Based on Moriarty et al., (2011). See Tables 2.3 and 2.4 on pp 6-7 in Section 2.2 of this Report. The field formats are annexed to Volume II of this Report. Note also that the last parameter in the Service Delivery Levels table of Moriarty et al., i.e., ‘improved or unimproved source’, is as per the JMP but this parameter not applicable in the present case because only improved sources (public water points and house taps using piped water supply systems) were assessed during the field study. 44 service’ from 50 to 74 was basic service, 75-99 was intermediate service and a score of 100 represented high service. For water quality, only four levels were used - 0, 25, 50 and 100 – because the descriptions are discrete and not continuous. 45 Table 3.7: Service delivery ladders: urban water supply Service Quantity Pressure Quality Predictability Reliability Level QPA Scores: QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description Description No service 0 – 24: No water from the tap for the past 0-24: Takes 0: Water is unfit for 0-24: No scheduled times 0-24: Breakdowns take more year more than 5 drinking by humans and duration of water than 7 days to fix; no minutes to fill a supply; water comes at arrangements made for 10 litre bucket different times and for alternative supply different durations Sub- 25-49: For ALL users of the water point, 25-49: Takes 2 - 25: Water is used for 25-49: Supply has scheduled 25-49: Breakdowns take 2 – 7 standard quantity is inadequate for even drinking - 5 minutes to fill drinking by humans times and duration, but days to fix; no arrangements less than 1 bucket of 10 litres for a person a 10 litre bucket despite bad smell, bad water comes at different made for alternative supply per day (e.g., because the water point is taste or colour or times than scheduled and not functional for substantial parts of the appearance (e.g., for less duration than year) [<10 litres per person per day] muddiness) scheduled Basic 50-74: For ALL users of the water point, 50-74: Takes 50: No complaints by 50-74: Supply is for 6 hours 50-74: Breakdowns are fixed quantity is adequate for ALL drinking uses around 2 users (not even daily, at scheduled times within 24 - 48 hours but no but not for ALL domestic uses (e.g., minutes to fill a muddiness) but water and duration except during alternative arrangements are cooking, washing, bathing). [40 litres per 10-litre bucket has not been tested breakdowns made for supply during such person per day] breakdowns Intermediate 75-99: For ALL users of the water point, 75-99: Takes 1-2 50: No complaints by 75-99: Supply is daily for >6 75-99: Breakdowns are fixed quantity is adequate for ALL domestic uses minutes to fill a users (not even hours (but not 24), at within 24 hours but no (drinking, cooking, washing) but not for 10-litre bucket muddiness) but water convenient and agreed alternative arrangements are additional uses (such as livestock, kitchen has not been tested times and duration, except made for supply during such gardens, micro-enterprises, etc.) [40 to 70 during breakdowns breakdowns litres per person per day] High 100: In addition to Intermediate service, 100: Takes less 100: No complaints by 100: Water is supplied 24x7, 100: Breakdowns are fixed there is adequate water for ALL users for than 1 minute to users; water has been except during breakdowns within 24 hours and ALL domestic as well as additional uses). fill a 10-litre tested using a water alternative arrangements are [>70 litres per person per day] bucket quality testing kit and made for supply during such found to be of good breakdowns (e.g., tankers) quality 46 Calculating service levels of water points For each water point, whether a PWP or a house tap, the QPA scores across five parameters were assessed and then aggregated to derive the level of service being provided. The lowest service level on each of the five parameters was taken as the service level of that water point – even if it achieved higher levels on one or more individual parameters (Table 3.8). Table 3.8: Examples of service delivery levels for PWPs in Gwalior Slum PWP QPA scores for Service name type Quantity Pressure Quality Predictability Reliability Delivery Level Chandra Nagar HP 1 75 100 0 100 0 Engle Ki Goth PT 75 75 50 0 50 1 Badee Mareaya HP 100 25 50 100 25 2 Mevati Mohalla PT 100 75 25 100 50 2 Sunaran Gali HP 100 75 50 100 75 3 New Colony No. 1 PT 75 75 50 50 50 3 Vicky Factory PT 75 100 100 75 100 4 SANITATION A similar methodology was used to derive service levels for toilets Service delivery was measured by scoring user perceptions across four parameters. For each parameter the QPA scores range from 0-100:  Cleanliness: Whether or not floors, walls and pans are clean and if there is water for flushing the toilet. Convenience: Whether or not toilets have adequate ventilation, lighting and provisions for water and soap for washing hands.  Privacy and safety: Whether or not the toilets have doors that close properly and can be locked from the inside. This also reflects if users feel safe while using the facilities. Reliability: Whether or not blockages and other problems with the toilet are resolved quickly. A sanitation service delivery ladder was constructed on the basis of QPA (Table 3.9).31 31 Based on Moriarty et al., (2011). See Tables 2.3 and 2.4 on pp 6-7 in Section 2.2 of this Report. The field formats are annexed to Volume II of this Report. Note also that the last parameter in the Service Delivery Levels table of Moriarty et al., i.e., ‘improved or unimproved source’, is as per the JMP but this parameter not applicable in the present case because only improved sources (public water points and house taps using piped water supply systems or public hand pumps) were assessed during the field study. 47 Table 3.9: Service delivery ladders: urban sanitation Service Cleanliness Convenience Privacy and Safety Reliability Level QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description QPA Scores: Description No service 0 – 24: The floors, walls and pan 0-24: There is no ventilation or lighting in the 0-24: No door for the toilet, but may 0-24: Blocks and other are dirty; there is no water toilet and no provision for washing hands or soap some cloth curtains put up for privacy problems with the toilet available inside the toilet OR they exist but do not work take more than 7 days to be resolved Sub- 25-49: The floors, walls and pan 25-49: There is poor ventilation in the toilet (very 25-49: There are doors but they may 25-49: Blocks and other standard are dirty; but there is water high; blocked by netting), no or poor light (e.g., be broken or not function properly; problems with the toilet available inside the toilet for candle or dim light); and no provision for washing locks may exist but do not work take 2 – 7 days to be flushing and washing hands or soap OR they exist but do not work resolved Basic 50-74: The pan is clean, even if 50-74: There is basic ventilation (at least one 50-74: There are doors that close 50-74: Blocks and other the floors and walls are not; opening) and lighting (working light) in the toilet, properly; with locks that function problems with the toilet there is water available inside and functioning provision for washing hands but are resolved within 2 the toilet for flushing and no soap days washing Intermediate 75-99: The pan, floors and walls 75-99: There is adequate ventilation (e.g., cross 75-90: There are doors that close 75-99: Blocks and other are clean; there is water ventilation with mosquito netting) and adequate properly; with locks that function; problems with the toilet available inside the toilet for lighting in the toilet (so it is well-lit), AND there is safety while using the toilet are resolved within 24 – flushing and washing functioning provision for washing hands and soap 48 hours (not always replaced) High 100: The pan, floors and walls 100: There is good ventilation; good lighting AND 100: There are doors that close 100: Blocks and other are clean; there is water functioning provision for washing hands and soap properly; with bolts/hooks that problems with the toilet available inside the toilet for (which is always replaced) function; there is safety while using are resolved within 24 flushing and washing. There is the toilet and in the surroundings of hours no smell. the toilet 48 3.3 FIELDWORK PROCESS PUNE Field team: In October 2012, an 11-member team (5 women and 6 men) was selected and trained for this work. They carried out the first phase of field study, however, 5 members of the team left and were quickly replaced, and after completing training, the new members were able to conduct the second phase of the work. The field team was involved in the development, testing and translation of the group discussion questionnaires. This allowed them to become more familiar with the approach, the questionnaires and the methods. The final formats for the group discussions were translated into the local language. GWALIOR Field team: A 20 person team, including 11 men and 8 women carried out the field study. The field team was trained in the use of the group discussion formats. As in Pune, the team was also involved in the development, field testing, and translation of the formats. In October 2012, the team translated the final formats into Hindi (Table 3.11). Table 3.11: Field work process in Pune Date Particulars 13-14 Sep 12 Orientation workshop for key team members 24-27 Sep 12 Orientation workshop for key team members and pilot testing of field formats 22-23 Oct 12 Field Format translation workshop 25 Oct – 1 Dec 12 Field work DATA ENTRY AND QUALITY CONTROL Data entry and analysis: Data from all filled-in and verified field formats was digitized by operators. Qualitative information written in Hindi was simply re-written in English, in order to minimize translation errors. The data was also cleaned and cross-checked, and finally the paper formats were submitted to the World Bank office in New Delhi. All data analysis was done using MS EXCEL. Quality control: Three steps were taken to minimize errors. First, the field team was asked to identify and fill any gaps in information at the end of the data collection process. Second, a customized MS ACCESS software package was designed and used for data entry, with data entry sheets resembling the paper formats to minimize any errors. Third, workshops were held with the field teams in both Pune and Gwalior to cross-check findings. SURVEY LIMITATIONS India has more than 7,500 urban areas, thus, one possible limitation of this study is the relatively small sample size of two cities. The study, however, did not aim to represent the entire urban sector in India, but rather to further investigate issues of gender and social exclusion identified during the 49 literature review. Combining in-depth city-level information with national statistics and anecdotal data allows for a better and deeper understanding of GSI issues. Another limitation is that the survey is restricted to notified slums. This was done to better understand the role of public agencies in providing water supply and sanitation services to low- income neighborhoods and the impact of such intervention on GSI issues. A final limitation is that there are few urban slum surveys in India and internationally that could inform the probes for group discussion and the questionnaires. This study, however, is also attempting to address this lack. 3.4 FINDINGS: PUBLIC WATER POINTS AND HOUSE TAPS HOUSEHOLDS AND POPULATION The average slum size in Pune was approximately 4,000-5,000 people compared to about 2,500 people in Gwalior (Table 3.13). The range in slum size for both cities was equally wide, with Pune slums housing approximately 60,000 to 70,000 people compared to 150 to 25,000 people in Gwalior slums. Table 3.13: Populations of slums surveyed in Gwalior and Pune Slum Population City Group Discussion with Maximum Minimum Total Average Gwalior Women 2,59,397 2,518 25,000 150 Men 2,61,959 2,543 16,000 150 Pune Women 5,16,025 4,230 70,000 60 Men 5,72,265 4,976 70,000 60 During group discussion in both Pune and Gwalior, men estimated larger slum populations and more households in each community as compared to the estimates provided by women (Table 3.14). Table 3.14: Number of households in the slums surveyed in Gwalior and Pune Slum Households City Group Discussion with Maximum Minimum Total Average Gwalior Women 41,083 399 2700 22 Men 46,425 451 2700 22 Pune Women 1,00,763 826 15000 15 Men 1,05,856 920 15000 15 SUMMARY OF MAIN FINDINGS Users reported that they were generally satisfied with the public water supply. A large proportion of slum-dwellers in both Pune and Gwalior had individual house taps and those using public stand posts also reported that adequate water was available. During the course of the field work, users revealed that they continued to deal with problems related to low water pressure, uncertain supply timings, poor quality, service and infrastructure breakdowns without alternative supply arrangements, poor environmental sanitation (e.g., blocked and overflowing drains) and no provisions for users with special needs. In addition, women reported that even when supply was available, they suffered from aches and pains from carrying water from PWPs. Women also had to deal with harassment even though they 50 were reluctant to report such incidents due to fear of social repercussions. There is little social discrimination at public water points (hand pumps and tap stands) in general but such problems were reported to occur when water is not supplied at scheduled times. Group discussion participants also reported that in inadequate and unreliable water supply sometimes causes adults, and particularly women, to be late for work. It was also mentioned that sometimes children were late to school due to inadequate and unreliable water supply. MAIN FINDING 1: Water supply in slums has improved however water insecurity persists.  Relatively few public taps and more house taps Although this sample-based survey did not ask households if they taps, several findings suggest that there are a fairly high number of taps in both Gwalior and Pune - (i) Group discussions revealed that there were some house taps in all of the surveyed slums in Pune and in at least 83% of those in Gwalior; (ii) There were 26 working PWPs in 19 of the slums surveyed in Pune and 105 PWPs in 58 of all slums surveyed in Gwalior (Table 3.15). Table 3.15: PWPs and House taps in slums surveyed Number of Slums Number of functioning Average PWPs % of slums City With PWPs PWPs in surveyed slums per slum with house taps Pune 100% 19 26 1.38 Gwalior 58 105 1.81 83% (iii) In Pune, 360 households that had members with special needs were surveyed. Of these, at least 96% had house taps. In Gwalior, 89% of the 249 households that had members with special needs had house taps. In the case of Gwalior, this can in part be explained by two donor-funded initiatives that focused on improving water supply infrastructure and providing credit to households for individual house connections.32  Despite improvement in water supply, people continue to seek alternate water sources. During group discussions, people reported that PWPs were used when there were problems with house taps. In both Gwalior and Pune, the large of users per PWP indicated that people continue to use alternate water supply source, despite house taps (Table 3.16). Table 3.16: Number of water points and users Number of Number of users reported per PWP City PWPs Average Maximum Minimum Gwalior 105 63 600 2 Pune 26 124 400 10 In Gwalior, where 72% of the PWPs were hand pumps, and user groups at all locations explained that these hand pumps were a part of the reason why they had ‘adequate water’. 32 The ADB-funded Urban Water Supply and Environmental Improvement Project in Madhya Pradesh (also called ‘Project Uday’) and the DFID-funded Madhya Pradesh Urban Support Program (MP USP). Details are in the case study on Gwalior in the next chapter. 51  Water supplied daily at fixed timings and generally regular, however problems worsened during summer. Group discussions at PWPs revealed that the daily supply at each point had fixed timings, although supply was uncertain in Gwalior during summer months (Table 3.17). Table 3.17: Water supply timings at PWPs: Pune and Gwalior PWPs in Gwalior (105) PWPs in Pune (26) Nature of supply from PWPs Summer Summer Non-summer Non-summer Daily supply 100% 100% 93% 87% Supply at fixed times 85% 85% 100% 100% Supply for 24 hours a day 84% 84% 19% 19% Supply for 6-23 hours a day 3% 3% 4% 4% Supply for less than 6 hours a day 18% 18% 78% 78% During summer months, pumping water took although it took longer to pump the water during the dry season. Daily public tap supply was generally for 6 hours in Gwalior slums and for 3-4 hours in Pune slums. Only in small proportion of slums reported problems, with the large number of users per PWP and low pressure being the most commonly reported issues. There was a range of supply timings and hours reported across the two cities, with some users indicating that water was supplied in adequate quantity and at convenient times, and others indicating that water was available for 2 hours a day during office hours. People mentioned that they had adjusted their schedules to ensure that they would be able to collect water and had gotten used to the timings.  General satisfaction with public water supply During group discussions 78% of men and women reported above average satisfaction with their water supply, while 14 % of men and women reported dissatisfaction (Figures 3.4 and 3.5). Figure 3.4: User satisfaction with PWP service delivery in Gwalior slums: men and women 52 Scores from 0 to 24 5% % of women only groups WORST CASES: Very unsatisfied; they have major issues with service delivery 5% % of men only groups Scores from 25 to 49 9% BELOW BENCHMARK: Unsatisfied but managing: they have some issues but still forced to manage 9% Scores from 50 to 74 8% BENCHMARK: Satisfied: they have occasional problems, but are satisfied generally 8% Scores from 75 to 99 22% ABOVE BENCHMARK: Quite satisfied: Problems are very rare] 23% Scores of 100 56% IDEAL: Very satisfied: Problems are very rare and are fixed quickly 55% Note: Data from 105 groups of male users and 104 groups of female users of PWPs in Gwalior slums Figure 3.5: User satisfaction with PWP service delivery in Pune and Gwalior: men and women Gwalior Public Water Points: Women 5% 9% 8% 22% 56% Gwalior Public Water Points: Men 5% 9% 8% 22% 55% Pune Public Water Points: Women 11% 7% 32% 50% Pune Public Water Points: Men 14% 36% 50% Very unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied generally Quite satisfied Very satisfied Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior Improvements in water supply to slums in both Gwalior and Pune may explain the high user satisfaction levels. While piecing together water from multiple sources, including hand pumps, house taps and public taps provides adequate supply; these also indicate other issues such as coping costs associated with collecting and storing water. High user satisfaction indicates improved water supply, however, the large number of PWP users in both Gwalior and Pune also indicate gaps in service. MAIN FINDING 2: Women reported more health and safety risks due to problems with water supply.  Aches and pains from carrying water Respondents in nearly half the groups in Gwalior (and more women-only groups) reported pains in the neck, backaches, and pain in the limbs from carrying water (Table 3.34). Table 3.34: Health problems from carrying water, Gwalior and Pune Groups in slums that said that... City Group Yes, Because of carrying water they suffer ... 53 Discussions we have Pain in Injuries from falling health Pain in Other the down while carrying with Backaches the problems problems limbs neck water Gwalior Women 50% 12% 9% 25% 3% 1% Men 46% 6% 14% 20% 2% 4% Pune Women 15% 6% 0% 8% 1% 0% Men 16% 8% 2% 6% 0% 0% In Pune, the taps were located on the street outside each household, and more women than men reported injuries and other health problems as they carried buckets of water into their homes.  Women were harassed at PWPs, however, they frequently chose not to report such incidents due to social pressure Only a small number of groups mentioned that women faced harassment while collecting water (Table 3.35). Table 3.35: Harassment faced while accessing public water points, Gwalior and Pune Groups where at least one member said there was at least one incident of ... Group Pulling City Discussions Name Throwing Whistling or clothes, Harass Physical calling or stones and passing lewd pinching or Others -mint abuse with verbal pebbles comments fondling teasing skin Gwalior Women 7% 2% 1% 1% 3% 0% 0% Men 9% 7% 0% 2% 0% 0% 0% Pune Women 2% 2% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% Men 3% 2% 0% 1% 0% 0% 0% Only 1% of respondents in Gwalior and 2% in Pune reported incidents every day, with a similar proportion saying once a month and rarely (Table 3.36). Table 3.36: Incidents of violence against women and girls, Gwalior and Pune Groups where at least one member said ... Group Yes, there women and girls are harassed ... Discussions are more City incidents Once a Once a with Every 2-3 days per Rarely day week week month now Gwalior Women 2% 1% 0% 0% 1% 0% Men 5% 1% 0% 0% 2% 2% 54 Pune Women 3% 2% 0% 0% 2% 0% Men 6% 2% 1% 1% 2% 1% Discussions revealed that, harassment is generally not reported for fear that this would adversely affect the reputation of the girls and women involved. This indicates that the data may underestimate the problem.  Users with special needs faced additional problems in accessing water Group discussions in Gwalior indicated that users with special needs, for example, pregnant women, users with disabilities, and elderly men and women, faced additional problems in accessing PWPs. (Table 3.37). These issues were less pronounced in Pune because most households had private taps. However, even with house taps, getting water from the street-level tap into homes was difficult for people with disabilities and for the elderly. Table 3.37: Problems faced at public water points by special groups, Gwalior and Pune Groups in slums that said that... Group Yes, these special groups face problems at public water points: City Discussions Disabled Adolescent Adolescent Old Old Pregnant Disabled with Women women Men Girls Boys women Men Gwalior Women 18% 14% 14% 20% 14% 23% 17% Men 16% 21% 17% 17% 11% 16% 16% Pune Women 7% 6% 4% 0% 1% 3% 3% Men 6% 7% 4% 1% 2% 5% 4% MAIN FINDING 3: Very few incidents of social discrimination reported at water points Group discussions revealed that there were very few instances of social discrimination at PWPs and more such cases were reported in Gwalior than in Pune. More male (Table 3.38) and lower caste33 residents (Table 3.38) reported social discrimination. Table 3.38: Social discrimination at public water points, Gwalior and Pune Proportion of slums where respondents said ... Responses We face the different types of discrimination at water points ... From Have to give Have to Have to Physically priority to collect on City Group collect Yes, there is prevented Punished others behalf of water Discussion social from if discrimination collecting whenever some only collecting with Water water some others other when no come persons one else 33 The group discussions in the slums also covered discrimination against specific social groups – tribals, widows, physically challenged, prostitutes, witches, menstruating women, eunuchs and homosexuals – but no discrimination was reported against any of these groups of users. 55 is around Gwalior Women 4% 3% 0% 0% 1% 0% Men 7% 1% 0% 1% 5% 0% Pune Women 2% 1% 0% 1% 0% 0% Men 1% 0% 0% 1% 0% 0% Table 3.39: Targets of social discrimination, Gwalior and Pune Yes, there is Who are discriminated against? City Group Discussion with social discrimination Others Muslims Low Castes Gwalior Women 4% 0% 3% 1% Men 7% 1% 6% 0% Pune Women 2% 1% 0% 1% Men 1% 0% 1% 0% One possible reason for the general lack of discrimination is that lower caste and minority groups tend to congregate in certain slums. Each slum, then, is further organized based on social categories, and people of the same caste, tribe, religion and community tend to live together. Each section of the slum tends to have its own PWPs. A slum-wise analysis showed this trend in both Pune and Gwalior (Table 3.40). Table 3.40: Slums with majority communities: Pune and Gwalior Gwalior Pune Majority community Number of slums Majority community Number of slums 1 Muslim 18 Boudha 31 2 Koli 8 Muslims 30 3 Kushwaha 7 Maratha 24 4 Jatav 7 Teli 7 5 Harijan + SC 7 Kunbi 7 6 Pandit 5 Marwadi 2 7 Thakur 2 Matang 2 8 Valmiki 2 9 Bhagel 2 10 BC and OBC 1 11 Kumhar 1 12 Manjhi 1 13 Brahman 1 14 Sharma 1 Such social stratification is also apparent in the names given to the slums in Gwalior34 although not in Pune. The only case of discrimination reported was in a Gwalior slum, where lower caste residents were forced to wait until other more politically powerful groups had collected water from the PWPs. In another Gwalior slum, a feud between two communities led to issues in water supply. However, most communities in both Pune and Gwalior did not report any social discrimination at PWPs. 34 In Gwalior, some slums, for example Jatavpura, Harijan Basti, Karigari Mohalla, Rassiwala Mohalla, and Machchi Addi, have been named based on the majority community. Harijan Basti implies that the majority of the residents are scheduled caste and tribes; Karigari Mohalla indicates that most residents are karigars or artisans; Rassiwala mohalla implies the community of rope makers and Machchi Addi is the community of fishermen. 56 MAIN FINDING 3: Users report good quality service from PSPs Group discussions at PWPs were used to assess user-perceived service delivery in terms of quantity (adequacy), pressure, quality, predictability and reliability, using the QPA. Findings on each of these are presented first followed by the service delivery levels for each PWP.  Quantity: Users reported adequate water supply from PWPs in both Pune and Gwalior Users at most PWPs in Gwalior felt that there was adequate water available for drinking and domestic uses: QPA scores showed that 90% of PWPs provided basic or better service (59% provided High Service) in both summer and non-summer months, (Figure 3.6). Figure 3.6: Adequacy of water from PWPs in Gwalior: Non-summer and summer Non- 9% summer 0-24: No service: No water from the tap for the past year Summer 9% 25-49: Sub-standard service: For ALL users of the water point, 0% quantity is inadequate for even drinking - less than 1 bucket of 10 litres for a person per day (e.g., because the water point is not functional for substantial parts of the year) [<10 lpcd] 0% 50-74: Basic: For ALL users of the water point, quantity is 4% adequate for ALL drinking uses but not for ALL domestic uses (e.g., cooking, washing, bathing) [40 lpcd] 6% 75-99: Intermediate service: For ALL users of the water point, 27% quantity is adequate for ALL domestic uses (drinking, cooking, washing) but not for additional uses (such as livestock, kitchen gardens, micro-enterprises, etc.) [40 - 70 lpcd] 26% 59% 100: High service: In addition, there is adequate water for ALL users for ALL domestic as well as additional uses) [>70 lpcd] 59% Note: Data from group discussions with users at 105 PWPs in Gwalior slums More users reported that water supply during summer months was inadequate. Nearly 60% of PWPs in Gwalior were reported as having ’high service levels’ compared to none in Pune (Figure 3.7). One reason for this difference is that most PWPs in Gwalior were high-capacity public hand pumps, while all Pune PWPs were public taps supplied by municipal piped water. Figure 3.7: Adequacy of water supplied from PWPs in summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune Gwalior public taps: 9% 6% 26% 59% Summer Gwalior public taps: 9% 4% 27% 59% Non-summer 1% Pune public taps: 4% 43% 54% Summer Pune public taps: 36% 64% Non-summer Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior Discussions with users clearly indicated that the quantity of water is not a major concern in Gwalior. The perception of adequacy was frequently based on the availability of hand pumps as an 57 emergency/security measure. In Pune slums public tap users felt that the quantity of water, the pressure and the hours of availability worsened in the summer. There were also a few PWPs, including hand pumps, where there were considerable problems with water supply in the summer. However, despite these issues, the difference in user perceptions related to adequacy of service was not significant across seasons. The difference between Pune and Gwalior was also not significant.35  Water pressure: Users reported good water pressure from most PWPs in Gwalior and Pune Using the time taken to fill a 10-liter bucket as a proxy, users were asked to assess the water pressure at PWPs. In 66% of respondents in Gwalior and 68% in Pune reported that in non-summer months approximately 2 minutes are needed to fill a 10-liter container. In summer months, the number stayed the same for Gwalior but reduced to 57% in Pune. This seasonal difference in water pressure for Pune is statistically significant (Figures 3.8 and 3.9). Figure 3.8: Pressure of water supplied through PWPs in summer and non-summer: Gwalior slums 9% 0-24:No service: Takes more than 5 minutes to fill a 10 litre bucket Non-summer 10% Summer 20% 25-49:Sub-standard: Takes 2 - 5 minutes to fill a 10 litre bucket 21% 4% 50-74:Basic: Takes around 2 minutes to fill a 10-litre bucket 3% 75-99:Intermediate service: Takes 1-2 minutes to fill a 10-litre 53% bucket 53% 15% 100:High service: Takes less than 1 minute to fill a 10-litre bucket 13% Note: Data from group discussions at 105 PWPs in Gwalior slums Figure 3.9: Pressure of water supplied through PWPs in summer and non-summer: Gwalior and Pune slums Gwalior Public Water 9% 20% 4% 53% 15% Points: Non-summer Gwalior Public Water 9% 22% 3% 53% 13% Points: Summer Pune Public Water 54% 46% Points: Non-summer Pune public water 4% 7% 61% 29% points: Summer Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior 35 Using the Wilcoxon Rank Sum test for large samples, where the z-statistic can be calculated and used to test the null hypothesis that both samples of observations (QPA consensual group scores for adequacy of water supply in summer and non-summer) came from the same population. 58 In Pune slums, group discussions confirmed that the water pressure from the public taps in slums was markedly worse in summer months due to general water scarcity. Quality: While government reports on water quality were not available, users reported adequate quality Government agencies have tested the water quality at very few PWPs in both Pune (7%) and Gwalior (1%) and the results of these tests were not shared with users. However, users did not complain about the color, taste and appearance of the water from PWPs (Table 3.18). Figure 3.18: Quality of water supplied from PWPs, summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune slums Gwalior (105 PWPs) Pune (26 PWPs) User perceptions Summer Non-Summer Summer Non-Summer Water is fit for drinking by humans 93% 96% 87% 87% Water is being used for drinking by humans 87% 87% 89% 89% Water does not smell bad 98% 98% 96% 93% Water does not taste bad 97% 97% 96% 96% Water does not have a bad colour 98% 98% 100% 100% Water does not appear muddy or dirty 98% 99% 100% 96% During discussions at almost all PWPs, the users were unanimous that water had not been tested, although they also said that there were no obvious problems with quality (i.e., taste, smell or appearance). However, there were complaints regarding quality from some PWPs, and the users reported that they did not use the water for drinking. Predictability: Users reported predictable water supply from most PWPs Predictability was assessed on the basis of whether PWPs had regular timings and duration of supply. Most public taps had scheduled timings although duration of supply varied: while hand pumps in Gwalior slums delivered water 24 hours a day, most public taps in Pune and Gwalior supplied water for a maximum of 6 hours a day (Table 3.19). Table 3.19: Predictability of water supply from PWPs, summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune slums PWPs in Gwalior (105) PWPs in Pune (26) Hours of supply from PWPs Summer Summer Non-summer Non-summer 24-hour supply per day 18% 18% 70% 69% 6 hours or less supply per day 16% 17% 68% 75% Unpredictable supply 11% 11% 11% 4% The QPA assessment of predictability showed that PWP supply was more reliable (i.e., water came at scheduled times and for scheduled duration) during non-summer months in both Gwalior and Pune, although the difference in Gwalior was not statistically significant (Figures 3.10 and 3.11). Figure 3.10: Predictability of water supply from PWPs in Gwalior: Summer and Non-summer 59 7% Non-summer 0-24: No Service: No scheduled times and duration of water supply; water comes at different times and for different durations Summer 9% 25-49: Sub-standard service: Supply has scheduled times and 7% duration, but water comes at different times than scheduled and for less duration than scheduled 7% 9% 50-74: Basic: Supply is for 6 hours daily, at scheduled times and duration except during breakdowns 8% 75-99: Intermediate: Supply is daily for >6 hours (but not 24), at 5% convenient times and duration agreed by the Ward Committee and Ward Sabha, except during breakdowns 7% 72% 100: High: Water is supplied 24X7, except during breakdowns 70% Note: Data from group discussions with users at 105 PWPs in Gwalior slums Figure 3.11: Predictability of water supply from PWPs in Pune: Summer and Non-summer Gwalior public water 7% 7% 9% 5% 72% points: Non-summer Gwalior public water 9% 7% 8% 7% 70% points: Summer Pune public water 39% 57% 4% points: Non-summer Pune public water 4% 46% 50% points: Summer Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior While 72% of PWPs in Gwalior slums delivered ‘high service levels’ in non-summer months 70% provided the same level of service in summer months. Only 4% of PWPs in Pune slums delivered ‘high service levels’, with no PWP delivering this level of service in summer months. During group discussions, particularly in Gwalior, it was clear that hand pumps were considered more reliable than public taps. Users reported that water was supplied through public taps in Gwalior and Pune for 6 hours a day, although there were some exceptions. In a few slums, water was supplied only for 2 hours a day. Users of some PWPs in Gwalior also reported that water was not always supplied at convenient times or for a long enough duration. The worst cases in Gwalior were public taps where water was supplied at scheduled times and for specific durations however, water was only available on alternate days. In Pune slums, the water was generally supplied at the scheduled time and for the scheduled duration but at very low water pressure. As a result, only a few users could collect water and each user spent a longer time on the task. Reliability: Users reported that most PWP breakdowns were fixed within two days 60 The ‘reliability’ of water supplied from PWPs is defined in terms of time taken to fix breakdowns in service and the alternate arrangements made during breakdowns. Breakdowns in most PWPs (53%) in Gwalior and in Pune (61%) were reportedly fixed within 48 hours. For 24% of PWPs in Gwalior and 11% in Pune, it took between 2 to 7 days to fix service breakdowns (Table 3.20). Table 3.20: Reliability of water supply from PWPs, summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune slums Number of Season Time to restore supply after breakdowns (summer) City water points Don’t know <24 hrs. 24-48 hrs. 2-7 days >7 days Gwalior 105 Non-summer 15% 20% 41% 15% 9% Summer 15% 19% 42% 15% 9% Pune 26 Non-summer 7% 39% 43% 11% 0% Summer 7% 29% 54% 11% 0% The QPA findings indicate that 76% of PWPs in Gwalior achieve ‘basic’ or higher service delivery levels, with only 16% delivering ‘high service’. These numbers are lower in summer months (Figures 3.12 and 3.13). Figure 3.12: Reliability of water supply from PWPs in summer and non-summer: Gwalior slums 10% Non-summer 0-24: No Service: Breakdowns take more than 7 days to fix; no arrangements made for alternative supply Summer 11% 14% 25-49: Sub-standard service: Breakdowns take 2 – 7 days to fix; no arrangements made for alternative supply 14% 50-74: Basic: Breakdowns are fixed within 24 - 48 hours but no 44% alternative arrangements are made for supply during such breakdowns 44% 75-99: Intermediate: Breakdowns are fixed within 24 hours but no 16% alternative arrangements are made for supply during such breakdowns 16% 100: High: Breakdowns are fixed within 24 hours and alternative 16% arrangements are made for supply during such breakdowns (e.g., by bringing water from other sources through tankers, etc.) 16% Note: Data from group discussions with users at 105 PWPs in Gwalior slums Figure 3.13: Reliability of water supply from PWPs, summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune slums 61 Gwalior public 10% 14% 44% 16% 16% water points:… Gwalior public 11% 14% 44% 16% 16% water points:… Pune public water 4% 54% 43% points: Non-… Pune public water 14% 57% 29% points: Summer Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior There were no statistically significant differences between user-perceived reliability of water supply in summer and non-summer months. Discussions with PWP users in Gwalior slums revealed that the government provided tankers only during summer months and not during service breakdowns. Users perceived hand pumps as an important ‘back-up’ water source and only resorted to government or private tankers as a last resort. However, no GMC did not provide water tankers – or even advance warning so that users could collect and store water – in case of service breakdowns. The service level at PWPs in Pune is better, with 96% delivering ‘basic’ or higher service levels, although no PWP achieves the ‘High’ service level of fixing breakdowns within 24 hours and providing alternate arrangements. PWPs in Pune also performed better in non-summer months than in summer months (Figure 3.10). Group discussions indicated that either PMC or the local Municipal Councilors informed slum dwellers in advance about possible disruptions in water supply.  Users were satisfied with the levels of service delivery from PWPs in Gwalior and Pune even though they continued to rely on multiple sources to meet their needs. Service delivery was assessed using the QPA scores for the five parameters of quantity, pressure, quality, predictability and reliability and for the five levels of service delivery defined earlier (see Table 3.7 on p.47) - ‘No Service’, ‘Sub-standard service’, ‘Basic service’, ‘Intermediate service’ and ‘High service’ – and most PWPs in both Pune and Gwalior were found to provide ‘basic’ or better service – and service delivery was generally better in Pune slums than in Gwalior slums (Figure 3.14). Figure 3.14: Service delivery levels of PWPs, summer and non-summer, Gwalior and Pune slums Pune Public Water Points: Non-summer 81% 19% Pune Public Water Points: Summer 63% 37% Gwalior Public Water Points: Non-summer 50% 34% 14% Gwalior Public Water Points: Summer 50% 34% 15% High Service Intermediate Service Basic Service Sub-standard Service No service Note: Data from discussions with groups of male and female users at 26 PWPs in Pune and 105 in Gwalior 62 The service delivery assessment indicates that no PWPs in Pune or Gwalior had ‘high service’ levels and only 1% of PWPs in Gwalior slums had ‘intermediate’ levels. In Gwalior, almost 50% of the PWPs had sub-standard or no service. The level of service in Pune worsened during the summer with at least 37% of the PWPs provided sub-standards service compared to 19% in non-summer months. The wide seasonal variation in Pune reflects acute deficiencies in the piped water supply systems in the city, particularly for low income communities. As expected, group discussions revealed that these seasonal issues lead to consequences such as increased time-loss, more health and safety concerns and economic losses for residents. MAIN FINDING 4: Users continue to face some problems in using PWPs, however the intensity and frequency has decreased over time. Group discussions revealed that while problems such as long lines to access water from PWPs, conflicts at PWPs, uncertain supply timings and duration do exist in both Pune and Gwalior, the intensity and frequency of problems has decreased over time.  Distances and time taken to collect water are not perceived as major problems Distances to PWPs seem to be shorter in Pune slums than in Gwalior slums, with most users taking less than 15 minutes to go to and from the water point (Table 3.21). In Gwalior, 98% of the users reported that they spent 30 minutes or less on collecting water. In Pune, the time spent on water collection was even lower, with 98% of the users spending 15 minutes or less on the task. Table 3.21: Distance and time to use public water points, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups in slums that said ... City Discussion Yes, have to The time taken to and from the water point is ... walk far More than 30 min with Less than 15 min 15-30 min Gwalior Women 49% 79% 18% 2% Men 47% 82% 16% 2% Pune Women 25% 98% 2% 0% Men 27% 97% 3% 0%  The surroundings of PWPs are generally clean Cleanliness around the PWP was judged based on stagnant water surrounding the water point, lack of a platform, no connection to a drain or blockages in the connected drain. In most cases (84% in Gwalior and 82% in Pune) the surroundings of the PWP were reported as clean (Table 3.22). Table 3.22: Environmental cleanliness of PWPs: Pune, Gwalior Gwalior Pune Non-summer Summer Non-summer Summer Surroundings of the PWP are clean 81% 84% 82% 82% PWP platform connected to a drain 83% 50% 63 Gwalior Pune Non-summer Summer Non-summer Summer Stagnant water around the PWP 8% 7% 25% 21% Blocks in the drain 3% 3% 21% 18% Drain overflows into surroundings 4% 4% 11% 14% Platforms and stagnant water: A significant proportion of PWPs in Gwalior slums (83%) are connected to a drain, compared to Pune slums where only 50% have such connections. More PWPs in Pune (21-25%) had stagnant water, as compared to those in Gwalior (7-8%). This water remained stagnant around the PWPs for an uncertain number of days, and for at least 25% of PWPs in Pune, it took over a month to clean the surroundings. The time taken to clean the area around the PWPs rose marginally during non-summer months for both Pune and Gwalior. Blocked drains: In Pune, users reported that 18-21% of the PWPs had blockages compared to 3% in Gwalior, with the problem getting slightly worse in non-summer months. All blockages in Pune slums are cleared within a week, while in Gwalior, it can take over a month. Overflows: In Pune, water from 11-14% of the PWPs overflowed into the surrounding areas compared to from only 4% in Gwalior. In most cases, the water is cleared away quickly; however, in some instances, water has remained stagnant around the PWP for over a week in Pune and over a month in Gwalior.  Breakdowns in water supply are rare During group discussions, less than 12% of the groups reported that water points went out of order. More groups in Gwalior reported PWP breakdowns than in Pune (Table 3.23). Table 3.23: Frequency of repairs to public water points, Gwalior and Pune Groups in slums that said ... Group Public water points go out of order ... City Discussions Yes, water Very often Often Rarely points Very (> 3 (1-2 with go out of order rarely times/week) times/wk) (Rs. 500 with < Rs. 10 Rs. 10–50 water points Gwalior Women 6% 0% 4% 0% 2% 0% Men 7% 3% 0% 0% 4% 0% Pune Women 2% 1% 0% 1% 0% 0% Men 3% 1% 1% 1% 0% 0% During group discussions, slum residents revealed that the PWP breakdowns were more frequent in summer than in non-summer months. Such breakdowns were also more frequent in Gwalior as compared to Pune (Table 3.25). Table 3.25: Seasonal variations in repairs, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups in slums that said that breakdowns are more frequent in ... City Discussions Summer Non-summer with Gwalior Women 23% 19% Men 22% 18% Pune Women 9% 1% Men 6% 0% Residents in Pune slums were usually informed about any service breakdown at least 24 hours in advance, and thus collected and stored water. As a result they also spent less money on purchasing water (Table 3.26). In Gwalior, there was no advance warning system in place and slum residents reported collecting money and buying a tanker of water during service breakdowns. Table 3.26: Coping with breakdowns of service from PWPs Groups of users at slum public water point that said that they Number of Fetched water from another PWP Bought water City water points Groups of Groups of Groups of Groups of male users female users male users visited female users Gwalior 105 3% 3% 17% 17% 65 Pune 26 32% 32% 0% 0% Group discussions also revealed that during extended breakdowns, the Municipal Corporation supplied water through tankers. Such alternate arrangements were more common in Pune than in Gwalior (Table 3.27) Table 3.27: Alternate arrangements made during breakdowns of service from PWPs Groups of users at public water points that said that... Number of Alternative arrangements Tankers City water points made during breakdowns in arranged in visited Summer Non-summer Summer Non-summer Gwalior 105 10% 8% 18% 16% Pune 26 50% 50% 21% 21%  Few fights and disturbances due to uncertain supply Group discussions revealed that fights, conflicts and over-crowding at PWPs only took place when water was not supplied at the stipulated time (Table 3.28). The uncertainty of supply was more in Gwalior than in Pune. Table 3.28: Uncertain water supply at public water points, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups in slums that said that... City Discussions The reasons for uncertain supply are ... Yes, supply is There are no There are supply timings, but water is Other with uncertain supply timings not released according to those timings Gwalior Women 13% 6% 6% 1% Men 18% 7% 7% 5% Pune Women 3% 1% 2% 0% Men 1% 1% 0% 0%  Uncertain supply caused delays in reporting to work, school and college. Few groups reported delays due to uncertain supply (Table 3.29). Table 3.29: Problems faced due to uncertain public water supply, Gwalior and Pune Groups in slums that said that... Group They faced different problems due to uncertain public water supply ... Get late for Have to Fights at City Discussions Have to Have to interrupt paid work due wake up at water tap wait for a regular housework to having to night or go at when with long time routine & run to for water to collect water when it wait to collect odd hours to water come comes water fill water comes Gwalior Women 7% 2% 1% 1% 2% Men 12% 5% 1% 0% 1% 66 Pune Women 2% 1% 0% 0% 0% Men 1% 0% 0% 0% 0% More men and women in Pune (39-43%) reported being late for work than in Gwalior although the frequency of such problems was quite low (Table 3.30). Table 3.30: Frequency of adults getting late, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups in slums that said that... City Discussions The frequency of adults getting late for work was ... with Once a week Once a month Rarely Every day 2-3 days per week Gwalior Women 2% 0% 4% 1% 9% Men 2% 7% 3% 1% 11% Pune Women 1% 0% 2% 2% 1% Men 1% 0% 2% 4% 3%  Very few consequences for adults and children of getting delayed Very few men and women – and more in Gwalior than Pune – mentioned verbal abuse, loss of pay or loss of work as consequences of being late due to responsibilities related to water collection (Table 3.31). Table 3.31: Consequences of adults getting late for work, Gwalior and Pune Group User groups at PWPs that said ... City discussions The consequence of adults getting late for work was ... with Loss of pay Loss of work Nothing Verbal abuse Gwalior Women 4% 5% 2% 5% Men 8% 7% 6% 3% Pune Women 1% 1% 2% 2% Men 3% 3% 2% 1% A few respondents, more from Gwalior than Pune, reported that they had less time for household work due to responsibilities related to water collection (Table 3.32). Table 3.32: Frequency of adults having less time for house work, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups in slums that said that because of water problems... City Discussions adults have less time for house work is ... with Once a week Once a month Rarely Every day 2-3 days per week Gwalior Women 3% 5% 2% 1% 10% Men 3% 6% 3% 0% 11% Pune Women 0% 0% 0% 1% 2% Men 0% 0% 0% 2% 8% Only in a few instances, water collection responsibilities were seen as the reason for children being late for school (Table 3.33). More such cases were reported in Gwalior than Pune. Table 3.33: Children getting late for school, Gwalior and Pune 67 Group Groups where at least one member children get late for school ... City Discussions Once a week Once a month Rarely with Every day 2-3 days per week Gwalior Women 0% 1% 2% 4% 8% Men 1% 4% 3% 3% 10% Pune Women 0% 1% 1% 2% 0% Men 0% 1% 1% 3% 1% MAIN FINDING 5: Despite problems, users expressed overall satisfaction with house taps and PWPs.  High user satisfaction with house taps Even though slum residents in Pune paid the municipal corporation connection charges, monthly bills and were also responsible for repair and maintenance of PWPs, more than 95% of the women and men surveyed for this study indicated that they were satisfied with their house taps (Figure 3.15). Men and women groups in slums of both Gwalior and Pune expressed similar levels of satisfaction with the services provided by PWPs and house taps (Figure 3.16 and 3.17). Figure 3.15: User satisfaction levels with house taps: Pune and Gwalior slums Gwalior House Taps: Women 2% 4% 7% 26% 60% Gwalior House Taps: Men 3%4% 7% 26% 60% Pune House Taps: Women 2% 3% 28% 67% Pune House Taps: 4% 32% 62% Men 2% Very unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied generally Quite satisfied Very satisfied Note: Data from discussions with men and women user groups at 105 PWPs in Gwalior and 26 PWPs in Pune Figure 3.16: User satisfaction levels, house taps and PWPs: Gwalior slums Gwalior Public Water Points: 5% 9% 8% 22% 56% Women Gwalior House Taps: Women 4% 7% 26% 60% 2% Gwalior Public Water Points: Men 9% 8% 22% 55% 5% Gwalior House Taps: Men 4% 7% 26% 60% 3% Very unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied generally Quite satisfied Very satisfied Note: Data from discussions with men and women user groups at 105 PWPs in Gwalior 68 Figure 3.17: User satisfaction levels, house taps and PWPs: Pune slums Pune Public Water Points: Women 11% 7% 32% 50% Pune House Taps: Women 3% 28% 67% 2% Pune Public Water Points: Men 14% 36% 50% Pune House Taps: Men 4% 32% 62% 2% Very unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied generally Quite satisfied Very satisfied Note: Data from discussions with men and women user groups at 26 PWPs in Pune Using QPA, ‘user satisfaction’ was scored across both Pune and Gwalior. No significant difference was found between the scores by male and female groups in either city.  Gender differences in perceiving advantages of house taps Despite the lack of statistically significant differences in scores, the qualitative details from the group discussions showed that men and women saw different advantages of house taps over PWPs. While men emphasized time savings so that they can reach work on time, women focused on time saved that could be spent with children or doing housework. Women’s perceptions  Major advantages: Women reported that house taps save effort (especially during pregnancy and illness) and time (so more time is available for children and housework)  Other advantages: Women reported that house taps meant that there would be enough water to maintain hygiene at home. Women also reported that they felt safer as they accessed water. Women also reported that house taps added to their independence, freeing them from having to stand in lines, from conflicts at PWPs, and from dependency on others to meet their water needs. Men’s perceptions  Major advantages: Men reported that house taps save effort and time (so they could reach work on time) Other advantages: Men reported that house taps freed them from having to stand in line for water. 69 Few households reported problems in paying bills or in complaining about problems with water supply. In Pune, the Ward Councilors were extremely helpful and residents called them in order to get any water supply related problems rectified within 24 hours.  Similar service delivery from house taps and Public Water Points Some users with access to house tap reported low pressure (especially in Pune), inadequate supply hours and uncertain timings of water supply. Overall, users reported that PWPs and house taps delivered a similar level of service (Figure 3.18). Figure 3.18: Service delivery from house taps and PWPs in summer, Pune and Gwalior Pune House Taps: Summer 55% 9% 34% 2% Pune Public Water Points: Summer 63% 37% Gwalior House Taps: Summer 11% 30% 50% 9% Gwalior Public Water Points: Summer 1% 50% 34% 15% High Service Intermediate Service Basic Service Sub-standard Service No service Note: Data from discussions with users of 105 PWPs and 427 house taps in Gwalior slums and 26 PWPs and 479 house taps in Pune slums More house taps in Pune deliver ‘Intermediate’ service, compared to PWPs. However, as with PWPs, at least 36% deliver less than basic levels of service during both summer and non-summer months. 6. In Gwalior, there are fewer house taps delivering above basic levels of service, compared to PWPs. At least 59% and 49% of the taps in Gwalior are delivering sub-standard or no service in summer and non-summer months, respectively. WATER SUPPLY: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS This study provides a variety of insights into water supply in low income neighborhoods in large and medium sized Indian cities. Collecting both quantitative and qualitative gender-disaggregated data allowed a deeper analysis in to how men and women perceive and use water supply in their communities. The implications of the findings discussed in the previous section are presented below. Despite improvements, gender issues are important and often masked within this sector: Group discussions revealed that even though both men and women were involved in water related tasks, women face unique challenges. As women leave their homes to collect water, they face harassment and are also forced to hide such incidences due to social pressures. This places them at even higher risk of facing repeated harassment and sexual violence. Thus, women in slums are caught in a bind - even as they continue to be responsible for collecting water, they face both physical and social risks as they carry out these tasks. Along with safety risks, women also faced more health issues than men. In both Pune and Gwalior, more women reported aches, pains, and other health issues related to collecting water. Even in cases where household taps are available at street level, women were forced to carry containers into their homes, which placed them at risk for water collection related 70 injuries. Women were also the ones to miss work in case someone in the household was unwell, implying gender-specific economic consequences of poor water quality. Role of Municipal Corporation: There was a marked difference between how service breakdowns were addressed in Gwalior and Pune. In Pune, users complained about water supply issues to their ward councilors, rather than through any formal customer grievance redress system. Councilors also asked PMC to provide an advance warning of any service disruptions (e.g., for routine maintenance like replacement of pipes or tap stands), giving households time to collect and store water. In contrast, in Gwalior, where ward councilors did not exert an equal political pressure on the municipal corporation, responses to service failures were slower and breakdown warning systems were missing. While interventions by the ward councilors allow improved access in Pune, they also reinforced a set up where users depend on elected officials for water rather than on existing institutional arrangements. Such a system also provides no incentive to the public agency to develop its own customer service system or grievance redress mechanism. This fragmentation of water governance adds to water insecurity and has gender implications where women (and to a lesser degree men) are forced to either seek political favor or find alternate water sources. Low expectations: Respondents in Pune did not perceive water supply as a problem because they had house taps, albeit at street level, and felt that the 3-6 hours of water supply was adequate. In Gwalior, group discussions revealed that water supply was adequate, because, if needed, the water from taps could be supplemented by hand pumps and government-supplied water. This suggests that users have relatively low expectations from government-provided water supply, and are satisfied with lower levels of service. The high user satisfaction, then, can be seen as a reaction to improvements in service rather than as a result of good service. Insecure water supply: Users in both Pune and Gwalior continue to face water supply issues, including poor water quality, less time and duration of supply, and low water pressure. As a result, users require a reliable alternate water source to feel secure about their access. This was particularly felt in Gwalior where breakdowns in service were not addressed in a timely manner. The persistent insecurity of access is more disruptive for women than for men. Not only do women spend more time seeking alternate sources of water, they are also forced to face higher health and safety risks in the process. Lack of social discrimination at public water points: Although time did not permit more specialized and detailed probing into specific instances – e.g., through a special study on intra-slum caste differences or the situation of minority communities within slums –survey data and group discussions revealed that there was little to no social discrimination at PWPs. This is not due to lack of social stratification in the slums, rather it is because communities have organized themselves based on socio-cultural categories. Each minority community congregates within one part of the slum and has its own PWP, preventing caste and religion-based conflicts at water points. The analysis of water service delivery in the slums of Gwalior and Pune indicates that it is important to think beyond providing infrastructure (house taps/ hand pumps) to meet the needs of the urban poor, particularly of women and socially excluded groups. Local government bodies need to improve all parameters of service delivery, including water quality, pressure, predictability and reliability. As discussed earlier in this report, women continue to bear a disproportionate burden of insecurities related to water supply in low income communities. It is necessary to decouple the technocratic, bureaucratic and political processes related to water governance in order to better address insecurity of access in the long run. These issues, and their gender implications, become even more 71 urgent when looking at sanitation issues. The next section of this report highlights the survey and group discussion findings on access to sanitation in the slums of Pune and Gwalior. 3.5 FINDINGS: PUBLIC AND HOUSEHOLD TOILETS SUMMARY OF MAIN FINDINGS The available sanitation facilities in the slums of Pune and Gwalior were different. While there were more public toilets in Pune, the average number of users per seat was also much higher than in Gwalior. The condition of toilets in Pune was found to be poor, despite the availability of caretakers and water supply. The toilets were filthy, had no locks on the doors, and lacked adequate lighting. The situation in Gwalior was worse and the condition of the facilities was so poor that less people were using them, choosing instead to defecate in the open. Women, in particular, are affected by the lack of adequate public toilets. Women, in particular, suggested that the lack of safe, well- maintained, and easily accessible public toilets is one of the main reasons for why they are forced to defecate in the open. Open defecation, in turn, exposes them to greater safety and health risks. Users with special needs (the sick, elderly and disabled) face additional problems. Across both cities, and across all slums, users stated their preference for household toilets despite the additional cost and effort required to maintain these. The next section discusses the main findings related to sanitation from the survey and group discussions. MAIN FINDING 1: Most public toilets were overcrowded  Building more toilets without adequate attention to improving service does not address the sanitation needs of the poor. A large number of public toilets have been constructed in Pune slums: However, these toilets are crowded and dirty. In Gwalior, where fewer toilets are available, the facilities are equally dirty (Table 3.41). Table 3.41: Number of public toilets per slum and seats per toilet block, Gwalior, Pune Group Groups’ perceptions of numbers of public toilets and seats in their slum City discussions Public toilets per slum Seats for women Seats for men with Ave Max Min Ave Max Min Ave Max Min Gwalior Women 0 3 0 4 11 2 4 12 1 Men 1 3 0 4 11 2 4 12 1 Pune Women 3 9 0 8 30 1 9 30 1 Men 2 8 1 9 35 1 9 35 1 High usage per day: There are nearly 10 times as many users per toilet block in Pune than in Gwalior. The maximum number of users reported per toilet block per day was 2,500 in Pune compared to 150 in Gwalior (Table 3.42). This also implies that there are more than 80 users per seat per day (2500 users/35 seats) in Pune, which is four times the optimum average of 20 users per seat per day. 72 Table 3.42: Average number of users per public toilet, Gwalior and Pune Group Groups’ perceptions of how many people use the public toilet daily City discussions Number of users (Toilet block 1) Number of users (Toilet block 2) Average Maximum Minimum Average Maximum Minimum with Gwalior Women 37 150 5 33 150 5 Men 39 160 3 36 150 3 Pune Women 315 2000 10 326 2000 1 Men 321 2000 10 319 2000 1 MAIN FINDING 2: Service delivery from public toilets is perceived as poor As in the case of water supply, service delivery from public toilets was assessed by defining and using five different service delivery levels, including worse service, sub-standard service, basic service, intermediate service and high service. Four parameters were used to measure service levels: cleanliness, convenience (lighting, ventilation, water and hand washing facilities), privacy and safety, and reliability (efficiency of repair services in case of blockages and other problems).  Cleanliness inside and outside public toilets The QPA assessment of the cleanliness of toilets in both Gwalior and Pune slums revealed that most public toilets were considered dirty (Figure 3.19). Figure 3.19: Cleanliness of public toilets: Gwalior 0-24:Lowest: The floors, walls and pan are dirty; there is no water 65% available inside the toilet 25-49:Sub-standard: The floors, walls and pan are dirty; and there 10% is water available inside the toilet for flushing and washing 50-74:Basic: The pan is clean, even if the floors and walls are not; 5% there is water available inside the toilet for flushing and washing 75-99: Intermediate: The pan, floors and walls are clean; there is 13% water available inside the toilet for flushing and washing 100:High service: The pan, floor and walls are clean; water is available inside the toilet for flushing and washing. There is no 8% smell (due to faulty water seal, vent pipe, etc). Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums Public toilets in Pune slums, in comparison, were perceived as cleaner than those in Gwalior (Figure 3.20). Figure 3.20: Cleanliness of public toilets in Pune and Gwalior 73 Pune Public Toilets 11% 15% 39% 35% Gwalior Public Toilets 65% 10% 5% 13% 8% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums In Gwalior and Pune, visual inspection of the toilets showed that the pans, floors and walls of most public toilets were dirty. Group discussions with men and women in the slums revealed that this was not an isolated incident (e.g., specific to the date of the visit) and that the insides of public toilets were frequently filthy. Respondents suggested that the toilets often smell bad; the pans are dirty and full of human waste and flies. Most public toilets in Pune had cleaners and caretakers: Between 73-80% of public toilets in Pune slums had caretakers and cleaners, compared to 33-38% in Gwalior. Municipality workers and septic tank vacuum suction (‘gulper’) trucks cleaned nearly 90% of public toilets in Pune slums compared to 55% in Gwalior (Table 3.43). Table 3.43: Cleaning of slum toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups of public toilet users who said ... Public Septic tanks are cleaned by ... Yes, there City toilets Municipality don’t Yes, there Private is a is a cleaner ‘gulper’ Municipality visited ‘gulper’ Others know Workers caretaker trucks trucks who Gwalior 36 33% 38% 0% 40% 15% 5% 40% Pune 115 73% 80% 7% 26% 63% 0% 4% Discussions with users in Gwalior revealed that while most public toilets looked after by Sulabh International and the Cantonment Board had sweepers and caretakers (chowkidars); however, this was not always the case in for public toilets managed by the city municipal corporation. Most public toilets in Pune had water, while most in Gwalior did not: A large proportion of public toilets visited in Pune and a third in Gwalior had water for flushing and cleaning (Table 3.44) Table 3.40: Water availability in the public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public toilets Groups of public toilet users that said there was water for City visited Flushing Cleaning Gwalior 36 36% 32% Pune 115 81% 86% The lack of water affected the cleanliness of the public toilets in both Pune and Gwalior. People reported that due to lack of water the floors, walls and pans were dirty. In some Gwalior slums, residents had made their own extra-legal arrangements for water to ensure some level of cleanliness. 74 Bad smell inside the toilet: More than half the public toilets in Pune had a bad smell while fewer in Gwalior had this problem. Slum residents said that public toilets were frequently dirty and smelly even if there water was available. Sanitary pads clogging toilets: In both Pune and Gwalior, there were no special arrangements for the disposal of sanitary pads or cloths. Slum residents said that piles of soiled cloths were dumped in the public toilets, which was a major reason for blockages. During group discussions, women revealed that the lack of facilities to dispose off and incinerate sanitary pads was one of the key issues that impacted the cleanliness and functionality of public toilets. Cleanliness of area around the public toilet: Another issue discussed with the various groups was access to public toilet. This was particularly challenging for elderly and users with disabilities. The QPA-based assessment of this issue showed that nearly half the public toilets visited in Gwalior slums had poor (less than ‘basic’) external conditions (Figure 3.21). Figure 3.21: Cleanliness of area around public toilets: Gwalior slums 0-24: Lowest: Stagnant water or excreta around the public toilet 30% and poor lighting, making it difficult and unsafe to access 25-49: Sub-standard: Stagnant water or excreta around the public toilet but stones or bricks have been placed to help people access 15% the toilet; AND lighting is there but inadequate (e.g., too dim; not working all the time) 50-74: Basic: There is no stagnant water or excreta around the 28% public toilet; lighting is adequate when the street light is working 75-99: Intermediate: No stagnant water or excreta around the public toilet; lighting is adequate and the street light is repaired 18% within 24 hours if faulty 100: High: The surroundings of the public toilet are clean and well- lit; the lights is repaired within 1 hour if faulty, during which time 10% a temporary alternate light source is provided (e.g., by putting up a temporary bulb and holder from a neighbouring Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums In contrast, the surroundings of public toilets in Pune was better (Figure 3.22) Figure 3.22: Surroundings of public toilets, Gwalior and Pune slums Pune Public Toilets 3% 17% 32% 48% Gwalior Public Toilets 30% 15% 28% 18% 10% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High 75 Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums Discussions with slum residents in Pune showed that even though water was available, it was inadequate to keep the toilet clean. Cleanliness outside public toilets is frequently neglected, even when management strategies are planned. This serves as an important deterrent to usage, particularly for some users. . Broadening the ambit of discussion on maintenance to include the area around public toilets could help increase usage and reduce open defecation.  Convenience: lighting, ventilation and water Even if there are large numbers of well-designed toilets, poor lighting, ventilation and lack of water supply can decrease the level of service delivered to users. Lighting, in particular, affects the safety of girls and women, while poor ventilation affects the health of both male and female users. Public toilets lack convenient facilities for washing hands after defecation, i.e., water and soap, which affects hygiene and can increase incidences of diseases. In Gwalior, nearly two-thirds of public toilets visited provided poor service in terms of ‘convenience’, which includes provision of adequate lighting, ventilation, water supply, and soap (Figure 3.23). Figure 3.23: Convenience of public toilets: Gwalior 0-24:Lowest: There is no ventilation or lighting in the toilet and no provision for washing hands or soap OR they exist but do not 38% work 25-49: Sub-standard: There is poor ventilation in the toilet (very high; blocked by netting), no or poor light (e.g., candle or dim 30% light); and no provision for washing hands or soap OR they exist but do not work 50-74:Basic: There is basic ventilation (at least one opening) and lighting (working light) in the toilet, and functioning provision for 23% washing hands but no soap 75-99:Intermediate: There is adequate ventilation (e.g., cross ventilation with mosquito netting) and adequate lighting in the 8% toilet (so it is well-lit), AND functioning provision for washing hands and soap (not always replaced) 100:High: There is good ventilation; good lighting AND functioning provision for washing hands and soap (which is 3% always replaced) Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums The QPA assessment showed that the convenience of the public toilets in Gwalior slums was much worse than in Pune slums, although a small proportion of public toilets in Gwalior delivered high levels of convenience (Figure 3.24). During group discussions, respondents indicated that most public toilets in Gwalior and at least a third in Pune lacked wash basins, vessels and mugs. Most public toilets in both Pune and Gwalior lacked adequate lighting. 76 Figure 3.24: Convenience of public toilets: Pune and Gwalior Pune Public Toilets 11% 16% 67% 7% Gwalior Public 38% 30% 23% 8% 3% Toilets Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums Poor lighting around the public toilets is sometimes deliberate: Lighting in Pune slums was better as compared to Gwalior however, respondents from both cities, particularly women, indicated that lack of adequate lighting in and around public toilets was a critical issue (Table 3.45). Table 3.44: Lighting around the public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups that said ... Group There is not Lighting outside public toilets was poor because ... Discussions City enough With Street light does not work There is no street light light Gwalior Women 44% 2% 42% Men 50% 6% 45% Pune Women 11% 1% 10% Men 10% 1% 9% Women reported instances when local men had deliberately damaged street lights near the toilets in order to harass female users. In Gwalior, women reported that men had also broken the toilet window and door locks, in order to look at female users. This was reported as one of the main reasons women chose to defecate in the open. Lights inside and outside public toilets are not repaired quickly: Of all the slums surveyed in Gwalior and Pune, in at least 70% and 30%, respectively, damaged lights both inside and outside public toilets were not repaired in a timely manner (Table 3.46). This particularly impacted the safety of women and girls. Table 3.46: Repairing of lights inside and outside public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public Groups of public toilet users that said... City toilets Lights inside public Lights outside public toilets are not fixed quickly toilets are not fixed quickly visited Gwalior 36 80% 68% Pune 115 30% 20% 77 The maintenance of public toilets has important implications for gender and cannot just be related to ensuring that the toilet is well-designed and supplied with water and materials for hand-washing (although these are important elements of service delivery). While convenient locations cannot always be ensured in crowded slums, ensuring that there is adequate lighting both inside and outside the public toilets – and that these are maintained well – should be essential part of maintenance, especially from the point of view of safety of women. Keeping a stock of spare bulbs and ensuring that an electrician is on call every day should thus be mandatory for all those managing public toilets, whether it is a women’s group, private company or Municipal Corporation.  Privacy and safety inside the public toilets Women reported that privacy and safety while using the public toilet is a major issue. In Gwalior, users reported a lack of safety and privacy in at least 50% of the public toilets (Figure 3.25). In Pune, users reported that at least 12% of the public toilets had poor privacy and safety conditions (Figure 3.26). Figure 3.25: Privacy and safety inside public toilets: Gwalior slums 0-24:Lowest: No door for the toilet, but may some cloth curtains 23% put up for privacy 25-49:Sub-standard: There are doors but they may be broken or 28% not function properly; locks may exist but do not work 50-74:Basic: There are doors that close properly; with locks that 5% function 75-99:Intermediate: There are doors that close properly; with 18% locks that function; there is safety while using the toilet 100:High: There are doors that close properly; with bolts/hooks that function; there is safety while using the toilet and in the 28% surroundings of the toilet Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums Figure 3.26: Privacy and safety inside public toilets: Pune and Gwalior slums Pune Public Toilets 4% 8% 38% 50% Gwalior Public Toilets 23% 28% 5% 18% 28% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums During group discussions, people from both Gwalior and Pune reported that some toilets had no doors, or the doors had been broken and could not be locked. Overall, users from least 50% of all the public toilets surveyed in Pune indicated they could not keep the door of the facility (Table 3.45). The situation in Gwalior was even worse. During group discussions, women said that the inability to shut and lock the toilet doors properly was one of the reasons that they feel unsafe while using these public facilities. Repairing doors and latches is usually the responsibility of the agency 78 managing the public toilets; however, in both Pune and Gwalior, no steps were being taken to address these issues. Table 3.45: Doors and latches in public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups of public toilet user that said ... Public There were bolts or They did not There were no bolts City toilets There were or hooks to keep hooks but these feel safe no doors visited doors closed did not work inside the toilet Gwalior 40 18% 39% 42% 42% Pune 115 0% 7% 25% 21%  Reliability of the public toilet Reliability was assessed in terms of the efficiency of repair services in case of breakdowns, in particular, the time taken to resolve problems. Reliability was a reported as a major problem in Gwalior slums (Figure 3.27). Public toilets in Pune, in comparison, were perceived as more reliable (Figure 3.28) Figure 3.27: Reliability of public toilets: Gwalior 0-24:Lowest: Blocks and other problems with the toilet take more 53% than 7 days to be resolved 25-49:Sub-standard: Blocks and other problems with the toilet 15% take 2 – 7 days to be resolved 50-74:Basic: Blocks and other problems with the toilet are 13% resolved within 2 days 75-99:Intermediate: Blocks and other problems with the toilet are 18% resolved within 24 – 48 hours 100:High: Blocks and other problems with the toilet are resolved 3% within 24 hours Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums Figure 3.28: Reliability of public toilets: Pune and Gwalior Pune Public Toilets 2% 9% 35% 53% Gwalior Public 53% 15% 13% 18% 3% Toilets Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums 79 In both Gwalior and Pune, users reported that most of the public toilets were being managed by the municipal corporation. For some public toilets in Gwalior, users did not know who was responsible for management (Table 3.46). Table 3.46: Management of slum toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public Toilets Groups of users that said their public toilets were managed by ... City Visited Private Contractor NGO No one Municipality SHG Gwalior 36 75% 3% 3% 3% 18% Pune 115 98% 0% 1% 1% 1% Repairs by the municipal corporation: In both Pune and Gwalior, the municipal corporation was responsible for major and minor repairs in most of the public toilets looked at for this study. In both cities, very few private contractors were responsible for repair and maintenance of toilets (Tables 3.47 and 3.48). Table 3.47: Minor repairs to the public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public toilets Groups of users that said minor problems in their public toilets were handled by ... City Visited Private Contractor NGO No one Municipality SHG Gwalior 36 75% 3% 3% 3% 18% Pune 115 94% 0% 2% 0% 4% Table 3.48: Major repairs to the public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public toilets Groups of users that said major problems in their public toilets were handled by ... City Visited Private Contractor NGO No one Municipality SHG Gwalior 36 73% 3% 3% 0% 23% Pune 115 98% 1% 1% 0% 1% In Gwalior, the services provided by the municipal corporation were poorly perceived. During group discussions, people suggested that there was little to no maintenance of toilets and their complaints were often ignored. In some cases, where the toilets were managed by Sulabh International or the Army Cantonment Board, users claimed that the service was better. However, even under different management, user complaints were not being addressed in a timely manner. In sharp contrast there were fewer complaints in Pune slums. Users said that they simply called their local Ward Councilor’s regarding any service issues, which were then addressed in 1 or 2 days. However, the quick turnaround was more for major repairs, such as clearing blocked sewer lines or repairing the electric motor for pumping water to the overhead tank. For smaller repairs, such as fixing doors, latches and light bulbs, the response time was much longer. 80  Poor service delivery from public toilets in Gwalior The QPA-based assessment of service delivery from public toilets indicated that service was worse in Gwalior than in Pune (Figure 3.28). Even though these slums are seen as ‘covered’ by official statistics, the presence of a poorly maintained and barely functioning public toilet was seen insufficient by users. However, despite these major gaps in service, users have developed coping strategies to meet their daily needs. Figure 3.28: Service delivery from public toilets, Gwalior and Pune Pune Public Toilets 7% 65% 11% 17% Gwalior Public Toilets 78% 11% 8% 3% Worst service Sub-standard Service Basic Service Intermediate Service High Service Note: Data from discussions with groups of users of 36 public toilets in Gwalior slums and 115 in Pune slums MAIN FINDING 3: Users have learned to cope with poor service  On average, most public toilets are located within 200-500 meters of the users’ homes. For slums surveyed in Gwalior, most toilets are located within 200m of the users’ households. The distance between households and toilets ranges from 175 meters to 800 m in Pune and from 75 to 500m (Table 3.48). Table 3.48: Distance to public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups of public toilet users that said ... Public toilets City Toilets are more than Distance to toilet (metres) Surveyed 200m from users’ houses Average Maximum Gwalior 36 13% 75 500 Pune 115 9% 175 800  Users normally spend around an hour to use public toilets Time taken to reach toilets: In both Pune and Gwalior, group discussions with men and women revealed that it takes users less than 15 minutes to go to and from the public toilet (Table 3.49). Table 3.49: Time taken to go to and from the public toilet, Gwalior, Pune City Group Groups that said the time taken to go to and from the public toilet was ... 81 Discussions More than 30 minutes Less than 15 minutes 15 – 30 minutes With Gwalior Women 58% 42% 0% Men 68% 32% 0% Pune Women 89% 11% 0% Men 90% 10% 0% Queuing to use toilets: For both cities, group discussions showed that the time spent in lines to use public toilets was less than 15 minutes (Table 3.50). Time spent in lines was more in Pune than in Gwalior, even though Pune had more toilets. This can be explained by the large number of users per seat in Pune. Overall, for both Gwalior and Pune, users spent approximately an hour every day walking to and from the toilets, standing in line, and using the facilities. During group discussions, both men and women said that the time taken to use public toilets did not result in them being late for their jobs or for housework. Users claimed that delays occurred only if the nearest public toilet was closed for repairs and they had to go find an alternate facility. Table 3.50: Time taken to queue to use public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Group Groups that said the time taken to go to and from the public toilet was ... City Discussions More than 10 minutes Less than 5 minutes 5 – 10 minutes with Gwalior Women 69% 31% 0% Men 58% 42% 0% Pune Women 58% 38% 4% Men 54% 39% 7%  Public toilets closed frequently for repair Almost all public toilets in Pune and a large majority of those in Gwalior were regularly closed for repairs (Table 3.51). In Pune people directed their complaints regarding toilets to local ward members, and in Gwalior, people preferred to contact local political leaders. Table 3.51: Closure and complaints about slum toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups of public toilet users that said... Public Yes, toilets Complaints about the toilets are directed towards are regularly City toilets Local Local Ward Don’t closed to Local Ward visited SHG Leader Office Know users Member 82 Gwalior 40 80% 3% 13% 23% 35% 28% Pune 115 97% 2% 31% 7% 60% 1%  Most problems with public toilets are resolved within 24 hours Most problems with public toilets in Pune were resolved within 24 hours. The maximum time taken to address issues was 6 days. In Gwalior, resolution of almost 50% of the complaints took 7 days or more (Table 3.52). Table 3.52: Time taken to resolve problems with public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Public Groups of users that said that resolving problems with public toilets took ... City toilets 1-2 Within Don’t know/ More than 2-6 7 days Days visited days 24 hours Not aware Gwalior 40 43% 15% 25% 3% 15% Pune 115 2% 16% 19% 63% 1%  Coping with public toilets being shut for repairs Users said that if their regular public toilet was closed for repairs, they either used a more distant public facility or, if available, a neighbor’s private toilet (Table 3.53). In Pune, there were at least one public toilet for every 20-25 households, and thus, finding an alternate toilet was not considered a problem. In Gwalior, however, the only alternative to using public toilets was open defecation. More men than women in Gwalior said they would walk to a distant public toilet. This could, in part, be due to women’s safety concerns. Table 3.53: Coping with public toilets being shut for repairs: Pune, Gwalior Groups of users that said that if their usual public toilet was shut they ... Public Got late Got late Used a Used a City Users Toilets more distant neighbour’s for regular For home Visited public toilet private toilet work Work Gwalior Women 8% 5% 15% 15% 36 Men 13% 5% 15% 15% Pune Women 27% 4% 20% 27% 115 Men 28% 3% 21% 21% Also, 30% of the users in both Pine and Gwalior said that public toilet closures made them late for either regular work (e.g., office work, skilled or unskilled labor) and for house work (cooking, cleaning, getting children ready for school). More women than men reported such delays. These problems were also reported more in Pune than in Gwalior.  Consequences of being late are not severe Not many adults reported being late for work due to time spent using public toilets: Respondents in only 25% of the group discussions in Pune, and around 7-14% in Gwalior, said that adults were late 83 for work because of the time spent using public toilets (Table 3.54). The consequences of such delays were described as mild – usually verbal reprimands. Table 3.54: Adults getting late for work due to using public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups that said ... Group Yes, adults Adults get late for work ... City Discussions get late Once a Once a Every 2-3 days With Rarely for work Day per week week month Gwalior Women 7% 0% 0% 1% 0% 6% Men 14% 0% 3% 4% 0% 7% Pune Women 20% 2% 0% 4% 10% 5% Men 25% 3% 4% 3% 11% 4% Children getting late for school due to using public toilets: Discussions with slums residents indicated that only in very few cases did children get late for school because of time spent using public toilets (Table 3.55). More women than men in Gwalior slums perceived this as a problem. . Table 3.55: Children getting late for schools due to using public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups that said ... Group Yes, children Children get late for school ... City Discussions get late Once a Once a Every 2-3 days Rarely With Day per week for school week month Gwalior Women 4% 0% 0% 2% 0% 2% Men 12% 1% 5% 1% 1% 4% Pune Women 23% 2% 5% 2% 11% 2% Men 25% 3% 6% 2% 13% 1%  Not much difference in time taken for using public toilets and for defecating in the open Time taken to go to and from the open defecation site: Discussions with slum residents showed that no one defecates in the open in Pune slums, due to the lack of space and due to the availability of household and public toilets. In Gwalior, more residents – both men and women - defecate in the open. Most people who are forced to defecate in the open take approximately 30 minutes to walk to and from the site. In few instances, people reported taking more than 30 minutes (Table 3.56). Table 3.56: Time taken to go to and from the place of open defecation: Pune, Gwalior Groups that said ... Group Yes, we To walk to and from the place of open defecation it takes us ... City Discussions defecate More than Less than 15 – 30 With 15 minutes Minutes in the open 30 minutes Gwalior Women 48% 26% 18% 3% Men 50% 25% 23% 2% 84 Adults getting late for work due to time spent on open defecation: Respondents from 20% of slums surveyed in Gwalior mentioned that adults are late for work due to time spent on open defecation (Table 3.57). This was not reported as an issue in Pune. Table 3.57: Adults getting late for work due to defecating in the open: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one person said ... Group Yes, adults Adults get late ... City Discussions get late Once a Once a Every 2-3 days With Rarely for work day per week week month Gwalior Women 20% 0% 2% 1% 1% 13% Men 20% 0% 2% 3% 2% 12% Adults having less time for house work due the time spent on open defecation: Few groups of slum residents in Gwalior said that adults get less time for house work due to time spent on open defecation (Table 3.58). A small proportion of women reported that this was a problem they faced every day, while men did not report this as a major issue. This was not perceived as a problem in Pune. Table 3.58: Adults having less time for house work due to open defecation: Gwalior Groups where at least one person said ... Group Yes, adults Adults get late for house work... City Discussions get late for Once a Once a Every 2-3 days With Rarely house work Day per week week month Gwalior Women 17% 6% 1% 0% 1% 9% Men 18% 1% 3% 3% 2% 10% Children getting late for school due to open defecation: A few group said that children get late for school due to time spent defecating in the open (Table 3.59). The consequences of reaching school late were described as mild, ranging from a verbal reprimand from the teacher or some form of punishment. Table 3.59: Children getting late for school due to open defecation: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one person said ... Group Yes, children The consequences of children going late to school are ... City Discussions get late Punishment Scolding With Nothing from teacher for school by teacher Gwalior Women 16% 5% 10% 1% Men 18% 4% 13% 2% The main finding is that time taken to use public toilets or defecate in the open is not perceived to be a major problem by users; largely because they have adjusted their personal schedules to take into account the time taken, and who are therefore rarely late for house work or paid employment. 85 They face problems only when public toilets are out of order. However, even when the toilets are functioning, certain users face more problems than others, while poorly-functioning toilets force slum residents to defecate in the option, with its attendant risks and problems. 86 MAIN FINDING 4: Poorly functioning public toilets disproportionately affect women and special groups  Women face a variety of health problems due to poor public toilets During nearly half of the group discussions in Pune slums, women reported facing health problems due to suppressing excretion. At least a fifth of the groups in Gwalior, felt that menstruating women and those with diarrhea faced special problems (Table 3.60). Table 3.60: Health and other problems faced by women: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one member said... Group Women have Yes, women have health Menstruating City Discussion problems from women special problems when suppressing excretion have special with having problems all day till dark diarrhoea Gwalior Women 9% 16% 18% Men 15% 18% 20% Pune Women 39% 7% 12% Men 41% 10% 10% During group discussions, women revealed that they drink less water through the day in order to avoid needing to go to the toilet. Women also suggested that the lack of toilets at places of work was a major problem for them. Women working as maids and cooks in higher income households are often not allowed to use the owners’ toilets. Women working on construction sites or in market places also do not have access to adequate facilities. Women reported that this forces them to suppress excretion till they can use their usual public toilets. This leads to health problems such as acidity, infections and stomach aches.  Women face risks when defecating in the open Fear of harassment: In Gwalior, nearly a third of women groups with whom these issues were discussed said they feared going to defecate in the open while it was still dark (Table 3.61). However, very few women in these groups reported any incidences of harassment. Table 3.61: Problem faced while going out to defecate in the open: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one member said ... Group Yes, we fear Yes, have to Yes we We faced harassment in the last ... City Discussions going out get up face With in the dark before sunrise 1 month 3 months harassment Gwalior Women 37% 37% 5% 3% 2% Men 36% 34% 14% 3% 1%  Women are harassed but few report harassment 87 Harassment faced while going to and from public toilets: In both Pune and Gwalior, only in few groups did the discussants report that they faced harassment while going to and from public toilets (Table 3.63). More such incidents were reported in Pune than in Gwalior. Table 3.63: Harassment faced while going to and from public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one member said ... Group Yes, there were Yes, there were City Discussions Yes, we face harassment instances in the instances in the Especially at night with last one month last three months Gwalior Women 1% 0% 0% Men 1% 1% 1% Harassment faced while going out to defecate in the open: In Gwalior, discussants from only 19% of all the groups said that they faced harassment. More men’s groups than women’s groups reported such incidences. In 30-40% of the groups, discussants mentioned that people defecating in the open faced problems of privacy (e.g., having to stand up when people passed by). Group discussions also revealed that women were much more frequently harassed while defecating in the open than the responses suggested. Probing responses during the discussions revealed that women who defecate in the open are subject to harassment of various kinds –catcalls and whistles, indecent comments and abuses, and physical intimidation & violence. It was also suggested during group discussions that harassment is generally not reported because people believe that common knowledge of such incidences would adversely affect the reputation of the girls and women involved. During discussion, women also suggested that reporting such incidents of harassment could lead to domestic abuse and violence from their own families. Table 3.64: Problem faced while going out to defecate in the open: Pune, Gwalior Groups where at least one person said ... Group Yes we There were instances in the ... Yes, we fear Yes, have to City Discussions going out get up face With in the dark before sunrise Last 1 month Last 3 months harassment Gwalior Women 37% 37% 5% 3% 2% Men 36% 34% 14% 3% 1% Risk of being bitten by insects and animals while defecating in the open: Nearly a third of the discussants from Gwalior said they feared being bitten by insects and animals while defecating in the open (Table 3.62). Table 3.62: Risk of being bitten by insects and animals while out in the open: Pune, Gwalior 88 Group Groups where at least one member said City Discussions Yes we face risks We faced instances in the last ... of being bitten With 1 month 3 months Gwalior Women 44% 38% 6% Men 41% 36% 6%  Additional problems for users with special needs Problems faced while using public toilets: In more than half of the group discussions in Pune slums, it was mentioned that pregnant women, and men and women with disabilities, faced unique challenges while using public toilets. Discussants also mentioned that that elderly men and women faced special problems (Table 3.65). Visual inspection of toilets revealed the lack of ramps, rails, and specially-reserved seats for those with physical disabilities. For both cities, even the newly constructed toilets lack accessibility. Table 3.65: Special problems faced while using public toilets: Pune, Gwalior Group Groups that said that special problems are faced by ... City Discussions Pregnant Disabled Disabled Adolescent Adolescent Old Old Women Women With men girls Boys women Men Gwalior Women 12% 13% 9% 6% 3% 14% 14% Men 14% 14% 14% 11% 5% 15% 13% Pune Women 46% 58% 50% 11% 5% 33% 29% Men 46% 60% 61% 10% 3% 34% 33% During household interviews, it was found that a large proportion of homes with special needs members had private toilets. In cases where private facilities were absent, people with special needs were cared for by family members. Time taken to accompany elderly and/or sick family members or children to and from the open defecation site: Participants in a third of the group discussions held in Gwalior said that it took about 30 minutes to accompany elderly or sick family members or children to defecate in the open (Table 3.66). Caregivers effectively spend double the time on such tasks as compared to other residents in the community. Most women than men are caregivers, especially for children, which indicates that women spend more time than men going to and from toilets or sites of open defection. Table 3.66: Time taken to accompany the elderly, sick or children: Pune, Gwalior Group Groups where members said the time taken to accompany the sick, elderly or children for open defecation was ... City Discussions with More than 30 minutes Less than 15 minutes 15 – 30 minutes Gwalior Women 14% 19% 6% Men 10% 22% 4% Pune Women 0% 0% 0% Men 0% 0% 0% 89 MAIN FINDING 5: Users perceive better services and satisfaction from household toilets  Users perceive better service delivery from household toilets Unlike in the case of water supply where level of user satisfaction from public taps and house taps was relatively similar, service from household toilets was perceived as much better than public toilets. Service delivery was measured using the same parameters (cleanliness, convenience, privacy and safety and reliability) for household toilets as well and the findings compared with those from the public toilets after service delivery levels were assessed. The findings for user satisfaction with each parameter is presented below (Figures 3.29 – 3.32), followed by satisfaction with overall service delivery (Figure 3.33) Figure 3.29: Cleanliness of public and household toilets: Gwalior and Pune Pune Public Toilets 11% 15% 39% 35% Pune Household 3% 96% 1% Toilets Gwalior Public 65% 10% 5% 13% 8% Toilets Gwalior Household 4% 4% 28% 64% Toilets 1% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Figure 3.30: Convenience of public and household toilets: Gwalior and Pune Pune Public Toilets 11% 16% 67% 7% Pune Household 2% 5% 91% 2% Toilets Gwalior Public 38% 30% 23% 8% 3% Toilets Gwalior Household 1%4% 29% 65% Toilets 1% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Figure 3.31: Privacy and safety of public and household toilets: Gwalior and Pune Pune Public Toilets 4% 8% 38% 50% Pune Household 1%7% 92% 1% Toilets Gwalior Public 23% 28% 5% 18% 28% Toilets Gwalior Household 2% 1% 24% 72% Toilets 1% Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High Figure 3.32: Reliability of public and household toilets: Gwalior and Pune 90 Pune Public Toilets 2% 9% 35% 53% Pune Household 4% 4% 90% 2% Toilets Gwalior Public 53% 15% 13% 18% 3% Toilets Gwalior Household 5% 8% 7% 45% 35% Toilets Lowest Sub-standard Basic Intermediate High 91 Figure 3.33: Service delivery from public and household toilets: Gwalior and Pune Pune Household 5% 1% 94% Toilets Pune Public Toilets 7% 65% 11% 17% Gwalior Household 6% 9% 10% 55% Toilets Gwalior Public Toilets 78% 11% 8% 3% No service Sub-standard Service Basic Service Intermediate Service High Service  High user satisfaction from household toilets Quality of service and consequently user satisfaction levels were much higher with household toilets, as compared to public facilities (Figures 3.34 to 3.36). There were no statistically significant differences between the user satisfaction levels of men and women in either Gwalior or Pune. However, the difference between user satisfaction levels for household toilets and public toilets were statistically significant, for both men and women across both cities. Figure 3.34: User satisfaction from public and household toilets: Gwalior 0-24: Lowest: Very unsatisfied; they have major issues with service 33% delivery 33% 25-49: Unsatisfied but managing: they have some issues but still 25% forced to manage 25% 50-74: Benchmark: Satisfied: they have occasional problems, but 20% are satisfied generally 13% Groups of women using 8% Gwalior slum public 75-99: Above benchmark: Quite satisfied: Problems are very rare toilets 13% Groups of men using 15% Gwalior slum public 100: Ideal: Very satisfied: Problems are very rare and are fixed toilets quickly 18% 92 Figure 3.35: User satisfaction from public and household toilets: men and women, Gwalior Gwalior Public Toilets: 33% 25% 20% 8% 15% Women Gwalior Public Toilets: 33% 25% 13% 13% 18% Men Gwalior Household Toilets: Women 1% 9% 24% 63% 2% Gwalior Household Toilets: 1% 9% 25% 64% Men 1% Very Unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied Quite satisfied Very satisfied Figure 3.36: User satisfaction from public and household toilets: men and women, Pune Pune Public Toilets: 2% 16% 44% 39% Women Pune Household 2% 7% 91% Toilets: Women Pune Public Toilets: 1% 18% 48% 34% Men Pune Household 2% 9% 90% Toilets: Men Very Unsatisfied Unsatisfied but managing Satisfied Quite satisfied Very satisfied SANITATION: KEY FINDINGS Using public toilets poses unique problems for women and for users with special needs: Poor quality public toilets pose problems such as safety risks, loss of dignity and, inconvenience for men and women. However, women bear a disproportionate burden of these problems, particularly those related to safety and loss of dignity. Women are exposed to harassment as they walk to and from public toilets and even as they stand in line to use the facilities. Even more so, surveys and groups discussion in both Gwalior and Pune revealed that even while accessing public toilets women face the lack of privacy due to broken doors and windows and poor lighting. Women, who are the primary caretakers of children, elderly and sick within the households, often, have to take two or more trips every day to toilets or to sites of open defecation, which impacts their ability to work and manage their households. These problems are even more severe for women during menstruation. The public toilets in both Gwalior and Pune lacked the facilities to manage menstrual waste, and women were forced either to seek other places to dispose off used pads and cloths, or leave them in toilets where they cause blockages, bad smell and other related problems. Pregnant, women, chronically ill, and elderly men and women, and users with disabilities face additional problems. Public toilets lack accessibility features such as ramps and bars, which essentially forces users with special needs to defecate in the open, exposing them to more safety and health risks. 93 Open defecation leads to additional problems: The poor quality of public toilets in Gwalior forces men and women to defecate in the open, exposing them to risks such as being bitten by insects, dogs, scorpions and snakes. Women face harassment while defecating in the open and also while walking to and from the site. In both Pune and Gwalior, and presumably in other similar urban areas, women cannot find unoccupied spaces for open defecation. In order to have some privacy, women wake up early or wait until the middle of night to relieve themselves. This suppression causes health problems including severe infections. General dissatisfaction with public toilets: Public toilets are the accepted remedy for the problem of open defecation in most developing countries (e.g., UN HABITAT, 2010). Construction of public toilets has been supported through government and development partner initiative. While public toilets are necessary in areas such as market places, bus and train stations, and other commercial districts, they are also widely prescribed for poor communities in urban areas. This study, perhaps the first large-sample and detailed documentation of the general dissatisfaction of the urban poor with the services from public toilets, has confirmed findings from other small-sample surveys. Public toilets are crowded and dirty, they also lack adequate water supply and soap for hand washing and cleansing. Women, in particular, are dissatisfied with the safety and privacy afforded by public toilets. There is also a general lack of proper operation and maintenance of these facilities, exacerbating the problems, particularly for women and for users with special needs. Thus, public toilets emerged as resources that are neither properly designed, nor appropriately managed. This underscores the many and severe issues with sanitation service delivery in urban areas. Political interest is a critical factor: Local councilors play an active role in ensuring sanitation services to the urban poor in Pune. Slum residents call their local ward councilors in case of service breakdowns rather than reporting it directly to the public agency responsible to maintaining the toilets. On the hand, in Gwalior, a large proportion of the public toilets constructed under several donor-supported projects have fallen into disuse. Discussions with the community revealed that certain political interests were deliberately trying to ensure that these toilets are demolished and the land is made available for other uses. In both cases, the political influence determines the level of service available in the community. While the municipal corporation is responsible for the operation and maintenance of most public toilets, users perceive elected officials and political leaders as the key source of information and assistance in this sector. As with water supply, this not only creates a ‘middleman’ between the responsible public agency and the consumers, it also de- incentivizes the utility/local body from developing its own customer service system. Official statistics may still record high access to public toilets in Pune and Gwalior: Despite all the problems recorded with public toilets in Gwalior and Pune, they still meet the MDG and NSS definition of ‘access to infrastructure’. Thus, measuring service delivery rather than accessing infrastructure is necessary. The information from discussions that inform this study clearly indicates that the dissatisfaction with the current level of service and the consequences of poor service are significantly worse for urban poor women. Thus, marking these women as ‘covered’ by the existing poorly built and badly maintained infrastructure masks the urgent need for improvement. This also highlights the importance of assessing public toilets using the framework of ‘service delivery’, rather than infrastructure. A service delivery perspective focuses attention on issues normally ignored by a construction-oriented approach to public toilets, i.e., the management of issues such as cleanliness, lighting, ventilation, privacy, safety and reliability, all of which have important consequences for gender and social inclusion. The fact that household toilets provide much better services, based on 94 these parameters, should be an added incentive to focus on the provision of household toilets for the urban poor. 95 4. CASES STUDIED 4.1 INTERVENTIONS TO IMPROVE SERVICE DELIVERY There is a small but growing number of innovative schemes in the UWSS sector that aim to improve water and sanitation access for poor residents, particularly those who are currently excluded from supply. In India and elsewhere, most innovations in the sector are isolated examples of programs and policies implemented through NGO and donor support. This section of the report first presents both the national and international innovations within the sector, and then provides a detailed analysis of seven case studies from India. A concluding section presents the lessons learned from these initiatives that can help address issues of gender and social inclusion in the UWSS sector. IMPROVING ACCESS TO WATER SUPPLY SERVICES The literature mentions two types of innovations in this sector – i) provision of piped water supply to the households and ii) provision of improved shared water services. Of the two, literature clearly indicates that providing good quality piped water into households is the preferred option, given the positive impacts of this level of service for women and other socially excluded groups. If women and children have access to household level water supply, they are able to save time, avoid conflicts at water points, harassment, anxiety regarding supply, and also reduce risks of injuries and other health problems. International experience There are few examples of initiatives promoting gender and social inclusion in the urban water supply and sanitation sector. There are general guidelines for utilities to provide pro-poor services. Rop (2010), for instance, writes that in spite of legal, social, technical, financial and institutional obstacles that water and sewerage utilities face in reaching the urban poor, ‘utility managers should recognize that the poor are legitimate and significant stakeholders in the business of water and sanitation’. And, in order to do so, the utility should:  ‘Embrace services to the poor informal settlements as a key utility corporate objective and articulate this within guidelines, strategies and principles in the provision of services to low income areas.  Establish specialized pro-poor units within the utility. These units should also respond to gender-specific issues.  Target the needs of impoverished men and women by helping to overcome financial barriers to access. This can be done by addressing water access through social connection policies, flexible connection payment terms, appropriate tariffs and where possible, targeted subsidies.  Ensure that the needs of women and men are differentiated to enable interventions to respond to both. The participatory urban appraisals (PUA), adopted from the participatory rural appraisal (PRA) is a useful tool in this respect. The PUA differentiates the needs and priorities of men and women, the differences in workload for planning project implementation, and helps to analyze power differentials within the community. 96  Engage in partnerships between the utility and community based organizations and private entrepreneurs to penetrate and expand services within the dense, low-income settlements, and reduce household reliance on middlemen’ (Rop, 2010, p. 19).’ Apart from such general guidelines for utilities, there are also a few examples of strategies that focus on gender and social inclusion in the international UWSS context. It is interesting to note that literature on best practices is skewed towards the rural water supply and sanitation sector:  Regulated vending: Given the proliferation of private water suppliers as a reality in most urban slums today, a recommendation made by analysts is to include them into a regulatory mechanism, for instance, by providing them with safe water to vend and monitoring their performance (Evans, 2007; WSP, 2009).  Metered stand posts: A technical innovation from South Africa is the Bambamanzi system where users are given a smart card that can be topped up with credit (like a mobile phone SIM card) and inserted into public taps and household systems to provide water. When the credit is exhausted, customers can recharge them by paying as per their requirements.36 Indian experience In 2008, the Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD) constituted a High Powered Expert Committee (HPEC) to look at urban infrastructure and service. The HPEC recommended household-level water supply for all urban residents, based on MoUD’s service-level benchmarking exercise. The examples listed below, then, can be considered forerunners to a new national effort to improve urban water supply services, especially for the poor. Household-level water services Some Indian towns and cities are beginning to provide household-level piped water supply to the poor. Urban poor in these towns and cities have access to metered billing, concessions on user charges, guaranteed time-frame for connection, improved water quality, and reliable or 24x7 water supply.37 Some of these initiatives do not overtly address gender and social inclusion issues, however, this study reinforces that women and socially excluded groups often have the least access to public water supply. Even in cases where water is available, women and girls in urban areas face safety and health risks as they attempt to access it. Thus, initiatives that address larger access and service issues, also address some key gender-related concerns.  24x7 supply: Selected slums in Nagpur and Kulgaon-Badlapur in Maharashtra and in Gulbarga, Hubli-Dharwad and Belgaum in Karnataka have been provided with 24x7 water supply by the Municipal Corporation or a government parastatal organization (Maharashtra Jal Pradikaran in Kulgaon-Badlapur).  Regular supply: Even if supply is intermittent, providing water at regular times and for adequate durations, as is the case in Bangalore slums and in the city of Jamshedpur, is important. Through such initiatives both, the Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board (BWSSB) and Jamshedpur Utilities and Services Company Ltd. (JUSCO) have 36 The scheme, however, ran into trouble in a few places where there were protests - because paying for water violated the free basic water legislated in South Africa, where every citizen was entitled to 25 liters per day free of cost – and was withdrawn in the early-2000s. 37 All the cases listed in the Table are detailed in Volume II of this Report. 97 managed to considerably reduce the time and the effort spent by poor residents on collecting water. In addition, some ULBs and utilities have introduced (or are planning to introduce) specific pro-poor measures that also address key gender and social inclusion concerns:  Fee Concessions: The three municipalities of Gulbarga, Hubli-Dharwad and Belgaum in Karnataka also introduced a specific concession for the poor: No deposit for new connections for houses less than 600 sq. ft. in area (Case Study 1 in Volume II). In addition to this, some public agencies, such as Raipur Municipal Corporation, have proposed to simplify the procedures and documentation required to apply for a water supply connection (NIUA, 2010, p. 3). This particularly benefits women who often don’t own land or housing, or have the necessary identification documents to get water connections. Easing the procedures and documentation requirements allows women to have water connections in their names, rather than in the names of their husbands, fathers, brothers or sons. Many cities, including Gulbarga, Hubli, Dharwad and Belgaum in Karnataka, discount the fee for new connections for poor households. Women typically earn less than men, and thus, face more financial constraints in accessing legal connections that have high initial costs. Discounting the connection fee allows more women to access piped water supply.  Free basic water: Gulbarga, Hubli-Dharwad and Belgaum have also introduced a lifeline water supply of 8000 liters per household, on the lines of the Free Basic Water mandated by law in South Africa  Connections in 48-hours: The Municipal Corporation of Vijayawada in Andhra Pradesh provides connections within 48 hours of customers paying the fee. This saves customers time and effort, and also benefits the urban poor.  Citizen’s Service Centres: The Municipality of Kadapa introduced a dedicated service center to improve the interface between customers and the ULB. This removes the ‘middlemen’ – political leaders, councilors, and NGOs – from between the customers and the service providers. In addition to these benefits, the ULBs that have introduced innovative initiatives targeted low- income customers also reported other general benefits. The public agencies registered an increase in billing and collections, reduction in non-revenue water (NRW) and fewer illegal connections. Customers also noted improvements in water quality and a resultant reduction in water-borne diseases and health-related expenditure.38 Improved access to shared water services Although providing household level piped water supply is clearly the ideal intervention, improving access to shared water sources such as hand pumps and public stand posts represents a significant improvement for users that are currently at ‘no service’ or ‘poor service’ levels. Some examples for such improvements in water supply are provided below: 38 Only initiatives that benefit the urban poor, and particularly women and socially excluded groups are mentioned here. Other improvements/initiatives by utilities that target financial indicators or focus on increasing water supply have not been discussed. For more information on these see WSP, 2009a and 2009b. 98  Shared taps or yard taps: As part of the AusAID-supported Bangalore Water Supply and Environmental Management Project, a willingness-to-pay survey was conducted. After assessing the findings, BWSSB began a new initiative to provide metered shared taps to households. This allowed poor households to share the monthly water charges (BWSSB, 2012).  Free water through public kiosks: In Belgaum, Gulbarga and Hubli-Dharwad, through an NGO-initiative, water is being supplied free-of-charge through public kiosks.  Hand pumps connected to underground sumps: The Chandigarh Municipal Corporation supplies corporation water underground sumps are supplied with good quality water by the Corporation and the hand pumps fitted on these sumps allow the urban poor to have 24x7 access to good quality water. IMPROVING ACCESS TO SANITATION SERVICES International experience Very few international initiatives have focused on improving women and socially excluded groups’ access to sanitation services. Two noteworthy cases are discussed below:  Improving access to communal toilets (Nairobi): In Kiambiu, an informal settlement in Nairobi, a local NGO, ‘Maji na Ufanisi’ (Water and Development) has been working with a CBO to promote the use of communal pay-and-use toilet through several initiatives: (1) improved visibility at night by installing solar panels on the roof of the toilet structure; (2) increased toilet operating hours for women and children; (3) monthly family cards to provide affordable access to all family members for unlimited toilet visits in a day; and (4) arranging for teachers in the local primary schools to accompany children to use the toilet at regular interval (Rop, 2010, p. 20)  Increasing awareness about sanitation: The Indonesia Sanitation Sector Development Program (ISSDP) promotes gender and social equality in the planning and implementation of urban sanitation through (1) awareness campaigns for the official working group on sanitation, for city officials and community groups to ensure that women’s voices are heard; (2) organizing separate awareness sessions for women, men and mixed groups; (3) dissemination of information on technical options and costs as well as hygiene promotion and education – all of which have changed the perspectives of participants with regard to gender and social equity (Rop, 2010, p. 21). In addition to these examples, some studies have brought out interesting lessons in relation to gender and social inclusion in UWSS. A 2008 WSP study in Cambodia shows that in latrine purchase decisions, men are more interested in the technical aspects while women are more concerned about convenience and safety. This underscores the importance of encouraging discussions between men and women in the household concerning investment in toilets. In the case of public toilets, this also highlights the importance of encouraging discussions between groups of men and women and the public agency responsible to designing, operating and maintaining toilets. The WSP (2008) study also found that in Cambodia children bringing messages to their parents from school teachers, who are considered a credible and important source of information, influenced behavior change within the household (Rop, 2010, p. 29). 99 Other important lessons for addressing urban sanitation in a gender responsive way are (Rop, 2010, p. 21):  Partnerships between local government, local women’s groups and the private sector should be forged to overcome technical and financial barriers to women accessing urban sanitation.  A sustainability plan can be introduced for the operation and maintenance of public pay- and-use facilities, allowing women to play a role in management.  Access to and from household to public toilets should be planned in way that ensures the safety for women and children.  Decisions around payment schemes should include the opinion of women and other socially excluded groups.  School sanitation and hygiene in should be an area of focus for government schemes and programs. This will ensure that girls are not forced to drop out of school due to lack of adequate sanitation facilities.  Practitioners should invest in processes that enable the inputs of men, women, and mixed groups. All sections of society can have complementary roles in the planning, decision- making and implementation of an optimal urban sanitation environment.’ (Rop, 2010, p. 21)Hygiene behavior change should also be an area of focus as it is an important adjunct to sanitation improvements. In Nepal, for instance, the introduction of soap and hand washing in schools led to a 70% reduction in diarrhea. Evidence further shows that women are central to maintaining hygiene standards in the home and could play a vital role in reducing diarrheal rates by up to 50 percent (Curtis et al., 2003). This has led to the WSP supporting projects that promote hand washing in Peru, Senegal, Tanzania and Vietnam (Rop, 2010). The Indian experience Two types of actions can be taken to improve access to urban sanitation – i) providing household level sanitation services; and ii) improved access to shared services. Although shared services do not classify as ‘improved sanitation’ as defined by the JMP, such facilities are the ‘most commonly used option’ for densely populated low-income areas where lack of space does not allow for household level toilets (SIGUS, 2003, quoted in Allen et al., 2010). Of the two, having functional toilets inside homes (or shared by a small group of households) is a preferred option, given its impact on problems faced by women and other socially excluded groups in accessing shared sanitation services. If there is access to household level service, women and children do not have to walk to public toilets and can avoid associated problems including clogged and overflowing toilets, non-functional doors, latches and lights, dirty surroundings, and safety risks. Household level service also improves access for users with special needs, including for people with disabilities, the chronically ill and PLWHA. Building a toilet in an existing house is not as easy. It requires willingness to construct a toilet, the availability of adequate space, connection to the public sewer system or construction of septic tank, and access to relevant government programs. The examples listed below capture major efforts to improve access to individual toilets and to good-quality shared sanitation services, especially for the poor. 100 Household-level sanitation services All urban households, and especially the urban poor, need support to build household toilets, ranging from finance to innovative technologies and models.  Subsidies for toilet construction: The Integrated Low Cost Sanitation Scheme (ILCS) of the Government of India provides subsidies to the urban poor to build household toilets. Although this is a nation-wide scheme, the major problem with all such subsidy schemes is that funds are released only after completion of construction, which requires poor households to first invest their own money and then seek reimbursement. This is especially difficult for women who are typically not in charge of family finances.  Micro-finance for toilet construction: These schemes are almost exclusively NGO initiatives. Poor households are loaned money to build toilets. . There are two types of microfinance schemes: those that draw funds from the organized financial markets (e.g., banks and other financial institutions) and those that provide funds of their own (e.g., SEWA in Gujarat). Gramalaya, an NGO in Tiruchirapalli, worked with WaterAid India to organize institutional credit access for poor residents to construct household toilets through SHGs (WAI, 2006). The Community-led Infrastructure Finance Facility (CLIFF) in India provides funds for constructing toilets to urban poor households. CLIFF is funded by DFID and SIDA, managed by Homeless International, and administered by Cities Alliance., (Jack and Morris, 2005, quoted in Allen et al., 2010). Revolving funds by SHGs and other organizations are also used to provide loans to the urban poor for toilet construction.39  Technical advice on toilet construction: SCOPE, an NGO in Tiruchirapalli focuses on urine diverting dehydration toilets (UDDTs) (also known as a composting toilet). These toilets have been customized for Indian conditions, and SCOPE has been helping urban households build UDDTs in areas with space and water availability constraints.40 Improved access to shared services In order to improve operations and maintenance, the management of public and community toilets is often handed over to the community or to private companies. . Public toilets are either (1) built and managed by ULBs, (2) built by ULBs but the operation and maintenance (O&M) is leased to other agencies such as NGOs, SHGs, private contractors or individuals, or (3) funded, constructed, operated and maintained by NGOs (WSP, 2007).  Building new public toilets: For public toilets, several successful cases of Build-Operate- Transfer (BOT) contracts have been reported in urban India, especially from Delhi, Jaipur and Chandigarh. (WSP, 2007).  Community contribution in building community toilets: SPARC, an NGO from Pune, has involved the local community residents, both in terms of knowledge inputs and financial contributions, in the design and construction of toilets (e.g., Baken 2010). 39 The Co-operative Housing Foundation program in Honduras that provides a revolving fund for sanitation loans, while the group of 22 Water Boards in Ghana that formed into the Association of Water and Sanitation Development Boards to provide large scale community revolving funds, the revolving latrine fund provided by Unicef in Lesotho, and the Orangi Pilot Project in Pakistan are further examples of micro-finance for toilets for the poor (Sijbesma et al., 2010). 40 M. Subburaman, Director, SCOPE, Tiruchirpalli. Personal communication, November 2011. 101  Handing over O&M of public toilets to SHGs: Some Municipal Corporations have been persuaded by NGOs to hand over the O&M of public toilets to local communities, creating ‘community toilets’. While early examples (1998 – 2003) include Mumbai, Pune, Kanpur, Bangalore and Hyderabad (Baken, 2010), more recent examples are in Tiruchirapalli, Gwalior and Kolkata (Table 4.2).  Handing over O&M of public toilets to private companies: After realizing that that the private sector is willing to operate and maintain public toilets, more municipalities are handing over O&M to agencies such as Sulabh International. In some cases the municipality constructs new public toilets and then hands them over to a private agency (e.g., Chandigarh Municipal Corporation: See Table 4.2); and in other cases, the public toilets are built and operated by the private agencies (e.g., Sulabh toilets in Hyderabad and Vijayawada Municipal Corporations: See Table 4.2).  Improved design for new toilet blocks: There has been an increased focus on the design of toilet blocks. Some innovative design details include bathing cubicles, separate seats for men, women and children, and greater attention to social inclusion issues: e.g., special child-friendly features and other amenities such as hand rails, ramps, and raised platforms for people with disabilities and the elderly (Table 4.2).41  Toilets for PLWHA: WaterAid India has been partnering the Uttar Pradesh AIDS Control Society to implement a project through NGO CREATE, a program that aims to help improve the quality of lives of PLWHAs through improved water supply and sanitation access. This scheme is providing WSS access at all care and support centres for people living with HIV and AIDS.42 In addition to these actions to improve shared sanitation facilities for the socially excluded, there are other innovative features that have also been added:  Selling advertising space to generate revenue: Delhi Jal Board (DJB) has initiated an innovative scheme as part of its BOT model to encourage private sector involvement. The empty space on the outer walls of the toilets is being sold to private companies for advertisements. This scheme has become a major source of revenue for the toilets, even more so that the user charges (WSP, 2007).  Open defecation free slums: Another innovative scheme is to combine well- functioning public facilities with added support to individuals to build household toilets. Together, these strategies are expected to create open-defecation free (ODF) slums. (see cases 8 and 9 in Table 4.2)  Monthly passes: In order to encourage use of community toilets, Sulabh International has introduced a system of monthly passes – and hence monthly payment – in Chandigarh (Case 1 in Table 4.2).  Child-friendly public toilets: Innovative design features that allow children to use public toilets more comfortably have been introduced in Mumbai and Pune (Cases 5 and 6 in Table 4.2). 41 Substantial work on designing and constructing toilets for the disabled among the urban poor has also been done by the NGO Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK) is from Bangladesh which has been working in the Dhaka slums since the 1990s (see www.dskbangladesh.org). 42 See http://www.source.irc.nl/page/53176 and WaterAid (2010). 102  24 hour water and electricity: The community toilets built by the Mumbai Corporation were handed over to the community to manage. However, before that, Mumbai Corporation made arrangements to provide 24-hour water and electricity supply to the public toilets (Case 6 in Table 4.2). While these are necessary provisions for all users, 24 hour electricity added to women’s sense of safety. As a result, more women are using these toilets.  Incinerators: The Gwalior Municipal Corporation has added incinerators to the new community toilet complexes in order to address issues related to menstrual hygiene. (See for e.g., Fernandez, 2010).  Connections to the main sewer line: Alandur Municipal Corporation in Tamil Nadu and the Navi Mumbai Corporation in Maharashtra have provided underground sewerage for all households in the Municipality, including slum households. As a result, all household toilets in the slum and all public toilets are connected to public sewer lines (see cases 9 and 10 in Table 4.2). These are only the reported examples of program-level action to improve access to water supply and sanitation services. A thorough state-wise review of actions by ULBs, NGOs and external support agencies (ESAs) as well as documentation of promising cases not written up so far would help to highlight these successful approaches. 4.2 CASE STUDY SELECTION OBJECTIVES OF CASE STUDIES The basic objective of analyzing the innovations in the UWSS sector was to examine their current status, understand impacts, and evaluate sustainability. The larger aims were to see what roles government agencies, private enterprises, and community residents can play in the success (and failure) of such initiatives, and what resources and capacities are necessary to replicate these strategies elsewhere. It is important to note that gender and social exclusion issues were not major criteria in the design of the initiatives discussed here. However, even though GSI was not central to these schemes, more benefits were noted for affected women and socially excluded persons; not only in terms of access to improved water supply or sanitation, but also economic, health and social benefits. The case study analysis presented in this section attempts to highlight these advantages, and also emphasizes the role played by women, girls and socially excluded groups in the design, implementation, maintenance, and operation of the schemes. THE SELECTION PROCESS During the literature survey, 25 cases were selected for further analysis (and summarized in Annex 2 of Volume II). After a quick review of the selected cases, seven initiatives focused on water supply and 11 on sanitation were shortlisted, primarily for their pro-poor features (Tables 4.1 and 4.2). Finally, seven cases were chosen for a deeper analysis - Agra, Belgaum, Tiruchirapalli, Pune, Gwalior, Kalyani and Mumbai (Table 4.1 and 4.2)). The criteria for selection included any documented impacts on gender and social inclusion issues and geographical diversity. First, the available literature was analyzed to understand the problem, look at specific features of the strategy/scheme, examine the implementation process, and study the impacts. Then, a detailed on-site follow-up was conducted to examine the current status and sustainability of the initiatives. Table 4.1: Choice of cases for further study: urban water supply 103 Additional service Pro-poor features City State Agency features 1 24 x 7 supply No deposit for new Gulbarga, Karnataka KUIDFC & connections for houses less Belgaum Municipal than 600sq.ft in area Hubli- Corporations Minimum supply of 8000 Dharwad litres per household 2 Good quality & Jamshedpur Jharkhand JUSCO reliable 3 Improved quality & Bangalore Karnataka BWSSB reliable alternate day supply 4 New connection within 48 Vijayawada Andhra Municipal hours of paying the fee Pradesh Corporation 5 24 x 7 supply Kulgaon- Maharashtra Maharashtra Badlapur Jal Pradikaran 6 24 x 7 supply Nagpur Maharashtra Municipal Corporation 7 Citizen’s Service Center Kadapa Andhra Municipal Pradesh Corporation Table 4.2: Choice of cases for further study: urban sanitation Additional Service Features Pro-poor features City State Agency 1 New public toilets built and Monthly passes Chandigarh Punjab & Municipal operated by Sulabh International given to the urban Haryana Corporation poor 104 Additional Service Features Pro-poor features City State Agency 2 Built & operated by Sulabh Hyderabad Andhra Municipal International Vijayawada Pradesh Corporation 3 Community toilet operated by Empowerment of Tiruchirapalli Tamil Nadu Municipal SHGs slum women Corporation 4 Rehabilitated public toilets Livelihood for Kolkata West Bengal Municipal Operated by SHGs women in charge Corporation of maintaining toilets 5 New community toilet blocks Built with people’s Pune Maharashtra Municipal Child-friendly seats participation Corporation & Caretaker’s room SPARC (NGO) provided inside complex 6 New Community toilet blocks Mumbai Maharashtra Municipal constructed with 24-hour water Corporation and electricity supply, separate sections for men, women and children, bathing cubicles and urinals and children’s squatting platforms; community-operated 7 All slum residents in the city use 44 ODF slums Kalyani West Bengal Municipal toilets, built at their own cost Corporation 8 100% sewerage network, 80% Navi Maharashtra Municipal coverage in slums and goathan Mumbai Corporation areas; 100% treatment of waste water and plans to sell recycled water 9 All households and slums Alandur Tamil Nadu Municipal connected to underground Corporation drainage system 10 Community toilets refurbished by Gwalior Madhya Municipal the Corporation and handed over Pradesh Corporation & to the NGO to organize and train Sambhav SHGs for operation & (NGO) maintenance SELECTED CASES Community Toilets  Tiruchirapalli (Trichy): With support from WaterAID, a few NGOs began working with the Trichy City Corporation (TCC) to set up over 300 community-managed toilets (CMTs). This group also created a federation of the women’s SHGs, which was then trained to manage the CMTs.  Mumbai: As a part of the World Bank supported Slum Sanitation Program (SSP), local NGOs began working with the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) to set up community-managed public toilets in selected slums in the city. 105  Agra: Through the Cross Cutting Agra Program (CAP), the Center for Urban and Rural Excellence (CURE), a Delhi-based NGO, began working with the Municipal Corporation of Agra and the Agra Nagar Nigam (ANN) to improve sanitation facilities in selected slums in the city.  Gwalior: Through projects funded by various development partners, including UN-HABITAT, DFID and ADB, the Gwalior Municipal Corporation (GMC) built toilets across multiple slums in the city. Women have been appointed as caretakers for the newly built community toilets. GMC is also working with a local NGO to generate awareness on sanitation issues and to mobilize slum communities. Household Toilets  Kalyani: A social development consultant was hired to organize and train the health unit of the Kalyani Municipal Corporation to implement Community Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) initiatives in all 52 slums of the city. The aim was to make all city slums open defecation free by motivating households to build low cost private toilets without any government assistance.  Pune: The Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) started a massive public toilet building scheme in the city, which led to government and NGO initiatives to improve access to household toilets in slums. Water Supply  Belgaum: The Belgaum City Corporation worked with United Social Welfare Association (USWA), a local NGO, to mobilize communities in 10 wards of the city where 24x7 was to going to be introduced as part of the World Bank supported Karnataka Urban Water Supply Improvement Project (KUWASIP). METHODOLOGY The case studies were analyzed using a simple process. First the available literature was reviewed to understand the problem and the key features of the scheme. The intended impacts were also looked at. This was followed by site visits to examine the current status and identify key players. Finally, interviews with community residents, government officials and NGO staff were conducted. The data from each of these sources was analyzed together to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the design, implementation, impacts, sustainability and replicability of the initiative. 4.3 SUMMARY OF CASE STUDIES 1. COMMUNITY TOILETS IN TRICHY THE PROBLEM Before the community toilet initiative, open defecation was the common practice in most Trichy slums. Even in slums were public toilets were available; people were choosing to defecate in the open due to the poor condition of the facilities. Women, in particular, were choosing to defecate in the open due to the lack of adequate lighting and privacy in public toilets. Many of non-functioning 106 or poorly functioning toilets were abandoned by the community. Women and girls also felt unsafe around these abandoned structures. The slum communities reported many health issues due to the lack of adequate sanitation facilities, including high incidences of diarrhea and other water borne diseases. Stagnant waste water around the toilets and no solid waste management added to the disease burden of the community. This also had a greater impact on women who were responsible for taking care of sick family members, particularly the children. There were no community-based organizations in Trichy slums that were working to address these issues. THE INITIATIVE In 2000, the Collector of Trichy asked three local NGOs, SEVAI, SCOPE and Gramalaya to work on sanitation issues in the city. At that time, the NGOs, in partnership with WaterAID India, had already been working on sanitation issues in rural regions around the city. By 2001, 25 CMTs had been built by the NGOs, another 75 by government agencies. Under the World Bank supported Tamil Nadu Urban Development Program (TNUDP) Phase I, the 3 NGOs also provided residents with training to manage the newly constructed community toilets. Subsequently, the TCC expanded the number of CMTs to more than 180. THE PROCESS Gramalaya, SCOPE and SEVAI developed a systemic approach that would help in improving the management of all community toilets.  Key Roles for Women: As they entered each slum, the NGOs approached local women, discussing the initiative, getting ideas and suggestions from them, and finally, creating a SHG with at least 15-20 members. The women were involved in developing and running the SHG. 2 members from the SHG were chosen to lead the Sanitation and Hygiene Education (SHE) team. Other SHG representatives became members of the SHE. Women played critical roles in each step – from forming the SHG to running the SHE team. The NGOs chose to work with the women because they continued to bear a disproportionate burden of poor sanitation service in each slum. This was also clear in the way women chose to champion sanitation issues as SHG and SHE team leaders and members. .  Building and maintaining adequate community toilets: After the TCC built or rehabilitated a toilet; it also provided other necessary amenities. Toilets were equipped with running water and electricity. A caretaker was appointed to manage the facility. The caretakers were SHG members appointed for a fixed period (e.g., one day or one week). They were paid for their efforts, and usually worked for 6-12 hours shifts. They were also responsible for collecting user fees and for maintaining accounts.43 A security guard was hired to protect the infrastructure and to enhance safety of users. The prioritization of safety is indicative of women’s involvement in the process as this was one of their key issues related to the toilets. TCC also appointed a female and male cleaner each for women’s and men’s seats, respectively.  Setting the fees: User charges were fixed by the SHGs and SHE Team members. Initially the fee was set at 50p per use. However, to ensure financial viability, the fee has been increased to Re 1-2 per use. There are some concessions and variations: children, elderly and single women are not charged for urination; bathing and washing clothes costs Rs 2-3. Some CMT 43 In Dharmanathapuram CMT, women caretakers are paid Rs. 50 per day for an 8-hour shift and the CMT is operated by women caretakers from 4 am to 11 pm, with a night watchman coming from 11 pm to 4 am. 107 management teams have also instituted a monthly card system, where a family pays Rs15- 30 per month.  Forming a Federation: The NGOs set up a registered federation of SHGs called Women’s Action for Village Empowerment (WAVE). Women who were a part of WAVE meet regularly to discuss relevant issues. Women also escalate these issues to relevant government officials as needed. Women who are a part of the SHGs and WAVE train new members. Women have reported feeling more confident of working within the community and with government officials as a result of their work on this project.  Maintaining accounts: The NGOs helped the SHE group in opening a bank account. The SHE team members were also trained in financial record management. The SHE team keeps an updated user register and daily collection book. Monthly statements of income and expenditures are prepared at the end of every month and these are presented at the monthly SHE meetings. Any remaining funds are deposited in the bank account and can be used for minor repairs or other agreed upon activities. A majority of these activities are managed by women from the community. This allows women to gain necessary financial management skills and have a greater voice in deciding where additional funds can be used within the community Increasing awareness and more usage of toilets: The NGOs and the SHGs also carried out extensive awareness generation activities including, focus group discussions, door-to-door campaigns, cultural programs and street plays, and regular meetings with community members. They used several innovative methods to popularize the use of these new community toilets, including using children as ‘sanitation ambassadors’ and a ‘Lucky Dip’, where 10 out of every 1000 coupons given to users were awarded prizes. By 2011, through Gramalaya’s efforts, 167 community-managed toilets were built, and 869 SHGs, and 66 SHE Teams were formed. 67 of the 167 community toilets in Trichy city are maintained by women from SHGs, 30 are being run by other NGOs, and the remaining are operated by private contractors. THE IMPACTS The positive impacts of the initiative were considerable:  Relief to women and socially vulnerable groups: The most direct impact of the new community toilets was the convenience to users, especially to women, elderly, users with special needs, and children. Presence of watchwomen (female security guards) outside bathing blocks and toilets added to the women’s sense of safety and privacy while using public toilets. Some of the toilets included accessible features, such as ramps and handrails, which allowed people with disabilities to have access to the facilities.  Empowerment of local women: For the women in SHGs, the impact was not being a part of the transformation of their neighborhood, but also the accompanying economic, social and health advantages. Women were trained in financial management and were responsible for maintaining accounts for the toilets. They had access to employment opportunities to women, such as toilet managers, caretakers, and security/watchwoman. They had a greater say what community development projects can be initiated using remaining funds after all the expenses for the toilets were met. Women were also expected to work with government officials and with leaders from other communities as a part of the SHG and WAVE.  Improved hygiene and health: By 2011, 179 slums in Trichy had become ODF. The availability of a larger number of adequate toilet facilities with proper waste disposal systems has led to an improvement in hygiene practices among slum communities. With more people having 108 access to adequate sanitation facilities, incidences of diseases, and consequently, women’s burden of providing care to sick family members has also reduced  Financial returns to SHGs: At least 35% of the 100 community toilets constructed during the first phase of this initiative are doing well financially. These are not only able to meet O&M costs; they also have additional funds at the end of the month to use towards other community development projects.  Financial returns to TCC: From 2000 to 2005, the TCC was spending around Rs. 95,000 per year on O&M of public toilets. As a result of this initiative, where the management of the toilet is handed over to the community or to a private contractor, TCC is able to save these funds. There were some negative impacts as well:  Conflicts within SHGs: Within increasing revenues and profits from operating the community-managed toilets, and due to weak democratic procedures within SHGs, some leaders began to behave autocratically, negatively affecting the opportunities available for other women.  Opposition from local councilors: Before the community toilets were constructed, local councilors protested against this scheme because it required poor residents to pay for toilets. However, as more people began to see SHG-managed toilets as financially profitable councilors sought to construct and take over CMTs. The councilors also created a set up where they appointed their own people as ‘managers’ of the toilets, and then took a share of the money collected through user charges. . Despite these challenges, the Trichy CMTs have demonstrated the willingness of community residents, and especially of women, to participate in schemes that improve their access to sanitation services. The experience with SHG-managed toilets also highlights the critical role women play in this sector. REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY In 2005, the CMT model seemed poised for widespread replication in Trichy city. Today, however, it is not considered the preferred model to deliver sanitation services for the urban poor. WaterAID conducted detailed assessment of this model, but TCC has chosen to disregard many of their recommendations. In addition, three major constraints to replication and sustainability of Trichy’s CMT model are:  Falling economic viability: Detailed surveys of CMTs showed that they were barely maintaining a surplus of revenue over O&M costs due to rising expenses and reduction in the numbers of users. Despite rising costs of electricity (SHGs now pay commercial rates), cleaning materials and salaries, the SHE Teams cannot raise the user charges (which have gone up from the initial 50 p to Re. 1 for local users and Rs. 2 for outsiders) for fear of losing customers.  Delay in maintenance: Despite Gramalaya and the WAVE Federation writing several letters to the Commissioner, City Engineer, and other officials, it takes on average 1 year for TCC officials to address problems, such as blocked drains, septic tanks that require emptying and out of order pumps and motors. TCC officials claim that they lack funds because, as per policy, they are not supposed to spend more than Rs 1 lakh on a toilet and can only renovate the toilets once in 3 years. Members of the SHG have taken personal bank loans to keep the CMTs running, however, this does not ensure sustainability. 109  Political interference: Local councilors, in collusion slum lords interfere in the running of the CMTs. According to local NGOs, councilors arrange for public funds to build the toilets and but retain the O&M contracts. They also appoint slum lords to collect user charges in exchange for a share of the revenues. Women also reported that they were threatened and asked to stop operating CMTs. The current Municipal Commissioner of Trichy intends to repossess all the public toilets in the city, classifying them into three categories - (1) those that will pay the TCC for various services (electricity and maintenance); (2) those that will not pay the TCC for services and (3) those whom the TCC will pay. The commissioner intends to hand over the management of all these toilets to women’s SHGs on the basis of a memorandum of understanding (MoU) that specifies concessionary terms for electrical charges. He also intends to initiate other income generation schemes at the toilets, such as plastic collection. LESSONS LEARNED  Empowered women can help expand the initiative: The experience, expertise and willingness of the women in Trichy played a critical role in the initial success of the CMTs. Women’s role needs to be incorporated at every stage of such projects, including design, and O&M. As was seen in this initiative, involving women at design stage, allows certain areas of priority, such as safety, hygiene, and child-friendly seats to emerge as central to the scheme. This initiative has also proven that the benefits women gain from access to adequate sanitation facilities, makes them ideal champions for such projects. In Trichy, the women from the WAVE federation have expressed their interest in operating and maintaining toilets in the city and also in expanding this initiative to other cities.  Success depends on a combination of factors: Four key factors contributed to the initial success of the initiative: (1) a donor agency willing to support community-based management of public toilets in slums; (2) a set of NGOs willing to work with women to provide them with the necessary training and to build their capacity; (3) Federation of SHGs with the capacity and motivation to take over and manage public toilets in slums; and (4) a Municipal Corporation willing to work with NGOs in this initiative. Initial community mobilization requires time and support: Apart from signing of a tripartite MoU (between the NGO, the SHG and the Municipal Corporation), detailing the roles and responsibilities of each stakeholder , it is also import to dedicate time and effort towards community mobilization, particularly during the first 3-5 years after the CMTs construction. 2. COMMUNITY-MANAGED TOILETS IN MUMBAI AND NAVI MUMBAI THE PROBLEM Although Mumbai has a large number of public toilets, these are still not enough to meet demand. Currently, only 25% of Mumbai’s public toilet blocks are being used due to the poor condition of the facilities. Toilets for the urban poor living in slums and other poverty pockets of Mumbai are much worse than for higher socio-economic classes. The access to adequate sanitation service is the lowest for people with disabilities, for women and children living in slums, and for elderly men and women. THE INITIATIVE From 1995-2005, the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) implemented the World Bank supported Slum Sanitation Program (SSP). As a part of the initiative, 328 community-managed 110 toilet blocks with more than 5,100 seats were constructed across various Mumbai slums. The toilet blocks served over 400,000 people. The SSP included the following strategies:  Demand-responsive approach: The toilet blocks were constructed based on demand from local slum dwellers. This became the basis to involve community residents in management of toilets.  Community contribution: The community residents contributed at least 10% towards construction costs of the toilets. SSP was the first initiative under which, community residents were asked to contribute towards the capital costs.  NGOs for community mobilization: MCGM contracted NGOs to inform local communities about the benefits of community-managed system, and to motivate them to take on the management of public toilets.  Community management and women’s participation: NGOs, including Society for the Promotion of Area Resources (SPARC), set up Community Based Organizations (CBOs) within the slums to manage the toilets. These CBOs, largely made up of women’s groups, were responsible for collecting user charges and for ensuring that the toilets were cleaned regularly, water was made available, and minor repairs were attended to in a timely manner. SPARC also partnered with the Water and Sanitation Program (WSP) to encourage women participation in this initiative through a women’s empowerment program (Mahila Milan).  Flexible ‘community’ toilet designs: The men and women from the community chose a flexible design for the toilet blocks. This was accepted by the MCGM despite higher costs because the residents were willing to contribute 10% towards the higher capital costs.  User charges: Monthly passes were issued to families at an average of Rs 50 per month, and occasional users such as vendors, shopkeepers and passers-by were charged Rs 2-5 per use.  Sanitation maintenance fund: A sanitation maintenance fund was created from community contributions and the money was deposited in an account held jointly by the CBO and the MCGM. The MCBM only issued building permits for community toilet blocks after 50% of the required funds were collected and deposited into the joint account and a technically-sound plan for the toilet block was endorsed by the community. Because the CBOs included representatives from women’s groups, women from the communities were largely responsible for overseeing the sanitation maintenance funds.  Caretaker’s room: As an incentive, the caretakers were offered a small residential space within or near the toilet blocks. IMPACTS Besides considerable relief for slum residents, particularly the women and children, the SSP also provided other benefits.  Improved services for women: Typically, SSP toilet blocks had 10 toilet cubicles with separate sections for men and women. This allowed women more privacy. For every 10 toilets, a bathing room was also provided, which added to women’s sense of comfort, safety and dignity.  Facilities for children: Most toilet blocks included seats or platforms for children. This became a norm during and after the SSP. 111  Open and functional for longer hours: Most SSP toilet blocks stay open from 5 am till midnight, longer than other municipality-run public toilets. The longer hours allow women and children more flexibility in terms of when they can use the facilities, and add to the likelihood that they would reach work or school on time.  Water and lights: In 1990, the MCGM made water supply and electricity provision mandatory for all community toilets. SSP toilets are equally equipped with municipal water supply and electricity. These toilets also have a ground (or underground) level storage sump, and an overhead water tank with a pump.  Reduction in diseases: Across all the slums visited in Mumbai and Navi Mumbai, residents reported a reduction in incidences of gastric diseases as a major benefit of public toilets. This has added benefits for women, who are primary caregivers for any family members that are unwell.  Community mobilization and women’s participation: NGOs and MCGM staff mobilized the local community and continued to do so in subsequent MCGM interventions. Women, who formed a large part of the CBOs, were encouraged to participate in the initiative. With initial assistance from local NGOs and development partners, women’s groups were involved in the day to day management of the toilets.  Local Employment: Many toilets provided regular employment to one family and, in some cases, hired up to two full-time persons.  Financial viability: Even though most operators complained about poor cost recovery or non- payment by a few members, they also mentioned that the revenue generated through user charges was able to cover the O&M costs of the toilet. Toilet blocks constructed near busy areas or roads also earned additional income through non-regular users.  Federation of local CBOs: The CBOs managing the SSP community toilets formed a federation called the Shauchalay Vyavasthapak Sanstha Mahasangh. Since its inception, the members of the federation have increased from 328 to the current, 553. This is in part due to the emphasis on building community toilets on the SSP model. The federation guides government and civic agencies on community management in other states and cities and also plays an important advocacy role in the sector.  Mainstreaming of innovations and lessons: Several of the innovations promoted during the project period, including design as per local requirements, equal seats for men and women, room for a caretaker above the toilet, child-friendly designs, and management of community toilets through CBOs, have been adopted into the routine functioning of the Solid Waste Management Division of MCGM. The lessons learned from the SSP informed the MCGM’s 2005 Guidelines on Community Toilets. The Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation (NMMC), which was formed in 1992, was quick to learn from the SSP experience and promote community toilets in slums. This initiative added to the SSP model and the NMMC toilet blocks included innovative features such as provisions for the elderly and for people with disabilities. All NMMC toilet blocks constructed since 2006 include seats for users with special needs. 51 such seats are already under operation.  Concessions for the disabled and elderly: In line with MCGM guidelines, community toilet operators do not levy any user charges on people with disabilities. Some CBOs have also exempted elderly users from payment.  Shift in attitudes of local councilors: The capacity and strong commitment demonstrated by CBOs contributed to a shift in the attitude of local councilors. At the beginning of this initiative, councilors were skeptical of the capacity and commitment of community 112 residents. However, after witnessing the success of SSP, councilors are championing community-managed toilet blocks. REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY Several challenges are impeding the replication of the SSP model in Mumbai.  Community mobilization: The NGOs, and later, the CBOs were responsible for community mobilization. Initially, these organizations faced multiple hurdles as residents resisted both user charges and community contributions. The key concern for community residents was they would invest money in the project and it would not be completed. Even though people have fewer concerns now, after the initial success of SSP, approaching new slums can be challenging and the municipality requires support from NGOs and CBOs for this task.  No facilities for menstrual hygiene: Despite many innovations, menstrual hygiene has not addressed in the design of community toilets. This poses special challenges for women and girls who have to find alternate places to dispose used sanitary pads or are forced to leave them in the toilet cubicles, which affects the cleanliness of the facilities.  Inadequate facilities for the physically challenged and elderly: Although the provision of facilities for persons with disabilities and for elderly men and women has been recognised as a need by the authorities and operators, it has not become an essential part of community toilets.  Late payments and defaults: Most CBOs managing community toilets reported that members pay their dues late - often towards the end of month, and at least 2-10% of the members do not pay at all. Default rates can be as high as 30-50%, and an equal proportion pays late. Some operators also tried quarterly passes, but these have not worked. Due to late payments and defaults, and to ensure that all residents pay per use charges, some operators are gradually abandoning the monthly pass option.  No institutional priority in obtaining electricity and water connections: Despite the promises from MCGM that connections for community toilets would be given priority, CBOs continue to face problems getting access to water and electricity. After the SSP, no priority provision of water or electric services was made available for newly-constructed toilet blocks. At this time, such initiatives depended on a few individually motivated MCGM staff. :  Electricity at high and rising commercial rates, leading to payment defaults: Increasing costs of water, electricity and cleaning material, and reducing revenue from users are affecting the financial viability of community toilets. The main factor behind financial losses is the rapidly-rising electricity costs that are charged at commercial rates. CBOs running community toilets in poor slums are facing severe problems, where the electric connection of some of toilets has been disconnected due to non-payment of bills. This is particularly challenging for women who are caught in a double bind, where they either have to use unsafe public facilities or are forced to defecate in the open. Lack of electricity also impacts availability of water supply and affects overall hygiene and cleanliness of the toilets.  Poor maintenance is a real threat to sustainability: MCGM has made no budgetary provision for the maintenance of community toilets, assuming (as per the SSP condition) that the community will pay for all maintenance work. Accordingly, the MCGM has also stopped recruiting halalkhors (scavengers) to clean the toilets. Due to higher expenses and lower revenue, daily cleaning, routine repairs of broken seats, doors, windows, taps, and electric bulbs is not being done. The lack of maintenance of infrastructure and services is leading to low usage and rapidly reducing revenues. . 113  Misuse and takeover by contractors: Due to financial constraints, several CBOs have reportedly handed over the management of their toilet blocks to private contractors. Due to misuse of such arrangement by slumlords, the NMMC has adjusted its approach and has formally endorsed a model where NGOs are contracted for O&M and all public toilets are handed over to private contractors.  Undeclared profits but residents don’t care: There are cases of local CBOs making an undeclared profit from toilet blocks, particularly those located near busy roads, but a recent review indicated, the residents did not care so long as they had access to an affordable and adequate service. LESSON LEARNED More Active Role for Women Over the years, the achievements of the SSP are gradually fading, in part due to the declining financial viability of community toilets and the perceived lack of continued support from NGOs. Even though women are a part of CBOs and seen as the main beneficiaries of this project, they don’t play an active role in the design and management of toilets. An alternative institutional set up may increase the potential sustainability and replicability of this model. One possible option is for the MCGM to work with CBO Federations, which also include women’s groups, created in Mumbai slums by NGOs such as SPARC and YUVA. These CBOs can partner with the government agencies to modify the design as per need and scale up the SSP model in Mumbai. 3. CITY-WIDE SANITATION IMPROVEMENT IN AGRA THE PROBLEM Most of the slums in Agra have poor sanitation and drainage facilities, with only a few functioning public toilet facilities and most individual toilets discharging into open drains =. The drains, too, are open and narrow and often blocked due to solid waste deposits. The situation is somewhat better in areas where local residents can afford to hire private cleaners. A majority of slum residents choose not to use the existing pay per use public toilets due to financial constraints. Sanitation is thus the most pressing issue in a majority of Agra slums. Agra Nagar Nigam (ANN), the municipal corporation of the city, is responsible for solid waste management and wastewater drainage. However, ANN lacked the resources to develop and implement a city-wide sanitation improvement plan, particularly one that would address the problem in slums. THE INITIATIVE From 2005 to 2007, the Center for Urban and Regional Excellence (CURE), a Delhi-based NGO, worked with ANN and other local NGO partners to design and implement the Cross-Cutting Agra Program (CAP). The CAP is a livelihood and slum-upgrading pilot program that focuses on developing heritage tourism around lesser-known monuments in Agra that are linked to the Taj Mahal and the Agra Fort. It focuses on 5 slum communities that are clustered around these monuments. THE PROCESS  Community mobilization: Local NGOs supported the entry into slums. These NGOs were responsible for engaging with the slum communities through rapport-building exercises such as small group meetings at street corners during transect walks and discussions with 114 community leaders. Eight young volunteers (boys and girls) were selected and trained in participatory techniques and, with support from CURE staff, there completed a rapid survey of key community concerns. Focus group discussions were held with women and young residents to further understand sanitation and livelihood concerns and to develop a road map for interventions. These efforts resulted in local leaders forming strong CBOs. Three types of groups were created within the communities, and women played a central role in each. o Sanitation Groups: These were large groups that included men, women, and youth from different parts of the community. Multiple groups were formed in slums where the community was divided on the basis of topography or caste and in slums with a large population size. . o Livelihood Groups: These groups included only women who were interested in income generation activities. o Self Help Groups: These groups were formed to encourage savings and improve access to small credit.  Baseline survey: Using participatory methods, a set of key sanitation indicators was used to develop a community baseline.  Community-level action plans: The Community Sanitation Groups discussed key priorities related to solid waste management, toilets and wastewater drainage. Using inclusive and innovative planning methods, the Groups also developed Action Plans for each community.  Interventions: The Action Plans mapped sanitation interventions to key community concerns.  Solid waste management: Many initiatives including clean-up drives, awareness campaigns (in the slums and in schools), door-to-door garbage collection, and organic waste composting were started. A community sports event was also organized to increase demand for newly-cleaned land to be used for recreational purposes.  Community and household toilets: A major part of the awareness campaign was to inform and educate the community about open defecation and toilet use. Activities to promote the construction of new community toilets were organized. Through a dialogue with ANN, rehabilitation work for existing community toilets was initiated. People were provided with access to government subsidies for low-cost household toilets. A Toilet Savings Group was set up to raise funds for toilet construction before any government subsidy was actually received.  Wastewater drainage: The major activities to improve drainage included setting up an elementary wastewater drainage system in one slum and mobilizing resources for a new wastewater treatment system in another.  Capacity development: Through exchange visits, meetings, training workshops and small group discussions, CURE staff, along with other NGO partners, organized capacity building activities for i) local communities - focused on disseminating knowledge on sanitation behaviors and practices, and on new livelihood skills – and ii) government officials, both field-level functionaries and senior officials – focused on improving the planning and management of civic services in slums and poor communities.  Activities with the ANN: The NGO staff worked with ANN to develop a Zero Waste Zone within their offices. Around 150 persons from ANN’s sanitary staff participated in a 2-day training workshop on improved and effective waste management techniques and public- private partnerships in solid waste management. The training was led by Global Micro 115 Enterprise Development (GMED) - a USAID-supported program that aims to develop micro enterprises on solid waste management issues and also focuses on the implementation of the MSW Rules, 2000. IMPACTS The immediate impacts of the sanitation component of CAP include not only the physical infrastructure developed for solid waste management, waste water management and toilets–- but also the empowerment of the local women, men and youth.  Improved access to basic services and improved environments: The cleanliness campaigns and door-to-door waste collection activities of the CAP have resulted in a cleaner environment in slum communities. Residents value this change and are maintaining it. As a result of these changes, the residents are more willing to build toilets. The toilets have particularly benefited women. .  Empowered women: Women’s groups (SHGs), youth groups, and children’s groups participated in all the awareness campaigns, hygiene promotional activities and were also responsible for dealing with the local authorities. Women were trained in the organization and management of SHGs and were also managing bank accounts, dealing with clients, negotiating with men (within their own families and in the community), and engaging with local authorities. More and more women are in positions of responsibility and decision- making through the SHG groups in Agra’s slum communities.  Empowered communities: In three slums, the communities were organized into groups that discussed and participated in project implementation. These groups were also responsible for finding ways to address problems that had been identified. This involvement has increased the residents’ desire to cooperate and participate in project related activities. People are more willing to invest in their communities and to work independently and with public agencies to improve the quality of their lives.  Strengthening of local NGOs: Local NGO partners were trained in community mobilization, negotiation, and in planning and running awareness campaigns. NGOs were received technical skill training. As a result of the skill enhancements, the NGOs were able to engage with ANN to both negotiate and facilitate programs that improve water supply and sanitation access in Agra’s slums.  Attitudinal change within the ANN: A lasting impact of the CAP has been ANN’s continued positive responses towards the slum dwellers. Ann has engaged with CBOs and civil society representatives to create the city’s future development plans. After CAP, ANN was involved in two major initiatives, the City Development Strategy (CDS) and the City-wide Slum Upgrading Plan (CSUP). These plans were developed by ANN, with support from CURE and funding by Cities Alliance. These new initiatives are being used to prepare proposals to receive Government of India funding (from the JNNURM and RAY) in order to programs continue the working in the slums of Agra. ANN also set up nine task forces to focus on key areas of concerns. These task forces work closely with communities and have become the drivers of the slum development plans, demonstrating that CAP also led to an increase in ANN’s capacity to respond to the needs of the poor. REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY City Development Strategy and Plan: In 2005, after CURE began working with ANN to implement the CAP, Cities Alliance approved a small grant to prepare the CDS for Agra. The aim was to develop inclusive and pro-poor development plans for the city. Almost at the same time the Government of 116 India announced the JNNURM, which required the preparation of a City Development Plan as an initial step to unlocking substantial development funds. The CDS was accordingly modified to focus on building institutions, capacities, policies and reforms and also on setting up demonstrable participatory slum upgrading models (along with CAP).  Multi-stakeholder governance: The idea was to widen the group of stakeholders and create a synergy between various developmental efforts. The leadership, however, always rested with the local government. Thus, apart from a Steering Committee at the level of a District Magistrate, nine Task Forces were set up within the ANN that included representatives from the private sector, NGOs, CBOs and other elected representatives on (1) Finance and Taxation; (2) Local Economic Development; (3) Urban Governance; (4) Heritage and Tourism; (5) Traffic and Transport; (6) Sewerage and Drainage; (7) Solid Waste Management; (8) Water Supply and (9) Urban Poverty. As part of the Technical Support, a Project Implementation Unit and e-governance mechanisms were set up.  Participatory planning for slum upgrading: At the ward-level, platforms were created for local government and civil society to engage with slum communities. The aim was to build consensus, set priorities, and develop proposals to improve basic services. As a result of this, the slum residents had a voice in developing city planning strategies. Lessons Learned Using participatory methods, government staff conducted a city-wide slum mapping exercise in all 432 slums of the city. The data was entered on to a GIS-based database called the Community Based Information System (CBIS). Based on the information, a detailed project report for upgrading sanitation facilities in the Kuchchpura slum, including the Decentralized Wastewater Treatment System (DEWATS) was prepared and implemented (see Khosla, 2011b for a detailed description of this initiative). CAP also led to greater awareness and increased capacity – for government officials, local field functionaries and senior officials across multiple agencies including ANN, DUDA, Agra Jal Nigam, Agra Jal Sansthan, and Agra Development Authority. For the women living in the slums, in particular, there was an increased participation in decision making processes related to water supply and sanitation service, which not only addressed some of their key concerns but also allowed them to become more socially and economically engaged within the community. Other officials and slum residents from different communities began demanding similar measures for constituencies and neighborhoods, respectively. It was perhaps this strength, coupled with the effective multi- stakeholder partnership led by ANN – that led to the larger initiative of city-wide slum upgradation planning in Agra. City-wide Slum Upgrading Plan In 2009, the Cities Alliance approved a 4-year project to develop a city-wide slum upgrading plan (CSUP) for Agra. This project, based on a proposal from the ANN, enabled the local government agencies to prepare for JNNURM Funding and to pilot the use of the planning process outlined in the National Urban Sanitation Policy. The project, which ended in April 2013, was implemented by ANN and DUDA, with financial and technical assistance from Cities Alliance, World Bank, USAID and the National Institute of Urban Affairs. The draft CSUP was produced in April 2012 and was described as a ‘strategy plan by the people that has evolved through organic community processes and community-local government compact and by creating space for an informed discussion’. The CSUP created Slum Level Action Plans for all 432 slum settlements in the city. Using participatory processes and based on several rounds of multi-stakeholder discussions, a detailed plan was created, specifying actions to be taken in several sub-sectors, budgetary requirements, phasing, institutional structures and responsibilities. NGOs facilitated the process and in partnership with 117 local government staff and elected representatives, the local communities developed these plans. This was directly linked to the CAP and used similar strategies for public participation including:  Street corner meetings: Meetings between residents living on the same street were organized. The aim was to identify and prioritize their needs and concerns.  Street meetings: Meetings were organized in different parts of the settlement, these brought together women, men, youth, religious and cultural groups and especially the usually excluded groups of elderly, people with disabilities, and women headed households. It was noted that bringing in the views of the poorest and the marginalized was critical.  Planning with participatory tools: Community resource maps were created to spatially locate the problems. Then, transect walks were organized to visit these troubled areas, and chapatti diagrams were developed to prioritize problems. Finally, matrixes, seasonality map analysis, and other tools were used to analyze reasons for these problems.  Community planning: The information gathered was discussed in large community meetings to identify and agree on common issues, create Neighborhood Groups, and finalize the Slum Level Action Plan. The process helped identify community leaders, and create issue and interest-based groups, including self-help groups (women alone or mixed), livelihood groups, and water supply, sanitation, and infrastructure committees (responsible for the oversight and maintenance of these services in the area). The plans discussed included ‘quick-win’ actions, resource mobilization to fix existing infrastructure, and developing systems for better waste management.  Ward meetings and Ward Plans: Ward-level multi-stakeholder meetings were held to share community issue and plans with community members, Ward Councilors, area engineers, ANN officials, and officials of various line departments. Representatives of neighborhood groups came together to discuss cross-cutting issues such as high schools, health centers and transport services. These meetings flagged critical issues such as land ownership pattern, access to basic civic services and infrastructure gaps.  Area Plans: Finally, the plans from spatially-contiguous Wards with common features were grouped into 31 Area Plans. 4. COMMUNITY AND HOUSEHOLD TOILETS FOR THE URBAN POOR IN GWALIOR THE PROBLEM In 2003, ADB conducted a survey in Gwalior and women identified lack of adequate household and community toilets as the main developmental issue for their communities. A mapping exercise in 229 ‘poverty pockets’ of Gwalior (114 notified slums and other squatter settlements) found that 115 public toilets in these poverty pockets were in poor condition and at least 40% of the households did not have access to toilets and were forced to defecate in the open. Only 12 of the 115 public toilets had water supply and a large share of the toilets that were operating well were managed by Sulabh International. Lack of water and poor maintenance were cited as the key reasons for the dismal conditions of public toilets. THE INITIATIVE 118 UN HABITAT’s Water for Asian Cities (WAC) Program was linked to the ADB-funded Urban Water Supply and Environmental Improvement Project in four cities of Madhya Pradesh (Bhopal, Gwalior, Indore and Jabalpur). The aim of the program was to improve pro-poor governance in the water supply and sanitation sector. One component of the WAC Program was the Slum Environmental Sanitation Improvement (SESI), which sought to address the issue of sanitation in slums. A tripartite partnership was formed between UN-HABITAT, Water Aid India (WAI) and the Gwalior Municipal Corporation (GMC) to implement SESI as a pilot. Sambhav, a local NGO, was also engaged. The pilot covered 16 slums in Gwalior and included approximately 5,000 households that lacked access to water supply and sanitation infrastructure. THE PROCESS In 2005, Sambhav started the process of community mobilization, group formation, capacity building, and awareness generation through meetings, trainings and exposure visits. The aim was to work with slum communities until they were ready to participate in the implementation of the program.  Community mobilization: Initial meetings were held in the slums to generate awareness about the initiative, gain peoples’ acceptance and build trust. Initially, the slum residents were suspicious and were not willing to discuss or change their more convenient practice of open defecation. Over time and through repeated visits, however, Sambhav staff managed to convince the community to participate in the initiative.  Group formation: Women were first persuaded to come together and form Self Help Groups (SHGs) with 15 members each. This was done for both for economic self-reliance and also to help with further awareness generation. Gradually, women started to get together and men also began to come forward. It took approximately six months to form the first women’s SHG (in Laxmanpura). Thereafter, Community Water and Sanitation Committees (CWASCs), locally called Nirmal Samitis, were formed and registered under the Society Registration Act of 1973. These 10-member groups included people who were committed to changing the sanitation situation in the slums.  Capacity building: Sambhav staff conducted regular training in the slums, ran education campaigns in schools and also took community members for exposure visits to Trichy in order for them to see how women were managing community toilets in the slums.  Awareness generation: Sambhav, in collaboration with WAI and GMC, organized and held exhibitions, rallies, camps and stakeholder consultations in selected slums to raise awareness on water, sanitation and hygiene issues. In addition, 51 elected representatives and 60 MC officials from the four cities were taken to Trichy, Namakkal and Bangalore to learn about pro-poor initiatives in sanitation practices.  Infrastructure improvements: Once the communities were ready to move forward, discussions were held on what infrastructure was needed, associated costs, and distribution of expense and responsibilities. Once the plans were finalized, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between the CWASC (Nirmal Samiti) and the GMC. Construction included sewerage pipelines, household toilets and community toilets. GMC also provided Sanitation Revolving Funds through Sambhav, in order to give loans to individual families for the construction of household toilets. These funds were also used to help pay the agreed community contributions towards the construction of new sewer lines. Where household toilets could not be constructed (e.g., due to space constraints), the GMC agreed to construct (or refurbish existing) public toilets and hand them over to the CWASC or the SHG for construction supervision and maintenance. Monthly charges were fixed at a minimum of Rs. 10 per household for daily users and Rs. 15 for occasional users. 119  Role division for construction and maintenance: The GMC made it clear that it would only construct or refurbish community toilets and then hand them over to the beneficiaries for maintenance –: all O&M and replacement costs were to be borne by the beneficiaries. By 2008, the sewerage pipelines, individual toilets and community toilets had been constructed and the community toilets had also been inaugurated and handed over to the Nirmal Samitis to manage. IMPACTS  Improved water and sanitation infrastructure: As a part of SESI, substantial improvements were made in the water and sanitation infrastructure in 16 slums: 20 community toilets (including the one in Laxmanpura), 105 individual toilets (20 using a loan from the Sanitation Revolving Fund), 3 school toilets, 15 soak pits, 4 roof rainwater harvesting systems and 3,200 m of branch sewage lines along with manholes, inspection chambers, and household traps were constructed. For the first time since its inception, the GMC had also provided water supply to 3 slums.  Revolving funds: This micro-finance facility was meant to help households who did not have the necessary funds to construct toilets. The loan amount was set at Rs. 2000, to be given to the individual household by the SHG (who would be then responsible for recovery); a pre- requisite was for the household to show intent by producing Rs. 1000 as its own contribution, before taking the loan. While the facility was used only by 20 of the 105 households who built toilets as part of the SESI in Gwalior, it is a promising option for cash- strapped families. Although the GMC was to administer these funds, there is little information on how they are being used currently. It is likely that the money is with the GMC but, without guidance on how it should be used; the funds are not being circulated among SHGs and CWASCs as originally envisaged. Or, it could be that the ‘original purpose’ of the funds – i.e., to support the costs of building household toilets or laying new sewer lines - was considered accomplished and hence the fund has been closed and the money reallocated. Using these funds to revive the community toilet, for instance, requires administrative approval. And, due to transfers of officials and the movement of elected representatives, the institutional memory around the program was depleted, indicating that the funds may have been forgotten. Empowered and aware community: A total of 22 SHGs had been formed along with 8 Nirmal Samitis, all of whom had been trained under the initiative - and who then helped to organize and implement 28 rallies and 12 hygiene camps. In addition, 20 masons and 20 mechanics also received training (Sambhav, 2014). Engineers and officials had ‘organized various capacity building programs to equip the community with the necessary tools and skills for implementation, operation, maintenance and management of schemes, contracting, supervision of works and account keeping; sewer cleaning, plumbing and other engineering skills; operationalizing of billing and collection mechanism’ (GMC and UN HABITAT, undated).  Awareness among officials: A significant impact of this project was that GMC’s the largely negative impression of community participation was dispelled. Due to the successful construction of the sewer lines in three slums, the GMC engineers began to accept that community participation could help in the implementation of infrastructure projects. This also generated significant political will for pro-poor investments. At the time of this project, the Mayor, Mr. V. N. Shejwalkar, acknowledged that ‘community participation is a must’ and a social component must be included in all engineering projects. Many officials also took personal interest in the initiative.  Knowledge sharing among legislators: Apart from exposure visits to see pro-poor initiatives, in 2007, a ‘knowledge sharing partnership’ called the Legislators Forum for Human 120 Development was set. However, with the change of legislators this has not been continued in any effective manner. Large number of publications: The UN-HABITAT has written multiple reports and documents related to this initiative. Unfortunately, most of these pertain to the initial part of the initiative, and there are virtually no reports on the impacts or sustainability of the program. The SESI and the Gender Mainstreaming work have been well- publicized but little is recorded about their effectiveness, after being handed over to the concerned MCs.  Open defecation free slums: As a result of this initiative, one slum in Gwalior achieved ‘Open Defecation Free’ status by building household toilets wherever it was technically and financially feasible, and a community toilet for all the rest. Although even Marimata slum achieved this status in Gwalior (as did 14 other slums across the four project cities), Laxmanpura was well-covered in the media for winning a National Water Award for Urban Sanitation in 2008. REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY  Scaling up to 10 more slums: The 16-slum SESI was a demonstration pilot and was scaled up to 10 more slums within Gwalior, taking the total to 26 slums. Sambhav was in charge of implementing this project. The outcomes were similar including greater awareness, increased community participation and the construction of a large number of household toilets and bathing rooms.  No further work on community toilets: The critical issue of maintaining community toilets, however, remained unaddressed. The community toilets that had been the focus of national and international attention in 2008 and 2009 are now poorly maintained.  New tripartite agreement: The poor condition of community toilets in Gwalior slums came to light during this study. The new Municipal Commissioner has agreed to help and, at his initiative, a new tripartite agreement was signed in May 2013 between Sambhav, the GMC and the women’s SHGs. In June 2013, a tender was floated and the contract for the O&M of 20 slums was awarded to Sambhav. GMC pays SHGs Rs. 5,700 per month for the O&M of each of the 20 community toilets. This money is sourced through Sambhav. However, following the departure of the Municipal Commissioner, there has been political opposition to the arrangement and till date, the agreement and tender have not been operationalized. 5. COMMUNITY-LED TOTAL SANITATION IN KALYANI THE PROBLEM Kalyani is a township 65 km north of Kolkata in West Bengal. The men and women in Kalyani’s slums l used to defecate in the open (Box 1). Several free household toilets had been built in the slums but these were constructed badly, at inconvenient locations, and had no water supply. As a result, the residents were not using these toilets and were continuing to defecate in the open. Even though, due to the government subsidies, new household toilets were being constructed free of charge, they were poorly maintained. Open defecation continued, leading to health problems among slum dwellers. THE INITIATIVE 121 In 2005, the Change Management Unit (CMU) of the Kolkata Urban Services Program (KUSP) suggested that Kalyani pilot the community-led total sanitation (CLTS) approach to address the rampant open defecation in the slums. The Kalyani Municipal Council (KMC) submitted a proposal to the Health Unit of the CMU to bring Dr. Kamal Kar, a noted Social and Participatory Development Consultant and the proponent of the CLTS, to undertake an 8-month pilot in five slums of Kalyani. THE PROCESS  Initial support from the KMC: Prior to the pilot, KMC’s Board of Councilors met and decided to: o Give full support to pilot the CLTS approach in five of the most backward slums in Kalyani o Completely stop subsidized construction of household toilets o Provide extra support to open defecation free slums.  Forming the team: KMC asked Dr. Kasturi Bakshi, Municipal Health Officer of KMC, to coordinate the pilot, and engaged two sociologists as assistants.  Participatory approach: Dr. Kar led the team that tested the approach, first in one slum and then in the remaining four. The team engaged men and women from each slum through larger group discussions, small group meetings and in individual interview. Using participatory tools, they slowly created awareness regarding issues of open defecation, associated diseases, and coping costs of poor sanitation. They also talked about the costs of building toilets versus health related expenditures.  Facilitated community sanitation profile appraisal and analysis: through the following, o Transect walk: walking through the slums to assess the situation o Defecation area mapping: Each community analyzed the sanitation profile of the slum on a social map that was prepared on the ground. All homes were denoted by cards, which had the names of the head of households written on them. Each household indicated the area used by their family for open defecation. o Fecal-oral contamination analysis: The team explained to the community how open defecation could lead to the contamination of food and water. o Feces calculation: The team shared with the community how much feces was produced by a single person in a day and by all the individuals in the community every day. This was used to estimate the level of contamination in the local environment. o Calculation of household medical expenses: The amount of money spent on medical expenses per month per family was calculated, including doctor’s fees, expenditure on medicines and other treatment for water-borne diseases. o ‘Handing over the stick’ by facilitators to the community: At the point where the triggering ‘ignited’ community response, the community was told that this issues was their problem and it was up to them to address it without any outside help. .  Addressing community perceptions: The analysis revealed that local people were fully aware of the ill effects of open defecation but there were four critical knowledge gaps: they did not know (1) ‘how open defecation led to diseases and various health-related problems’, (2) the concept of a sanitary toilet – that would ensure that the oral-faecal route of disease transmission was broken; (3) that sanitary toilets can be constructed for 122 as little as Rs. 250 (given that KUSP used the estimate of Rs. 9,900 per toilet) and (4) that medical expenditure could only be reduced if everybody used sanitary toilets.  Selecting ‘Natural Leaders’: The team focused on picking up ‘natural leaders’ – local women and men who were able to motivate others to build toilets on their own. As these ‘natural leaders’ began to reinforce the messages from the team, the community began to become convinced and started constructing toilets.  Follow up: In order to ensure that all the questions and doubts of the community members were addressed, follow-up work was done in slums where the initial triggering had taken place. In some slums, many people decided to start constructing low cost toilets immediately after the triggering, while in others, the community selected a few volunteers to first build toilets.  Continued triggering: With the help of Natural Leaders who had also been trained, the team continued ‘triggering’ activity in other neighboring slums. A notable result was that the Natural Leaders from one slum where the work had been progressing well began working independently in five other communities. IMPACTS  Initial impact: In May 2006, four slums were declared open defecation free (ODF). A workshop was held in Kalyani Municipality on the same date to present results and review progress. Not all the ODF slums were from the five communities initially selected for the pilot. Instead, slums where the triggering activity had achieved the best results eventually achieved ODF status. Households that had constructed their own toilets did so without any payment or subsidy from the government or the donor-supported KUSP. Household members used their own funds for all the hardware used in the toilets, including pans, p- traps, pipes, and material for the superstructure. The key impact of this initiative was the behavior change within the community, evidenced by the increasing number of people using toilets as opposed to defecating in the open.  Growing numbers of toilets: By July 2006, slum dwellers had used their own resources to build 866 household toilets and three more slums had been declared ODF. The CLTS process had also been initiated in 10 more slums. . REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY Expanding the team: As the triggering progressed from 5 to 10 slums, the core members realized that they needed to expand their in order to achieve their goal of making all 52 of Kalyani’s slums open defecation free. They added Community Development Workers under the Swarna Jayanti Sahari Rojgar Yojna (SJSRY) and more Natural Leaders from the communities. A third of the new members added were women. The women were first trained in CLTS methods and then became trainers and facilitators in other slums.44 In order to allow the Natural Leaders to learn more about CLTS, they were also taken on an exposure visit to Maharashtra where a similar initiative had been started. Addressing problems: The team faced several problems on the ground. In some slums, other NGOs had already built free toilets and the residents were not willing to pay for toilets anymore. In some cases, the local politicians had promised residents that they would receive money to build the toilets and, as a result, the residents were not willing to pay. Resistance to change: The women were more easily convinced than men regarding the merits of household toilets and the problems related to open defecation.45 Local political leaders in the slums, 44 Dr. Shibani Goswami, personal communication, 8 May 2013. 45 Dr. Kasturi Bakshi, personal communication, 7 May 2013. 123 who felt threatened by the community’s initiative and participation, continuously raised objections and tried to derail the triggering process. But each of these was addressed and overcome by the team. When the Natural Leaders faced any issues, they reported it to the team leader during weekly review meetings and either the team leader or the Municipal Councilors intervened to ensure that the leaders were able to complete their work without problems. Rewarding the achievers: The core team persuaded KMC to reward the communities’ initiative after realizing that project money was being saved and individuals were contributing their own resources to construct toilets. Thus, the first slum to be declared ODF was given three solar lamps as an incentive (Anon, 2008; Kar, 2006) to continue their work. Competitions for the cleanest ward, slum, school and class, were also conducted and the winners were awarded with prizes. Monitoring achievements: As a part of this initiative, a unique type of was initiated. The photographs of ward councilors were posted on KMC’s notice board and next to these, colored cards indicated the status of the their wards – green for wards where at least one slum had achieved ODF status; yellow for wards where the triggering had been initiated; and red where no work had been started. Councilors updated this information during monthly review meetings. In addition, there was community monitoring system managed by the team, including household health workers (HHWs), selected Natural Leaders, and persons responsible for the Municipal Ward. The CMU was responsible for monitoring the overall progress in all the slums. Achieving the objective: In December 2008, two years after the start of the pilot, all 52 slums of Kalyani municipality were declared open defecation free. This status was confirmed not only by the Ward Councilors but also through community monitoring. Identifying natural leaders and building capacity of community residents to build, operate and maintain toilets is also a significant achievement of this approach. Some residual challenges need to be addressed before this approach can be replicated or scaled up: o Institutional capacity building: The community facilitation process was driven by an individual. As these champions left the project, the community involvement, and as a result, the initiative started to falter. o Single-pit toilets not connected to septic tanks or sewage lines: Single-pit latrines were constructed. The family dug a simple pit, purchased a pan for Rs 250, and built a superstructure using materials such as cloth, plastic sheets, etc. It is expected that such a pit would fill up in 3-5 years, which leads to important questions of how the sludge will be managed in order for the toilets to remain functional. The choice of technology and also the ‘closure’ of the initiative reflect that the objective was only to stop open defecation. Although it would be expensive, connecting toilets to sewer lines or septic tanks is important to ensure safe sanitation access in the long term. 6. HOUSEHOLD TOILETS IN THE SLUMS OF PUNE THE PROBLEM In the 1990s, the public toilets in Pune city were typical of the rest of India - few in number, broken down, dirty and smelly. While men could defecate in the open, women, adolescent girls and children faced many problems. The situation was worse for pregnant or menstruating women, elderly women, and for women with disabilities. THE INITIATIVE 124 In 1999, the Municipal Commissioner of the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) began a multi- stakeholder initiative to demolish and rebuild public toilets in the city. NGOs constructed new toilets and, within four months, handed there over to communities to manage. The community residents also appointed a caretaker who lived in a room above the toilet. The PMC’s construction drive is still on-going, and has also sparked the interest of local NGOs including Shelter Associates, and other public agencies such as the Slum Rehabilitation Authority. Both organizations began separate and distinct initiatives to build houses with private toilets for slum dwellers. IMPACTS  More public toilets: There have been seven successive public toilet building phases from 1990 to 2012, with regular annual budgets of around Rs. 20 crores per year. As a result, more than 15,000 individual and community toilets have been built in Pune.  Relief to slum dwellers: At this time, almost all Pune slums have public toilets. While, all community residents use these facilities, women across all slums have expressed their relief at having access to toilets. Even though the situation has improved, access to toilets in non- notified slums is still poor.  Badly maintained public toilets: Despite the large numbers of public toilets in slums, very few are maintained well. Most toilets are barely usable, and women complained that due to the lack of adequate lighting, they could only use the toilets during daylight hours. The caretakers are not doing any maintenance work.  Dwindling income of caretakers: With more users building individual toilets, the total number of caretakers has decreased. The income generated from pay per use toilets is not sufficient for the caretakers and they often choose to have a second job, leaving a family member in charge of the toilets.  Smelly despite water and caretakers: All public toilets in Pune have municipal water supply for at least 3-5 hours per day and many also have caretakers; however, the toilets are still dirty, indicating that the water supply was inadequate and the caretakers were unable to maintain the facilities due to the large number of users.  Increasing awareness – more household toilets: Slum dwellers are aware of the advantages of having access to adequate water supply and sanitation services. Women, in particular, expressed the need for better toilet facilities.  Increasing awareness – responsive Councilors: For both household and public toilets, the municipal councilors had taken responsibility for the maintenance and operation of the facilities. The slum residents call their councilors for any issues with their toilets. The councilors then contact PMC and ask the staff to fix the problem within 24 hours. This is also a political strategy by councilors to gain votes and earn goodwill.  Open defecation still rampant: More than 10 years after PMC’s initiative began, open defecation is still common. In non-notified slums, at least 40% of residents still defecate in the open. REPLICATION New initiatives of Shelter Associates Shelter Associates was involved in the initial round of toilet provision in Pune slums but did not participate in the subsequent rounds of the initiative. Instead, the NGO developed its own initiative, based on community mobilization and participation. 125  Building toilets in slum houses: Shelter Associates works with local communities, mobilizing them, creating awareness, and motivating residents to build household toilets using small loans. Shelter Associates generated the money for these loans from various donors.46  Building housing societies for slum rehabilitation: After devastating floods in Pune, Shelter Associates began working with affected slum communities and helped them plan and design a housing community. They also interceded with the PMC on land allocation issues on behalf of the slum dwellers. Women took the lead in this initiative. They included several innovative features– such as registering the land in the name of the women, ensuring adequate space in the design to allow light into the building, and gaps between houses to allow vehicles to pass. However, the construction for this project has not started, and it remains caught in bureaucratic and political tangles. New initiatives of the Slum Rehabilitation Authority PMC’s initiative to build household toilets led the SRA to improve and streamline its own work in providing toilets for slum communities using various existing government schemes.  Self-funding scheme for slum rehabilitation: SRA created a self-funding scheme, incorporating several lessons learned from other successful initiatives (including that of Shelter Associates). Realizing that that the poor could not afford new housing without subsidies or bank loans, SRA engaged private builders to build multistoried apartment buildings for the slum dwellers free-of-cost and. The private builders were told that once the residents had all moved, they could use the slum land for commercial purposes. The scheme appears to be a ‘win-win-win’ as the slum dwellers get a new house with all the amenities (water, electricity and a toilet) free of cost, the real estate developer makes a profit on the initial investment (including buying the land and temporary housing for the slum dwellers) from the sale of commercial properties, and the government eliminates slums without spending its own money.  Rehabilitation of slum households: The SRA of PMC used the RAY and BSUP programs of the BSUP to rehabilitate slums into new apartments with built-in toilets. This option has many positives– slum land becomes available for new urban construction at prime locations, slum households get access to better housing with water supply, electricity and sanitation services, environmental cleanliness improves as slums are removed and so on. But progress has been slow for various reasons, including political vested interests, poor design of new housing (e.g., light, ventilation, space between buildings) as well as poor maintenance, apart from problems in interpreting and reconciling the provisions of RAY and BSUP to implement these on a large scale and quickly.  Advantages of this initiative over the RAY and BSUP: This initiative specified that the registration of the apartment be in the name of the owners, and preferably the women, to ensure that they have security of tenure. It led to the saving of valuable urban space and allowed for the re-design of city spaces so that roads could be widened for ambulances and fire trucks to come into the new housing complexes.  Slow progress: Despite the positive features of this initiative, the progress on the ground has been slow: only 10-12 buildings have been constructed and handed over (and none with the innovative features discussed above). The main reasons for slow progress are: 46 Apart from Pune, Shelter continues to work in the nearby town of Sangli, using their own approach based on close interactions with the slum communities to create household toilets. 126 o SRA provisions that restrict the scheme from in situ redevelopment of slums that have been built on private land before 1 January 1995; o Political interference on account of the 10-15% of the families in every slum is unable to produce the documents necessary to benefit from the scheme. 7. 24x7 WATER SUPPLY IN BELGAUM THE PROBLEM Belgaum City Corporation (BCC) faces an acute water shortage, and this lack of water was disproportionately felt in the slums of the city that were spread across all its 58 wards. Most of Belgaum’s slum residents work in the informal sector and the lack of water directly affected their earnings. People, and particularly women, complained that they lose at least 2-3 days of work per week as they waited or searched for water. THE INITIATIVE In 2004, Belgaum, Hubli-Dharwad and Gulbarga were chosen as the sites for the World Bank- supported Karnataka Urban Water Sector Improvement Project (KUWASIP). This project sought to pilot 24x7 water supply in 10 demonstration zones in Belgaum. As part of the implementation arrangements, in 2005, the Belgaum City Corporation (BCC) appointed a Social Intermediation and Communication Specialist (SICS) and also contracted an NGO called United Social Welfare Association (USWA) to carry out community development activities in the demonstration wards. The NGO was also responsible for conducting a baseline survey. Initially, the NGOs contract period was two years, but this was extended to four years, until March 2010. THE PROCESS  Forming the team: USWA formed a 12-member community development team headed by two women. The team also included eight Ward Community Facilitators, three of whom were women.  Forming community-based organizations: Following the three-month baseline survey, USWA began work in the 10 selected Wards, including 12 slums. The first steps included meeting local leaders and forming CBOs, which then appointed ward-level leaders. Among the 10 ward leaders, at least six were women.  Initial opposition: Initially, the community development team met with considerable resistance not only from the local slum dwellers, but also from some local NGOs protesting against privatization of water, claiming that the PPP was turning water into a business and would eventually over-charge customers. The Head of USWA met with the local NGOs and argued successfully that the initiative should be given a chance.  Crafting strategies: The team sat the SICS at BCC and analyzed the situation. Together, the formed a plan to engage local leaders and political leaders. Then next step was to form CBOs and assign Ward Leaders who could assist these organizations. They also initiated a community mobilization and awareness generation program.  Building capacity: The community development team organized two-day residential workshops where the roles and responsibilities of various stakeholders were discussed. 127 Ongoing support was provided to the teams for the first two years of the project through six- monthly refresher training and monthly review meetings.  Creating awareness: Based on the realization that behavior change was critical for the success of the project, awareness campaigns were a major part of the community development work. In addition to workshops and group discussions, the community development team also carried out random house visits, audio-visual programs and street plays (jathas). Events were planned to provide information on project impacts on health issues. Handbills, wall posters and brochures were printed for distribution following meetings with the local community. The awareness programs provided information on: o Project provisions o The pro-poor policy and its benefits o Tariff recovery and long term benefits o Capital cost recovery o Shifting of water meters and connections o Cleanliness, health and hygiene  The Health and Hygiene campaign: USWA engaged the Health & Hygiene Education Officer, of the local Civil Hospital to manage awareness campaigns in slum and non-slum areas. The key message was the positive impacts of continuous water supply on health of all residents, especially women and children.  Building trust and gaining confidence: Team members helped resolve individual concerns and problems within the community, including leakages, low water pressure, meter problems and billing issues.  Broadening the initiative: Three key innovations were added (1) the involvement of schools and college students (2) workshops for ward-level committees and other associations; and (3) A Women’s Development Program to create new skills and promote livelihood activities for the local women. These helped to increase the number of volunteers, reduce political opposition, and to convince the women that the project was prepared keeping in mind their key concerns related to livelihood. Impacts  24x7 metered household supply of good quality water: More than 3,500 individual metered household connections (2057 Below Poverty Line (BPL) households and 1524 Above Poverty Line (APL) households) were installed.  Regular monthly charge payments: By March 2010, 89% of households had no payment dues. Meters are read between the 1st and 5th of every month, billing is done between 6th and the 10th and all bills are paid by the 25th of the month. The major impacts benefiting women and children were related to household incomes, health and school attendance.  Increased household incomes: With piped water supplies on household premises, women no longer needed to walk to collect water or stay up at night. They were able to spend more hours on income-generating activities. On average, a sample of women surveyed by USWA recorded a 60% increase in their incomes. The Women’s Development Program also brought in additional income to many slum households. 128  Reduction in incidence of water-borne diseases: According to data from the local health center, from 2007 to 2010, there was a considerable reduction in the incidence of water- borne diseases in the 10 demonstration wards of Belgaum.  Improved school attendance: With no more obligations to wait for or collect water, children, and particularly young girls, were able to attend school more regularly. LESSONS LEARNED  NGO involvement is critical: This initiative indicates that NGOs play a critical role in facilitating community development. Government staff is not equipped to play this role.  Capacity building of teams is vital: The strength and commitment of the team is vital to the success of the community development initiative. The Community Facilitators acknowledged that because of the training they received and due to the support from the SICS they were able to resolve the day-to-day issues in their work areas.  Start awareness activities before technical activities: It is important to start community development activities before the technical activities, such as replacing existing infrastructure and laying of pipelines. Increased awareness about the project can address initial concerns of the community residents and local leaders. REPLICATION WITHIN THE CITY Following the success of the pilot project in the 10 demonstration wards of the city, the BCC passed Resolution number UDD 81/PRJ/2008 in 2008 to extend the scheme to all Wards in the city. Tata Consulting Engineers Ltd. have been chosen through a competitive bidding process to oversee the technical work and Veolia Water has been given an extension of their contract to continue operation and maintenance activities in the 10 demonstration wards in the city. UWSA’s contract has not been renewed nor has the NGO been asked to continue its work. USWA has been retained to work on an ADB-funded Water Supply and Sanitation project two cities neighboring Belgaum - Nippani and Gokak. UWSA began work in these two cities after the technical work had already been initiated. This led to multiple challenges of dispelling community mistrust and creating awareness about the advantages improved access to WSS after the project had already commenced. 129 KEY FINDINGS FROM CASE STUDIES This section discusses the key findings across all case studies, focusing on lessons related to gender and social inclusion. It briefly discusses the thematic lessons across water supply and sanitation, before discussing general findings from these cases. WATER SUPPLY Only one example of innovations in water supply were looked it as a part of this study. In part, this reflects the political priority given to water for urban poor since 2005. More and more water supply interventions have been mainstreamed into existing programs and schemes. For example, donor- funded improvements in water supply infrastructure were implemented in Gwalior, and in Pune the municipal council increasingly provides household level supply. However, these improvements mask the challenges urban poor still face in accessing adequate water supply, which was evidenced by some of the other, sanitation focused cases. Access to water supply also played a critical role in the success of sanitation initiatives. For example, in Gwalior, some of the public toilets became unusable due to the lack of water supply, indicating that to improved sanitation services in any low income community, water supply issues also need to be addressed. The Belgaum case study demonstrated that 24x7 piped and metered water supply can be implemented in urban Indian conditions, and that slum dwellers can be motivated to participate in and support such an initiative. The main lessons learned for other, similar initiatives are that (1) NGO-led facilitation is critical, (2) these activities have to start before the technical work of digging and laying pipelines, and (3) institutional capacity building, awareness generation and community mobilization are vital to success of such an initiative. Sanitation The case studies encompassed both individual toilets and community facilities. Individual Toilets: Individual toilets were seen as the best possible option for all residents, particularly to address gender and social exclusion issues. Having toilets within households allowed women to avoid harassment, keep the facilities well maintained and also saved their time, money and effort. Community-managed Toilets: The case studies indicated that even if all slum households have or use individual toilets , there would be a need for community toilets – for tenants (whose landlords do not give them access to household toilets), passersby (auto rickshaw drivers, couriers and delivery men, bus drivers and conductors, etc.) and visitors (e.g., for marriage functions or festivals). Building adequate community toilets requires looking at gender-differentiated needs. Toilets need to be built in safe locations, have adequate lighting, and people should be able to lock the doors and windows. Other features that increase the accessibility of the toilets, such as handrails and platforms, should also be available. In order for community toilets to be usable, adequate water supply also needs to available. Budget overlays and responsibilities for management, operations and maintenance of toilets need to be clearly delineated Even though there are important findings related to the water supply and sanitation sector emerging from each of these case studies, there were several common findings, particularly related to gender and social exclusions and institutional arrangements. 130  Sanitation is a key issue for poor women: These case studies clearly indicated that women are most affected by lack of sanitation facilities and, thus, serve as champions of any initiatives that are focused on improving access to toilets. These case studies also highlighted that women’s sanitation issues are not simply that of access – they tie into land ownership, employment access, school and college attendance, and voice & participation.  Improved household level water supply benefits women significantly: It was clearly indicated in Belgaum that, while 24x7 water supply benefits all community member, poor women and children are most benefited. Women don’t have to wake up at different times during the night to collect water, they don’t have to walk to distant water sources, or miss work in order to collect adequate water for their families. Because women don’t have to walk to public standpoints, they can also avoid facing harassment. Children lose fewer school days. Women and children are less vulnerable to diseases and, women and girls also lose fewer days taking care of sick family members.  Women can be Agents of Change but need support: Women are consistently seen as the main beneficiaries and key stakeholders. This implies that women continue to play a central role in the water supply and sanitation sector. However, while this highlights the importance of acknowledging gender, it also emphasizes the deficiencies in these initiatives. Women are seen as the main beneficiaries across all case studies, however, only in a few cases do they play a more active role in decision-making processes. Roadblocks to women’s participation are also addressed only in a few cases, for example in Pune where women’s lack of land ownership is seen as a hindrance to building household toilets and is addressed as a part of the project. Allowing women to become a part of various stages of the project rather than treating them simply as beneficiaries may lead to increased community participation and sustainability, while also addressing some critical social and economic issues. Almost all the case studies indicate that slum women are willing to come forward to take responsibility for the initiative within their local communities and even in the city (e.g., Trichy and Gwalior). They have faltered only when faced with political and financial stress due to the local government withdrawing support. Thus, women need a deeper role and increased support and this can eventually improve the success of the schemes. Individual ‘champions’ drove the initiatives: In almost all cases, there was a visionary bureaucrat or politician who supported the initiative from within the MC. In Trichy it was the Municipal Commissioner; in Mumbai, the Officer on Special Duty and the then Municipal Commissioner of Thane; in Gwalior, the Mayor and the Municipal Commissioner; in Kalyani, the then Chairman of the Board of Municipal Councilors; and in Pune, the then Municipal Commissioner were the drivers of the projects. In almost all these cases, the initiative died out when these ‘champions’ left the city or changed positions. This implies that while initial acceptance and success can be generated by one individual political or bureaucrat, the institutionalization of such innovations is important for sustainability. A well-functioning local agency that can support these schemes without political intervention is essential to their success. In only two cases – Agra and Pune - were capacity building activities for public agencies seen as an important part of the project. It is also interesting to note that the sanitation work in Agra was eventually mainstreamed into the ANN’s functions, which allowed for it to continue beyond the life of the initiative. 131  No successful examples of scale up: Most of these initiatives were meant to be demonstration pilots – but the subsequent scaling up that was envisaged never took place. In Trichy and Gwalior, for instance, the initial MoU between the MC, the women’s group and the NGO was path-breaking at the time, but these were time-bound (e.g., 1 year), were not renewed– creating financial problems for women’s groups, who, as a result, were unable to maintain the community toilets. In Mumbai, the drive to support CBOs, listen to and address their problems and provide regular maintenance of the community toilets has ended with the construction or rehabilitation of the toilets and handing them over to CBOs or contractors for operation and maintenance. This is also linked to the lack of institutional capacity building. No local body is able to carry forward these initiatives without political, bureaucratic or NGO support, which ultimately will lead to failures.  Little to no focus on operation and maintenance of infrastructure, particularly community toilets: Maintenance of the community toilet has been the major problem in sustaining the initiative once the funding had ended, the project closed and the NGO had withdrawn. Maintenance has been affected by a fall in the financial viability of the community toilet: increases in the costs of running the community toilet, problems in increasing user charges and falling revenues as a result of the increasing construction of household toilets. While initially these community toilets were financially viable because the MC provided concessions in electricity and water charges, these were time-bound and the initial MoUs signed with the MC were not renewed. The condition of the community toilets was further affected by problems in getting timely support from the MC to handle major repairs that are beyond the scope of the women’s groups managing the community toilets. In addition, vested political interests were keen that community-managed initiatives did not succeed, although the aims were different in Trichy and Gwalior. While in Trichy local politicians sought to take the MC contracts for these toilets away from the women’s groups, in Gwalior, they sought to ensure poor maintenance in the hope that either the MC would demolish these ‘eyesores’ and re-assign the prime land on which these toilets were located to other uses or that they could encroach upon the prime land for their own use. The lack of effective oversight and support from the MC to sustain the initiative has thus been a major hurdle to sustaining such initiatives, however promising.  ULBs saw asset creating as the key to successful ‘problem-solving’: Although a lot had been written about pro-poor governance, including community participation and involvement, gender mainstreaming and regular maintenance, most of the initiatives have been viewed as ‘successes’ by ULBs once the construction is over. In Gwalior, for instance, the GMC saw ‘success’ as involving the slum community in overseeing the construction of new sewer lines and community toilets – it clearly laid out that subsequent operation and maintenance of community toilets was to be done by the community without the help of the GMC. Similarly, in Kalyani, the major objective was to build household toilets and stop open defecation – and once all the 52 slums were declared ‘ODF’, the initiative was considered a success and closed. In Trichy, the women’s groups are struggling to get the necessary support from the MC for major repairs and maintenance.  An outside agency was needed to ‘kick-start’ initiatives: New initiatives did not emerge ‘organically’ from the normal functioning of any government department. Although ULBs have access to government funds, most of the initiatives required an outside agency - such 132 as a development partner (e.g., WaterAid, World Bank), individual (Dr. Kamal Kar), or NGO (e.g., CURE, Gramalaya, Sambhav and UWSA) to initiate the scheme and external funding to ensure that it moved forward. In Trichy, WaterAid provided the funds for the initial impetus; in Mumbai, the SESI came out of a World Bank-supported program; in Agra, CURE pushed the project forward using outside funds; in Gwalior, UN-HABITAT initiated the project; in Kalyani, the DFID-supported KUSP provided the funds to engage Dr. Kamal Kar; and in Belgaum, the funds to hire UWSA were sourced through the World Bank-supported Karnataka Urban Water Supply Improvement Project47.  Facilitation to ensure community involvement was critical: All the government officials involved acknowledged that the success of the initiatives depended on the strong and positive involvement of the community. Except for Kalyani, where community mobilization was done by the Municipal Health officer and her team, NGOs facilitated the mobilization and involvement of the community. The case studies also indicated that when the NGOs disengaged from the work, community involvement declined (e.g., Trichy, Mumbai, and Gwalior). Facilitation with local communities took time and effort: Each case study provides clear evidence of the time and effort required to build a rapport, trust and mutual understanding with local communities. It can take up to six months of repeated visits, long discussions and problem-solving to overcome the initial distrust and resistance from slum communities. The time required for community mobilization is usually not factored into project implementation and can affect the success of the work. WAYS FORWARD a. INTRODUCTION The key findings from the literature review, focus group discussions, field survey and case studies suggest several ways to address the issue of gender and social inclusion in urban water supply and sanitation in India. These steps can be divided across various levels of government agencies, e.g., national, state and urban local body (ULB), and across multiple actors, including public agencies, private actors, NGOs, and development partners. This chapter summarizes the main findings and linking them to remedial actions. b. SPECIFIC ACTIONS FOR GENDER AND SOCIAL INCLUSION ACTIONS SUGGESTED FROM THE FINDINGS Specific actions to address the key findings from the field survey, focus group discussions and case studies are presented in Tables 5.1 and 5.2. 47 Pune was an exception, where the municipal council started the toilet construction drive using its own funds. 133 Table 5.1: Key findings and suggested action: Water supply KEY FINDING SUGGESTED ACTION FIELD SURVEY AND FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS General satisfaction with PWPs: Public water supply has Greater awareness among politicians on the improved in the slums, in part, due to higher political potential benefits of improving water supply to priority assigned to water problems (e.g., in Pune) slums, with examples of cases from other cities Cross visits by legislators and councillors to learn from innovative strategies implemented in other areas. Low expectations of users: People are satisfied with 3-6 Technical review to improve pressure, hours of hours of supply, low water pressure, uncertain quality and supply and reduce supply disruptions. seasons variations. Insecure water supply often, change in timings without Advance warning of water supply disruptions warning (as in Gwalior) leading to crowding, fights and as in the case of Pune, and ensuring that supply disturbances at available public standpoints (i.e., hand is restored within 24 hours pumps) and the use of unsafe alternatives (e.g., wells, Provision of alternate water supply e.g., streams) through tankers in case of unavoidable disruptions48 or at least public hand pump providing potable water Social discrimination at public water points, even though Separate public water points for smaller this was not a major problem in the slums included for this clusters of households within slums study, it could be a reality in many other communities. Household piped water supply is the best option which can address issues of gender and social inclusion CASE STUDIES Improved household level water supply (24x7) benefits Include benefits for gender and social inclusion women significantly: including eliminating the hardship and in documentation of 24x7 benefits in addition harassment of women (e.g., waking up at night to collect to the usual, ULB-level benefits of improving water supplied at uncertain and irregular hours, walking to access to water, reducing the need for water distant sources, begging for water from hotels and storage, bringing down overall water neighbours and falling ill due to using and drinking consumption, and minimizing risks of water contaminated water and incurring costs of medicines and contamination. treatment and losing wages due to illness), increasing the Include benefits of 24x7 in training programs time available for productive employment , and giving children time to attend school more regularly, and of all government water supply engineers, PRIs decreasing their vulnerability to disease. and civil servants Table 5.2: Key findings and suggested action: Sanitation 48 The National Rural Drinking Water Program (NRDWP) has mandated that ‘water security’ requires the provision of an alternative source of supply, which in rural areas could be traditional water sources. In urban areas, the equivalent would be supply through tankers in areas where water supply is disrupted either for routine maintenance or due to problems (e.g., pipeline bursts). 134 KEY FINDING SUGGESTED ACTION FIELD SURVEY AND FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS General dissatisfaction with public toilets which are Improvements in public toilet design to provide crowded and dirty, without adequate water supply adequate water storage (for high usage), security and or provisions for washing hands access for all users, especially children, the Poor quality of public toilets forces people to differently abled and the elderly. Safety of toilets defecate in the open: For example, in Gwalior, men needs to be a priority in the design. and women are exposed to new threats (e.g., being Reservation of toilet seats for special categories, bitten by insects, dogs, scorpions and snakes) and e.g., children, elderly and differently abled women also face harassment while defecating in the open and while walking to and from the site. Those Providing opportunities to build household toilets is who take care for the differently-abled, chronically ill important, either in the new government-provided and elderly spend twice the time for such tasks. slum housing or by constructing toilets in existing Using (even high quality) public toilets pose houses problems for women and special groups: women and girls would still face the problem of harassment and violence while walking to and from public toilets. Pregnant, chronically ill and elderly women face additional problems accessing public toilets which also do not have any special facilities for the differently-abled. There are no available facilities for disposing used sanitary pads and cloth. Lack of social discrimination at public toilets, even Household toilets are the best option which can though this could be a reality in many other slums address almost all gender and social inclusion issues Political interest is a critical factor as in Pune, who Greater awareness among politicians on the have ensured a large number of functioning public potential benefits of improving sanitation to slums, toilets, that have caretakers, and also a system to get especially health, safety, dignity of women repairs done promptly Cross visits by legislators and councillors to learn from innovative strategies implemented in other areas. MDGs will still record high access to urban public National, state and city governments need to assess toilets, despite all the problems, as they meet the public toilets in terms of ‘service delivery’ to get a MDG definition of ‘access to infrastructure’. correct picture of functionality. Hurdles in satisfying the demand for household Streamline and synergize provisions in existing toilets from growing numbers of slum dwellers government programs (e.g., BSUP, ILCS and RAY) Provide advice and support to ULB officers in charge of implementing these GOI programs CASE STUDIES Sustainability requires more than a catalytic support Institutional change is essential to sustained or initiative: All major initiatives reviewed have improvements: These initiatives need to be support from an outside agency - such as a donor mainstreamed as part of the regular working of the (e.g., WaterAid, World Bank) or support agency (e.., city government or utility. WaterAid) or individual (Dr. Kamal Kar), an NGO (e.g., Institutional capacity building is vital in order to CURE, Gramalaya, UWSA) or a visionary bureaucrat (e.g.,. Pune or Trichy Municipal Commissioner). As achieve sustainability. individuals get transferred or organizations leave, the initiative falters. Community-led total sanitation programs can be The success of Kalyani needs to be highlighted in successful in urban slums as in Kalyani, but require training programs for public agencies and 135 dedicated support and action development partners. Community involvement is a must: but this requires Awareness generation among ULB councillors and time and effort to build a rapport, trust, mutual staff on the need for community involvement – and understanding and confidence in each other. facilitation through NGOs or even government staff Critical role of facilitation: In most cases, NGOs (e.g., in Kalyani Municipal Corporation) – for played the role of a facilitator. After the NGOs have initiatives to succeed and sustain stopped working, the initiatives have declined (e.g., Simplified contracting procedures within ULBs (e.g., Trichy, Mumbai). empanelling NGOs or using Quality Based contracts) to ensure that good NGOs are contracted and supported for facilitating community participation Women can be Agents of Change but need support: Women need support from sustained support from women are willing to come forward to take public agencies, if they are to operate and manage responsibility for the initiative within their local public WSS infrastructure. communities (e.g., Trichy and Gwalior). But they Annual presentations to the ULB Councillors and have faltered when the ULB has failed to support them financially and politically. staff are necessary to report progress, generate awareness and ensure effective support (including course corrections to address new issues) OTHER SUGGESTIONS In November 2013, as a part of this work, national consultations with experts were held. As a result, a discussion group was set up to think of innovative ways to address the challenges uncovered during this study. The suggestions from experts are presented below:  Listing concrete actions to address Gender and Social Inclusion issues that are in the form a list of Do's and Don'ts for managers of government, donor-supported and NGO initiatives.  Producing Training Modules on GSI in UWSS programs for ULB staff (especially engineers) and WSS project staff  Creating a pool of certified resource persons who can guide utilities more effectively on GSI issues. These resource persons can also be used during projects to provide guidance and advice.  Indicators to monitor the extent to which GSI issues are being address in UWSS projects.  Including GSI issues in existing Service Level Benchmarking processes to provide a certification of ULBs based on how they address these issues, especially for the urban poor. This should include ranking ULBs with associated incentives similar to City Sanitation Ratings.  Creating awareness generation material on GSI issues in UWSS highlighting pitfalls and good practice. These could be a series of small publications such as articles in media, local language publications, including pamphlets for distribution to anganwadi and ASHA workers, local schools, etc.  Designing a campaign to sensitize ULB officials and councilors through seminars and workshops. These could be planned and implemented in coordination with government training institutes and through interested NGOs.  Facilitating changes in GOI policies concerning UWSS, though national-level consultations and discussion groups, including representatives from government, NGOs and donor agencies. 136  Undertaking more rigorous assessments of GSI issues in urban India, especially in slums and in smaller towns. This can not only help better understand the issues, but also strengthen advocacy for remedial action. IMPLEMENTATION ARRANGEMENTS Based on the suggestions from experts and on the findings from this study, the next three sections discuss ways to, first provide sustainable community-managed toilets, next for a gender and social inclusion action plan at the ULB level, and finally, a state-level initiatives to address gender and social inclusion issues in UWSS. c. INITATIVES FOR PUBLIC AND COMMUNITY TOILETS Given that the lack of adequate public and community toilets emerged as a major problem for urban poor women, specific initiatives are needed to address this issue. A critical part of any such initiative is buy in by public agencies, available funding, either from the government or through development partners, and support from local NGOs and community groups. A useful starting point is by dividing public toilets into three categories, with separate management arrangements:49  Revenue-earning public toilets: These can be built in busy areas including markets, railway stations, bus stands, along main roads and large residential colonies. The management contracts could be awarded to private agencies such as, Sulabh International and Exnora International. These agencies will be responsible for managing the toilets and would earn revenue from these facilities. They could be contracted under various contract types, including Build-Operate-Transfer. Specific clauses in contract can indicate the service delivery levels expected and the remedial actions that can be taken by the responsible public agencies if these are not achieved. Similarly, an incentive structure can also be set up for private agencies and meet and surpass service level indicators.  Revenue neutral community toilets: These would include toilets in large slums or those adjoining main roads that have high number of users. These can be managed by women’s groups, but without any charge or government subsidy. Within this model, the responsible public agency will have to carry out major repair and maintenance work. The public agency could also contract or enter into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with one or more Federations of women’s SHGs to manage such toilets using the funds collected from user charges. In addition, the public agency could provide subsidized or free electricity and water supply for these toilets. Subsidized community toilets: These would include toilets build in smaller slums, where user charges may not be adequate to cover regular maintenance or payments for caretakers. In such cases, the government agencies could enter into a contract or MoU with a Federation of women’s SHGs specifying the details of the financial and the O&M support that would be provided to them to manage, operate and maintain the toilets. The case studies indicated that NGOs can play a critical role in the success of UWSS initiatives. Thus, a three-way MoU could be signed such that an NGO with technical expertise could support community groups and women’s SHGs in designing, 49 Mr. Dandapani, Municipal Commissioner, Trichy Municipal Corporation. Personal communication. Sep 2012. 137 constructing, managing, maintaining and operating toilets for a specific number of years. Funding for the initiative could come from government agencies or through other development partners. This arrangement was exemplified in Trichy where a group of NGOs, a federation of SHGs, a funding organization, and a motivated municipal corporation came together to manage community toilets. This four-part arrangement suggests an institutional structure that could be effective and replicable across other slums. d. A GENDER AND SOCIAL INCLUSION ACTION PLAN Issues of gender and social inclusion in UWSS require to be addressed more holistically, particularly at the ULB level. In this regard, a Gender and Social Include plan was developed as a part of this work. PRIOR CONSIDERATIONS The following conditions are considered important considerations for the planning and implementation of gender-informed UWSS programs.  Most gender mainstreaming guidelines apply only to shared provision: There is extensive literature on gender mainstreaming in urban water supply and sanitation projects (e.g., UN Habitat 2005, 2006a, 2006b, 2009, 2010; Sida 2006, AusAid 2005). The major slant of these recent studies has been to increase women’ participation in decision-making concerning all aspects of the project cycle, from design to implementation to monitoring and evaluation. This perspective implicitly assumes that WSS are being accessed from shared sources, i.e., hand pumps and public stand pipes in the case of water supply and public toilets and community toilets in the case of sanitation. The literature also has a greater slant towards water supply as compared to sanitation. If the service level that the utility or ULB aims for is household provision, the community participation required may be more intense.  Perspectives differ across the project cycle: There can be vast differences in the perspectives of government officials who deal with the project from concept, design, planning to implementation and evaluation. This is not only because of the regular transfer of key staff, but also because of the range of capacities of staff, from secretary-level bureaucrats, to finance staff, engineers, and councilors. In most cases, multiple government agencies with unclear roles and responsibilities are involved in the program, which creates additional challenges. There is a need, therefore, for excellent and constant communication, to ensure that all project staff is briefed thoroughly at every stage of the work. This is especially necessary as the UWSS programs move from planning to implementation stage.  Policy change takes time: Supportive policy change is necessary for effective implementation, but many ESA-supported projects do not take into account the time and effort needed to work with the bureaucrats and politicians (e.g., James, 2008; WB, 2011). As the project draws to a close, the team is busy with end-of-project evaluations and presentations and after the ‘policy recommendations’ are written and presented to senior bureaucrats, it is assumed that these will somehow turn into policy. In practice, policy change takes dedicated time and effort and there are multiple steps before such policies are passed by Cabinets, Legislative Assemblies and Parliaments Projects could, therefore, dedicate some more time and resources to this process for more effective outcomes. 138  The Social Inclusion Plan is in addition to other project guidelines: These do not duplicate, as far as possible, regular project activities for different parts of the project cycle, but only refer to specific activities for gender and social inclusion. KEY STEPS Ten key steps have been identified to address gender and social inclusion issues in project design:  Understand the problem: This includes asking questions such as who are affected by the lack of WSS services and where are they located (notified/illegal slums, low-income tenements, geographically dispersed/concentrated, transient/permanent). Other participatory exercises such as assessments (based on the QPA, or any other appropriate methodology), GIS-based spatial slum mapping can be used to better understand the problem.  Collect and track disaggregated data: At this time, gender and disability disaggregated data is not collected. Creating a common shared database that includes information disaggregated by socio-economic categories that can be accessed by various public agencies would be useful.  Sensitize and inform decision-makers: It is necessary to present findings to senior politicians and bureaucrats, and sensitize them to GSI related problems in the UWSS sector. It is also important to, then, highlight to them the role they can play to help address the problem.  Involve all stakeholders: In order to understand the problems and address them, all stakeholders, including media persons, academia, NGO staff, engineers, officials, politicians, and community members in various stages of the project.  Facilitate joint decision-making: Whether within the ULB, Utility or State-government – joint decision-making is important, and women in particular, need to have a strong voice in UWSS initiatives.  Sensitize utility staff: By providing Change Management Training, and special training on Gender Sensitization and Social Exclusion/Inclusion, utility staff can be sensitized to GSI issues. This will help in mainstreaming GSI issues and institutionalizing responses.  Pilot & institutionalize joint visits by officials: Officials from all departments of the concerned public agency (utility or ULB) should conduct joint site visits.  Commission external social inclusion audits: These audits can be held by empanelled academic institutions, using a well-planned methodology. The findings from such studies can be published and publicized by the media  Ensure representation of socially-excluded groups in decision making bodies: Women and those from other socially-excluded groups should be included in decision-making bodies. Encourage transparency: Transparency should be encouraged in all project areas, especially decision-making. FRAMEWORK FOR INTERVENTIONS A suggested set of steps for using these Principles of Social Inclusion in a simple project cycle framework of (1) Design (2) Planning, (3) Implementation and (4) Monitoring & Evaluation, is first summarized (Figure 5.1) and then detailed in this section. Note that while it is recommended that the suggested actions are carried out during these phases, this is not mandatory and some actions can be carried over into other phases if necessary. 139 Figure 5.1: Project cycle framework for interventions for gender and social inclusion DESIGN PHASE Do background work on GSI (Look at best practices, organizational structures, consultations) Do a GSI scan of existing policies & programs Build a strong case for priority for GSI Hand over Phase PLANNING PHASE Sensitize politicians and bureaucrats Create a strong institutional base for the work Understand GSI issues Hold consultations with all stakeholders Solicit suggestions for GSI Carry out GSI audits Ensure equality in decision-making Design capacity building initiatives Take pro-active steps to encourage transparency Embed a journalist Engineer informal linkages with other relevant Departments IMPLEMENTATION PHASE MONITORING & EVALUATION PHASE Build capacity Use disaggregated indicators of social inclusion Hold special sessions with all socially excluded groups Promote linkages to cheap credit for building household Undertake participatory assessments of status with all toilets socially excluded groups Design innovative public toilets Ensure disaggregated findings are presented to decision- Ensure strong grievance redress mechanisms makers Report on all social inclusion parameters at review Ensure that findings are widely disseminated 140 DESIGN PHASE The design of the project plays a critical role in its ability to address GSI issues during implementation stage.  Ensure adequate budgetary outlay for gender and social inclusion: Budgetary outlay for the Gender and Social Inclusion Plan (GSIP is necessary first step. Defining of the budget requires a good understanding of project activities and their GSI-related implications.  Build a strong case for gender and social inclusion activities: Creating institutional will to address GSI issues in this sector is important. This can start with a review of past work on gender and social inclusion (see below) and of the policy and program environment (see below), with particular focus on city- specific and state-specific issues and initiatives. This review can be the basis for planning specific GSI activities within the project.  Impact evaluation related to gender and social inclusion: Details can be added to the information collected from the literature review by conducting a detailed impact evaluation of projects that have addressed gender and social inclusion issues in this sector (including the MP UWSEIP and Karnataka UWASIP). The evaluation would help in understanding challenges and opportunities in designing and implementing GSI informed projects.  Scan the Policy and Program environment: A review of existing policies and programs that support – and hinder - gender and social inclusion initiatives is vital. In addition, there is a need for clear analysis of what other initiatives are required and can be implemented as a part of a UWSS project. ‘HAND-OVER’ PHASE  Link the Design and Planning Phases: Since the design of most projects is done by one group of development professionals and the actual planning and implementation is done by a PMU. After the project is signed and commissioned, there is often a difference in interpretation between the two teams involved in design and implementation stage. In order to avoid such problems and to ease the transition, it would be useful to have a hand- over period when the PMU staff work closely with the design team. PLANNING PHASE  Sensitize politicians and officials: It is necessary to obtain the political and bureaucratic understanding and support for the project. Regular briefings are necessary over the entire project cycle, so the policy makers are engaged in the project.  Create a strong institutional base for the project: Forming a state-level empowered committee chaired by the Chief Secretary and including all senior Secretaries of relevant Departments , as done in the ADB-supported MP Urban Water Supply and Environmental Improvement Project is one way to bring the government agencies fully on board. In addition, forming a city-level Steering Committee that includes senior bureaucrats and politicians and also includes representatives from NGOs and CBOs will ensure city-specific support. Finally, a PMU with a full-time IAS officer, and gender and social inclusion experts will help ensure that GSI issues are addressed within the project. 141  Study field reality: Commission studies to capture the ground reality regarding GSI in the project sites. Using field survey methodology, collecting both qualitative and quantitative data and slum mapping to look at the spatial representation of these issues can help identify the effort necessary for improvement.  Hold consultations: It is important to engage with all stakeholders, especially NGOs and academics working on gender and social inclusion issues. While part of this can be done during the field study, separate consultations to get suggestions for improvement from a wider range of stakeholders would be particularly useful in drawing up concrete Community Action Plans.  Carry out gender and social inclusion audits: An auditing process of all policies and programs from the GSI perspective should be piloted and thereafter institutionalized.  Ensure equality in decision-making: Ensure equal representation of women and other socially excluded groups in decision-making bodies, including in the ULB/Utility as far as possible. This action, however, has to be supported by providing training opportunities to build capacity for all project-related ULB/Utility staff.  Engineer informal linkages with other departments: These may not be formally associated with the project, but may have jurisdiction or programs that affect social inclusion. Often such initiatives can fail due to poor coordination between government departments. If these issues are proactively addressed during the planning stage of the project, it may become easier to address GSI issues more comprehensively and sustainably.  Design capacity building: Ensure that training and information sharing on GSI issues are included as a part of capacity building programs (materials, methods and messages) for staff of responsible public agency.  Take pro-active steps to promote transparency: By ensuring that the information related to the project is shared widely and transparently with other stakeholder, either through review meetings, on websites, or in the local media is essential. IMPLEMENTATION PHASE  Capacity building: This is the most critical aspect of changing the way GSI issues are being addressed within UWSS projects. In addition to sensitization and training on GSI issues, there should be change management training for all utility officials.50 These trainings, workshops and exposure visit need to be planned during the design phase. .  Promote linkages to cheap credit for building household toilets: Government does not provide household toilets. The lack of financing and land ownership issues are the key challenges that people face when trying to build household toilets. Women disproportionately face these issues. . Access to cheap credit that does not require extensive paper work or asset ownership will allow more women to build household toilets. In addition, micro-finance institutions (MFIs) can also be persuaded to provide sanitation loans. 50 Although Change Management was started with the pilot Tamil Nadu Rural Water Supply Project (TNRWSP) of the Tamil Nadu Water Supply and Drainage (TWAD) Board, this is most recently been tried successfully in the on-going World Bank-funded TN IAM WARM Project. 142  Design innovative public toilets: As the examples from Navi Mumbai and Mumbai Municipal Corporations have shown, public toilets can be innovative and user-friendly and can cater to the demands of a wide variety of stakeholders. To this end, locality-specific designs have to be created – which can be done either on a sole-source commission or through a design competition. The toilets should be located in areas of high demand – including slums, markets, bus stands, train stations, office buildings, schools, colleges, and other public areas. In addition, adequate institutional arrangement to ensure sustained quality of service delivery should be provided.  Ensure strong grievance redress mechanisms in the project: There should be an adequate grievance redress mechanism built into the project that is either outsourced or managed in- house. It should be designed based on international best-practice and should be evaluated regularly to ensure that it works as designed.  Report on all social inclusion parameters at review meetings: All project review meetings should bring out GSI issues, in order to constantly sensitize project staff to the special concerns of these groups. In addition, Action Taken Reports (ATR) on these issues should be tabled at the next meeting. MONITORING & EVALUATION PHASE These refer to both regular monitoring of project activities, as well as to the evaluations carried out periodically over the project period.  Use disaggregated indicators of social inclusion: Use gender and disability disaggregated indicators that clearly show the status of socially excluded groups in project related activities. This is a long process that requires periodic data gathering, and analysis. This requires substantial prior planning and need to be initiated in the design phase.  Hold special sessions with all socially excluded groups: Regular focus group discussions and interviews should be held with socially excluded group and with women. Gathering feedback will help in identifying GSI issues within the project. Subsequently, efforts need to be made to ensure that this information is presented to decision-makers and that action is taken to address these issues within a reasonable period of time.  Ensure that findings are widely disseminated: Given the power of public scrutiny, it is imperative that disaggregated findings from the monitoring and evaluation exercises are presented to the general public on the project website and are also shared through the media. This would create greater awareness regarding these issues. The ways to address Gender and Social Inclusion issues that are identified through these steps could be incorporated into existing pro-poor government programs such as the BSUP and RAY that are being implemented by the Ministry of Housing and Poverty Alleviation (MHUPA). Fully implemented, the Social Inclusion Plan should:  Increase awareness among decision-makers, utility staff, academia, media and target groups  Highlight social inclusion issues in UWSS in the public domain – thus encouraging more government attention and action (e.g., GOI schemes, local academic institutions and ESAs) 143  Create an institutional platform for joint action across government departments and institutions – for more effective grassroots impact In order for this plan to work effectively, it requires:  Policy-driven external factors such as ULB SLB ratings, support from ESAs, etc.;  Political support by aware and motivated Councilors, Mayors or other elected representatives who have been sensitized to the size of the problem, the means to address it and the potential benefits of addressing it (in terms of political patronage and votes); and  Personal motivation of utility or ULB staff is also important to ensure that the initiative is sustainable. Better progress on providing access to adequate water supply and sanitation services for women and the socially excluded groups could be achieved if there was an explicit policy and programming focus that mandated taking their needs into consideration when planning and implementing water supply and sanitation program and projects. A more ‘actionable’ approach may be to simply ensure that all pro-poor policies have a special focus on gender and social exclusion issues. e. MULTI-CITY GOVERNMENT-LED INITIATIVE Despite programs such as BSUP, UIDSSMT, RAY, etc. and large financial allocations by GOI, UWSS services to the urban poor are not improving as fast as they should. Further, existing institutional structures at state and city government levels are not able to implement UWSS program that also address GSI issues. There are multiple reasons that affect this, including lack of capacity and/or motivation, a lack of integration between responsible departments and a lack of indicators to measure progress. Given that governments have the funding, mandate and staff to undertake initiatives to address gender and social inclusion concerns in urban water supply and sanitation projects, a multi-city government-led initiative could be the best way of identifying ways to change policies and programs to address these concerns. INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS One possible approach could be a time-bound state-level pilot project, funded by a single donor or consortium of donors, and led by civil servants, to deliver GSI approaches in UWSS in all slums of some cities in a few selected states. Two possible institutional arrangements are (1) a special purpose vehicle (SPV) set up by the state government and led by civil servants –for example, as seen in the World Bank supported rural water supply and sanitation projects in Maharashtra (Jalswarajya), Kerala (Jalanidhi) and Karnataka (Jalnirmal) and in the Government of Gujarat promoted WASMO; and (2) a unit of an existing structure such as the State Water and Sanitation Mission (currently only covering rural schemes) or the recently launched Urban Livelihood Mission. Since an exclusive focus on GSI may be seen as too narrow an approach, these issues could be part of a larger objective, such as full implementation of City Sanitation Plan, the National Urban Sanitation Policy, or urban livelihoods programs. 144 EXPECTED OUTPUTS Some concrete outputs expected from the pilot initiative are:  Demonstration of integration of existing national-level schemes (BSUP, RAY etc.) to facilitate finance (if needed) for adding toilets to existing slum housing and improved design of new slum housing  Updated spatial data on GSI and UWSS in the city  Monitoring system with GSI indicators to clearly show problems and progress in tackling these issues  Alternate designs for public or community toilets incorporating all issues (child-friendly, safe, Menstrual Health Management, etc.)  Demonstration of methods of involving PRIs, NGOs and CBOs within the planning guidelines of the NUSP (e.g., Ward-level planning)  Demonstration of the integrated working of different departments within the ULB to facilitate the use of innovative technological ideas (e.g., to make water available in elevated areas; tackle low-pressure problems; e.g.) - where problems may not just be technical but procedural (e.g., conformity with CPHEEO Guidelines, cost norms as per Audit Department). This could be in the form of a Task Force created from within various departments of the ULB to carry out these activities. SCALING UP If the external review indicates that the pilot has been effective, it could be scaled-up to other cities in the state and the SPV could be converted into a permanent part of the state-level institutional structure (For example, the PMUs of Jalswarjya and Jalanidhi are now part of the State Water and Sanitation Missions). CAUTIONS It is important to keep in mind that this new plan comes with some unique challenge:  GSI issues have been treated as a box to check for most ULBs, state agencies and development partners. Thus, awareness generation, capacity building and sensitization are key ingredients of any GSI-related strategy. In addition, having clear measurable indicators is critical to wide acceptability of any GSI plan.  A stand-alone SPV to address GSI may 'externalize' the issue rather than mainstream it. Moreover, a stand-alone SPV for GSI can do very little on its own, and its efficacy would largely depend on the responsiveness of the concerned service provider. Creating a unit within existing Missions can bureaucratize the effort, and reduce it to tokenism, without the fresh thinking required to address these issues in a sustainable and institutional basis.  Multiple programs (e.g., NULM, RAY, BSUP) have previously been launched and each requires its own institutional structure. Most states and cities struggle with these requirements and proposing yet another structure could create further difficulties. 145 f. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS The findings of the study are clear and pressing – while water supply in slums has improved, residents continue to face insecurity and there is no quality monitoring; the quality of service from public toilets is inadequate; the initiatives that have been launched are dependent on political support; the lack of institutionalization also leads to lack of sustainability; the literature continues to underestimate WSS problems particularly in urban areas; and women, girls and socially excluded groups are bearing a disproportionate burden of gaps in service. Concerns related to gender and social inclusion can be addressed either through small initiatives targeting specific issues or through larger initiatives that take a more holistic look at these issues. 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Washington: Water and Sanitation Program. [pdf] Available at [Accessed on 22 December 2011] 155 ANNEXURE 1: Quantified Participatory Assessment 1. INTRODUCTION Several methods have been developed in the recent past to address this issue of generating numbers from participatory activities.51 The Methodology for Participatory Assessment (MPA)52 was developed in the late 1990s to assess the sustainability of 88 water supply and sanitation projects in 15 countries and used participatory tools to bring out information and then translated this into numbers using a scoring system.53 The MPA continues to be used as a ‘comparative evaluation tool in large domestic water projects and programs’.54 The Quantified Participatory Assessment (QPA) was developed from the MPA and used in India in a variety of development projects since 1999 (James, 2003a).55 Apart from the expansion from the water and sanitation sector to other sectors, notably watershed development, poverty alleviation, rural livelihoods and water resources, the QPA added several other features to the MPA, including peer review of scores, documentation of reasons for scores, use of an MS ACCESS database to store and analyse information, several rounds of stakeholder meetings and a detailed action planning report. The QPA was also the basis of the modification of the MPA in Nepal to the NEWAH Participatory Assessment (NPA) by the Gender and Poverty (GAP) Unit of the national NGO, Nepal Water and Health (NEWAH), in Kathmandu, Nepal.56 The NPA adapted the MPA to suit the geographical, socio- economic and ethnic reality of Nepal, modified the scoring systems to include benchmarks in a flexible 0 – 100 scale, developed additional tools to elicit information on health, hygiene and sanitation issues, and collected additional qualitative information using case studies (James et al., 2003a, 2003b, 2003c). Qualitative Information Appraisal (QIA) is a generic methodology, developed from the experiences with the MPA, QPA and NPA, which goes beyond the constraints of the term ‘Assessment’. The QIA is designed for use in both one-time assessments for baseline, mid-term and overall project impact assessments, as well as for continuous monitoring as part of a project’s regular monitoring and evaluation system. The present study was, however, the first time that the methodology was used in an urban context. 2. APPLICATIONS The QPA has been applied in several applications within India and outside (see Table below). 51 See, for instance, Chambers (2003). 52 The MPA was developed by Christine van Wijk (van Wijk, 2003) for a Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) project that was a multi-disciplinary and multi-country assessment exercise looking at the factors underlying the sustainability of water supply and sanitation projects (Dayal et al., 1999, Gross et al., 2001). 53 The scoring system is detailed in James (2000 and 2001) and in Dayal et al. (1999). 54 Wijk, 2001, p. 2. The revised MPA is described in Mukherjee and van Wijk (2003) while experiences with using the MPA are in van Wijk and Postma (2003), Postma at al., (2003), van Wijk et al., (2002), Paudyal et al. (2002). 55 This work was done by AJ James who did the statistical analysis of the MPA data for the initial PLA study coordinated by Rekha Dayal of the Water and Sanitation Program. See also, James (2002, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d), James and Kaushik (2002), James et al., (2002), James and Snehalata (2002a and 2002b). 56 For an account of the pilot MPA and the problems experienced in the field see Paudyal et al. (2002). See James et al., (2003a and 2003b) for a description of the creation of the NPA, and James et al., (2003c) for the details of one application in Nepal. 156 Funding source Location Project Focus Area Sample size Year Water & Global Participatory Learning Impact assessment 88 projects; 15 1997- Sanitation and Action (PLA) of RWSS projects countries 9 Program (World global study of the Bank) World Bank’s Water &Sanitation Program 157 Funding source Location Project Focus Area Sample size Year European India Doon Valley Social & 16 villages 1999- Community Integrated Watershed environmental 2000 Management Project impact DFID India India APRLP Water Resources 106 habitations 2001- 2 DFID India India WIRFP Rural Livelihoods 45 villages 2002- 3 World Bank India Rajasthan District Project Processes 14 villages, 2 2001- Poverty Initiatives districts 2 Project World Bank India Analytical and Performance of 26 ULBs 2002- Advisory Activity Essential Public 3 (AAA) on Urban Public Health Functions Health in Tamil Nadu Asian Nepal Community-based Water Supply, 5 regions 2003 Development Water Supply and Sanitation & Bank Sanitation project Hygiene preparation Asian Sri Lanka & Evaluation of ADB- Water Supply, Sri Lanka 104 2005 Development Vietnam funded national Sanitation & sub-projects Bank Water Supply and Hygiene Vietnam WSS20 Sanitation projects villages; 350 households UNICEF India Independent Water Supply, 117 villages 2004 Evaluation of the Sanitation & Child’s Environment Hygiene Program (CEP) Nepal Water for Nepal GAP Evaluation Water Supply, 15 villages 2003- Health Sanitation & 4 (NEWAH) Hygiene Tamil Nadu India Change Management Water Supply, 200 habitations 2005- Water and Pilots Evaluation Sanitation & 6 Drainage Board Hygiene Uttaranchal India Baseline survey Rural Livelihoods 140 villages 2007 Livelihood Project in the Himalayas (ULIPH) PATH India SureStart Strength of 50 organizations 2009- (community-level partnerships among (rural NGOs) 10 rural health program) NGOs Unicef India Impact of Quality Education 18 schools 2007 Package on Education Quality Uttaranchal India Mid Term Evaluation Rural Livelihoods 140 villages 2008 Livelihood Project in the Himalayas (ULIPH) World Bank India Tamil Nadu Community-level 40 villages 2012 Integrated Assessment of the 158 Funding source Location Project Focus Area Sample size Year Agricultural Impact of Change Modernization and Management Water bodies among Rural Restoration and Development Modernization (TN Officials IAM WARM) Project WASTE, the Costa Rica, PSO Learning Organizational 5 international 2012 Netherlands Holland, Trajectory Development (of NGOs Benin, NGOs) Philippines Unicef Afghanistan National WASH WASH 33 provinces and 2012 Afghanistan Vulnerability and Risk districts;66 Assessment villages 3. KEY COMPONENTS OF THE METHOD From past experience in applying this methodology (in India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Vietnam), the following arrangements have been found to be optimal: I. Inception Meeting A brief meeting (one-day) to clarify the issues to be assessed, the background information available and the logistical arrangements. II. Methodology and Planning Workshop This is a vital part of the assessment, where the assessment team discuss and finalise the issues to be assessed, the indicators to be used, the ordinal scales, and thus the QPA field formats. This usually has role plays, mock interviews and field testing to make sure the assessment team practise and develop their PRA and facilitation skills, which is one of the key determinants of the success of the QPA field assessment. This workshop can take from 10 – 14 days depending on the complexity of the issues to be addressed. Field testing: Although this is usually carried out at the end of the Methodology and Planning Workshop activity, it deserves a special mention. Two rounds of field testing are needed, the first to identify the problems to be rectified in the field formats, and the second to make sure the revised formats are suitable for the survey. Given the size of the assessment team being trained (36 field staff + 3 field coordinators+ 1 field supervisor+2 Research Associates), usually 2 villages are needed for each round of field testing – making a total of 4 villages. None of these villages should be part of the actual survey. III. Field Assessment Informing villages about the assessment: Prior information is usually needed for the meetings and focus group discussions – except where it is apprehended that villages may be ‘dressed up’ for the assessment. If so, the village is informed only a day or two in advance. Village assessment schedule: In accordance with ‘good practice’ in participatory assessments, the assessment usually starts with a meeting with village officials (headman, patwari, VAO, etc.), elders, teachers and key informants – to inform them about the purpose of the assessment, to get basic information about the village, and to plan the various group discussions. Thereafter, a transect walk and social mapping is carried out (to check ‘unserved households’, etc.), also a water system review. Subsequently, either in the afternoon or evening, Group Discussions can be held with those who have received training from the 159 project/TWAD Board, women’s groups, etc. Finally, a village meeting is held to inform them about the basic findings of the assessment. Compliance with international ‘good practice’ is vital for the validity of the participatory assessment. Assessment time: Assessments take1 – 4 days per village, depending on the complexity of the field formats. The minimum time is 1 day per village. It is best to have the team debriefing and data entry the very next day, so that field teams remember details of discussions and verify the scores. Entering data in the latter part of the same day will minimize errors and avoid the fatigue (and hence errors) of mass data entry at the end of the assessment. This gives a maximum rate of 3 villages per week (with 1 day off), at which rate, 10 2-person teams can cover 100 villages in 20 days. Field teams: While field teams have been between 4 – 6 people per village, the ideal combination is a 4-member field teams which can split into two 2-member teams in the field. The minimum, however, is 2-persons per team. Gender balanced teams are highly desirable. To complete 100 villages in 2 weeks, at the rate of 3 villages per week per team will require 18 teams, or 36 field staff. Field coordinators: Field-level coordination is essential for quality control, especially to check the nature of facilitation during Group Discussions and to ensure validation of information provided in the Group Discussions. They are also useful for trouble-shooting field-level problems, including logistics. In addition to the field supervisor, a minimum of 3 Field Coordinators would be necessary for a 100-village assessment. Focus group discussions: Each Group Discussions takes between 1-2 hours, and more than 2 hours tests participants’ patience and could yield biased responses. These have basically to give participants the ‘freedom and space’ to present their own views, feelings and must adhere to good practice of facilitation (e.g., no leading questions, no prompting, opportunities for all participants to express their views, etc.). IV. Database, Data Cleaning and Analysis Database: An ACCESS database is usually created for data entry, so that the computer format matches the paper format exactly and thus minimizes data entry errors. Data cleaning: Even after careful data entry, there is need to ‘clean’ the data, usually in a joint meeting with the field teams, lasting up to 5 days, depending on the number of villages surveyed and the number of issues covered in the field formats. Basically, this involves scanning the scores and reasons for scores entered in the database, identifying data gaps (e.g., Reason for Score not filled out), and doing some basic calculations (e.g., COUNT, MAX, MIN) to check possible data entry errors. Having the field team at this point is useful for quick cross- verification. Data analysis: This basically involves generating frequency histograms and user-friendly graphs to present the findings as clearly and intelligibly as possible. 160 ANNEXURE 2: List of slums visited in Gwalior and Pune PUNE Area Date of No of Zonal Office Slum Name Survey Number Age Population (hectares) Notification households 1 Aundh Bopodi 43/3 0.002 4 Dec 1984 28 45 225 161 Area Date of No of Zonal Office Slum Name Survey Number Age Population (hectares) Notification households 2 Aundh Bopodi 25/7/2 0.03.79 12 Mar 1987 25 150 750 3 Aundh Bopodi 25/7/2 0.04 16-Jan-86 26 150 750 4 Aundh Bopodi 7/1/7/2 0.84 31-Oct-84 28 350 1,750 5 Aundh Bopodi 39/1/2/3/4 2.32.19 8 Oct 1987 25 900 4,500 6 Aundh Indira 79/80 1.93.3 24-Mar-94 18 667 3,455 7 Aundh Kasturba 56 0.6132 31-Oct-84 28 500 2,500 8 Aundh Sanjay nagar 4 2.09 2 Sep 1995 17 625 3,125 9 Aundh Sugandhi 20/21 0.211 28-Mar-96 16 30 150 10 Bhwani peth balaji mandir 378 0.2777 24-May-90 22 200 1,000 11 Bhwani peth balaji mandir 379 0.3109 4 Dec 1984 28 200 1,000 12 Bhwani peth Bhawani Peth 512 0.29 12 Aug 1983 29 96 405 13 Bhwani peth Ganesh peth 313 0.4727 31-Oct-84 28 35 175 14 Bhwani peth ganeshpeth 237 0.0018 21-Jun-84 28 124 620 15 Bhwani peth Ghorpade peth 337 0.1672 11 Oct 1983 29 64 236 16 Bhwani peth Ghorpade peth 180 0.1671 4 Sep 1987 25 85 425 17 Bhwani peth ghorpadepeth 674 0.1192 24-Aug-89 23 200 1,000 18 Bhwani peth ghorpadepeth 538 6.12 21-Jun-84 28 2,975 13,957 19 Bhwani peth Gurunanak plot no 377 /378 1.475 31-Oct-84 28 101 634 20 Bhwani peth Guruwar peth 223 0.0739 31-Oct-84 28 32 160 21 Bhwani peth nanapeth 1009 0.3121 27-Apr-00 12 94 450 22 Bhwani peth Nanapeth 1039 0.0284 4 Dec 1984 28 149 627 23 Bhwani peth nanapeth 1038 1.5715 23-Feb-84 28 518 2,590 24 Bibwewadi Gultekdi 547 0.25 31-Oct-84 28 116 600 25 Bibwewadi Kondva 601 0.48 24-Mar-88 24 205 1,025 26 Bibwewadi Kondva kh 4a 0.088069 10 Dec 2000 12 62 200 27 Bibwewadi Kondva kh 4a 0.09 10 Dec 2000 12 43 215 28 Bibwewadi Kondva kh 601/1 0.48526 1 Nov 2001 11 205 1,025 29 Dhanakwadi Dhanakwadi 4-17,2 0.12234 20 9 45 30 Dhole patil Balaji nagar 71 72.5 23-Jul-92 20 516 2,580 31 Dhole patil barningghat 271/272 0.3255 24-Mar-88 24 60 415 32 Dhole patil gadital plot 898 0.426249 14-Sep-89 23 53 265 33 Dhole patil gadital p 899/899f 0.445658 14-Sep-89 23 53 265 34 Dhole patil Mangalwar peth 214/215 0.08537 29-Jul-93 19 35 175 35 Dhole patil Mangalwar peth plot 4/ab205 0.2859 4 Dec 1984 28 62 310 36 Dhole patil Mangalwar peth plot 28 0.3344 19-Oct-00 12 73 365 37 Dhole patil Mangalwar peth 0.30307 12-Apr-84 28 90 450 38 Dhole patil mundwa 1 0.93 12 Aug 1983 29 157 630 39 Dhole patil panmala 450 0.2952 5 Jan 1980 32 207 810 40 Ghole road bhaburda plot no 36/3 0.161874 12 Jul 2000 12 54 270 41 Ghole road bhyywadi plot no 56 0.182108 18-Dec-81 31 23 103 42 Ghole road chafekar canawal 0.56102 31-Oct-84 28 124 620 43 Ghole road Fergusson college plot no 576/10 0.0631 19-Sep-96 16 11 55 44 Ghole road Hanuman plot no 396 0.4.84 7 May 1984 28 21 105 45 Ghole road janwadi 100 0.70 28-Jul-83 29 194 970 46 Ghole road patkar plot plot no 67 0.581229 18-Sep-80 32 356 1,780 47 Ghole road shivajinagar 102/1/2 0.28.36 5 Jul 1992 20 122 610 48 Ghole road shivajinagar 101 2.18.31 30-Jan-86 26 1,372 6,860 49 Ghole road vir chafekar 211 1.22 17-Feb-00 12 510 2,550 50 Hadapsar ghorpdi 48/3/2 0.48 23-Jul-92 20 198 990 51 Hadapsar Hadapsar s s no 252 0.2549 28-Jul-83 29 200 1,000 52 Hadapsar Hadapsar 315 1.7046 23-Feb-84 28 599 2,995 53 Hadapsar Hadapsar 106 0.282 8 Oct 1978 34 608 3,040 54 Hadapsar hadapsir 226 0.40 1 Jun 2000 12 52 260 55 Hadapsar hadapsir 110 19.836 16-Aug-73 39 800 5,000 162 Area Date of No of Zonal Office Slum Name Survey Number Age Population (hectares) Notification households 56 Hadapsar shankarmath 152 0.8715 27-Jul-00 12 350 1,750 57 Hadapsar shirkewsti 124 1.195 7 May 1984 28 1,136 5,680 58 Karve road kelewadi 44 2.67.6 21-Jun-84 28 933 4,665 59 Karve road kothrud 49/1/2 0.90.00 31-Oct-84 28 45 225 60 Karve road ramanbag 123 2.51.60 4 Jun 1995 17 125 625 61 Karve road Erandvane 42a/1a/2a 0.15 1 Jun 2000 12 34 170 62 Karve road Erandvane 291to294 0.2223 4 Sep 1987 25 73 366 63 Karve road Erandvane plot no 14 0.98.80 16-Aug-73 39 215 1,075 64 Karve road Erandvane 44/1 18.46.19 27-Apr-00 12 5,000 25,000 65 Kasba Peth Kasba peth s.s.no.914,b 0.012358 23-Feb-84 28 2 10 66 Kasba Peth Kasba peth s.s.no.912,e 0.006967 23-Feb-84 28 4 20 67 Kasba Peth Kasba peth s.s.no.892,b 0.0913 23-Feb-84 28 20 100 68 Kasba Peth Kasba peth s.s.no.936 0.04570 22-Dec-83 29 21 105 69 Kasba Peth sadashivpeth s s no 209 0.2054 17-May-84 28 45 225 70 Kasba Peth shukarwarpeth s.s.no1088 0.057 7 May 1984 28 75 375 71 Kasba Peth shukarwarpeth s.s.no.1077 0.2873 23-Feb-84 28 354 1,770 72 Sahakar nagar anandnagar 77 0.26875 16-Apr-92 20 212 1,060 73 Sahakar Nagar Laxminagar 93 0.7439 28-Jul-83 29 213 1,065 74 Sahakar Nagar mogal 76/81 0.0736 22-Sep-94 18 35 175 75 Sahakar Nagar Parvati 3634 0.03.15 21-Jun-84 28 8 50 76 Sahakar Nagar Parvati 92 1.037411 12 Aug 1983 29 200 1,000 77 Sahakar Nagar Parvati 39 0.48 17-May-84 28 350 1,750 78 Sahakar nagar Parvati 39 0.482726 12 Jun 1979 33 350 1,750 79 Sahakar nagar Parvati 38/3a 0.65 12 Oct 1981 31 600 3,000 80 Sahakar Nagar tawrecolony 47 0.7.18 31-Oct-84 28 22 110 81 Sangamvadi fulenagar 20/90 1.10 28-Jul-83 29 793 3,090 82 Sangamvadi visranthwadi 113,9 0.11.48 3 Feb 1989 23 54 364 83 Sangamvadi Yerawada s s no3145 0.06522 23-Aug-84 28 15 45 84 Sangamvadi Yerawada 33,b 0.4.88 31-Oct-84 28 17 100 85 Sangamvadi Yerawada 8b 0.221704 22-Dec-83 29 137 436 86 Sangamvadi Yerawada 106/2828 0.48561 11 Oct 1983 29 232 1,022 87 Sangamvadi Yerawada 8/a, 0.5713 12 Aug 1983 29 187 1,030 88 Sangamvadi Yerawada 2,a 0.98 29-Mar-90 22 652 2,966 89 Sangamvadi Yerawada 10/a/1 4.29.21 12 Aug 1983 29 1,029 5,145 90 Tilakroad janta 97/1/1 47.4181 22-Dec-83 29 13,000 65,000 91 Tilakroad Parvati 133 0.1460 27-Apr-00 12 46 230 92 Tilakroad Parvati 117 0.162 23-Feb-84 28 60 800 93 Tilakroad Parvati 133 3.036138 22-Dec-83 29 935 4,675 94 Tilakroad Parvati 132 0.8007 16-Aug-73 39 1,000 5,000 95 Tilakroad Parvati plot n.527 3.120 12 Aug 1983 29 2,008 10,040 96 Yerawada gandhinagar 103 1.4054 23-Nov-78 34 862 5,172 97 Yerawada nagpurchal 191 31.25.25 28-Jul-83 29 862 5,172 98 Yerawada Vadgaon sheri 27/28 0.4123 11 Oct 1983 29 97 388 99 Yerawada Yerawada 103/124 0.62.7 30-Jan-86 26 654 3,924 100 Yerawada Yerawada 2a/3k/3a2 2.026 16-Aug-73 39 2,282 11,140 163 GWALIOR War BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum BPL d House Popul by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist Slum Name Num Num holds ation Fami Samb Fami KM KM KM KM ber ber lies hav lies 164 War House Popul BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum Slum Name BPL d holds ation by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist 1 1 1 Banshipura (cantoment) 226 1,356 0 0 0.40 0.30 0.20 0.30 2 1 7 Ramaji Ka Pura 774 6,192 302 302 39 0.25 0.48 0.29 0.46 Janaktal (Kushwah 35 175 10 10 29 0.00 0.08 0.00 0.13 3 1 13 Mohalla) 4 2 2 Suriya Pura 287 1,722 0 0 0.30 0.20 0.30 0.20 5 2 3 Sunar Ki Bagiya 202 1,065 18 70 35 2.40 0.20 0.30 1.00 6 2 4 Rampuri Mohalla 176 1,056 15 50 28 0.14 0.14 0.14 0.14 7 3 1 Shivnagar 220 1,320 5 90 41 0.07 0.08 0.09 1.40 8 3 3 Futi Barik 128 768 0 0 0.30 0.20 0.30 0.30 9 4 2 Indira Colony 516 3,096 400 400 78 0.60 0.55 0.26 2.23 1 345 1,725 100 100 29 0.16 0.26 0.23 0.29 4 3 Mirjapur 0 1 416 2,496 125 125 30 0.22 0.43 0.90 0.25 4 4 Ghatampur 1 1 472 3,304 100 100 21 0.47 0.61 0.63 0.56 4 5 Mevati Mohalla 2 1 2,000 10,000 16 50 3 2.17 2.55 1.47 6.25 4 6 Chandra Nagar 3 1 200 1,200 101 101 51 0.20 0.30 0.30 0.20 5 2 Golandaj 4 1 300 1,500 20 40 13 0.10 0.15 0.15 0.10 6 2 Mangleshwar Road 5 1 300 1,200 26 150 50 0.20 0.30 0.15 0.15 6 3 Jagnapura No 1 6 1 65 384 23 23 35 0.20 0.19 0.16 0.17 6 4 Macchi Addi 7 1 42 260 18 18 43 0.20 0.20 0.18 0.19 6 5 Madankui 8 1 130 790 28 28 22 0.30 0.30 0.29 0.15 6 6 Haweli Pichbada 9 2 46 276 35 35 76 0.30 0.00 0.00 0.32 7 1 Madan Pura 0 2 298 2,173 54 54 18 0.83 0.05 0.40 0.89 7 5 Lut Pura 1 2 50 310 45 45 90 0.44 0.16 0.70 1.25 7 6 Jagna Ka pura 2 2 1,987 11,970 45 250 13 1.67 1.78 0.00 1.50 8 4 Gadai Pura 3 2 446 2,987 65 200 45 2.70 0.60 0.95 1.30 9 2 Rajamandi 4 2 50 300 8 8 16 0.20 0.15 0.15 0.20 10 1 Tameshwar Mohalla 5 2 55 330 10 10 18 0.20 0.25 0.20 0.20 10 4 Soda Ka Kua 6 2 280 1,350 30 50 18 0.25 0.27 0.26 0.24 10 5 Rajamandi 7 2 150 900 35 50 33 0.32 0.32 0.31 0.33 10 6 Jahageer Katra 8 2 70 420 19 19 27 0.15 0.20 0.15 0.20 10 7 Kanoon Goyan 9 3 35 210 4 30 86 0.20 0.21 0.19 0.19 10 8 Jama Maszid Chook Bazar 0 3 40 240 18 18 45 0.20 0.20 0.30 0.30 10 9 Kashi Naresh Ki Gali 1 3 11 1 Gosh Pura No. 1 1,100 6,600 24 150 14 0.60 0.74 0.45 0.30 165 War House Popul BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum Slum Name BPL d holds ation by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist 2 3 120 510 15 15 13 0.25 0.26 0.21 0.20 13 1 Pacchee Pada 3 3 Khidki Mohalla / 298 1,490 16 50 17 0.30 0.25 0.07 0.27 13 3 4 Byayamshala 3 305 1,525 17 50 16 0.18 0.25 0.28 0.11 14 1 Ramtapura 5 3 771 3,855 26 150 19 2.93 2.34 1.97 3.00 14 2 Gudri 6 3 725 3,625 72 150 21 0.34 0.23 0.28 0.24 14 3 Noorganj 7 3 450 3,500 40 150 33 0.33 0.32 0.41 0.39 17 1 Aramil (Harizan Basti) 8 3 23 138 1 1 4 0.11 0.11 0.11 0.11 17 2 3 V colony (Lal Quarter) 9 4 150 700 6 6 4 0.17 0.20 0.19 0.18 18 2 New Colony No.1 0 4 325 2,275 2 2 1 0.30 0.28 0.29 0.32 18 4 New Colony No.2 1 4 387 1,933 12 110 28 0.14 0.22 0.11 0.21 20 1 Mehal Gaon 2 4 400 3,500 250 250 63 0.20 0.30 0.20 0.10 21 2 Bheem Nagar 3 4 200 1,000 29 50 25 0.50 0.05 0.05 0.01 22 1 Siddhashwar Nagar 4 4 250 1,000 71 50 20 0.20 0.05 0.30 0.05 22 2 Basti Godam 5 166 War House Popul BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum Slum Name BPL d holds ation by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist 4 500 2,000 120 200 40 0.30 0.50 0.40 0.30 23 2 Ghosipura (Nadipar Morar) 6 4 Harizan Basti (Opposite 23 3 7 Shamshanghat Basti) 25 200 9 20 80 0.02 0.40 0.20 0.10 4 100 500 48 50 50 0.02 0.20 0.15 0.30 23 4 Shree Nagar Colony 8 4 400 2,000 25 100 25 0.05 0.05 0.50 0.50 23 5 Ndee Par Tal 9 5 55 342 5 15 27 0.13 0.13 0.13 0.13 24 2 Santi Nagar 0 5 250 1,500 14 40 16 0.20 0.40 0.20 0.20 25 1 Rachana Nagar 1 5 375 2,450 17 20 5 0.55 0.37 0.30 0.65 27 2 Tyagi Nagar 2 5 156 936 12 40 26 0.50 0.50 0.30 0.50 27 4 Ghass Mandi Murar 3 5 65 825 4 10 15 0.20 0.25 0.30 0.25 27 6 Peetal karkhana 4 5 147 900 140 20 14 0.65 0.60 0.50 0.40 28 1 Ram Nagar 5 5 105 975 11 20 19 0.75 0.70 0.50 0.60 29 4 Dongarpur 6 5 100 470 15 15 15 0.16 0.20 0.18 0.26 29 6 Vikey Fectory 7 5 105 904 12 15 14 0.20 0.25 0.15 0.27 29 9 Cotey KI Saray 8 5 56 400 6 10 18 0.25 0.20 0.15 0.28 29 10 Badee Mareaya 9 6 125 825 17 40 32 0.11 0.09 0.20 0.19 29 13 Kafule Nagar 0 6 185 680 11 15 8 0.73 0.46 0.32 0.28 29 15 Kothi Gaon 1 6 270 1,250 36 70 26 0.19 0.18 0.16 0.19 30 2 Laxman Pura 2 6 212 1,272 11 50 24 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.10 32 5 Pyanwali Gali 3 6 96 576 28 50 52 0.50 0.38 0.45 0.40 34 3 Rassiwala Mohalla 4 6 315 2,205 75 100 32 0.50 0.50 1.00 0.50 35 1 Subey Ki Goth 5 6 600 9,228 37 400 67 1.00 1.50 1.20 0.75 37 1 Rani Pura Ofo Ki Bagiya 6 6 106 742 11 80 75 0.20 0.40 0.40 0.30 37 2 Nirdhan Nagar 7 6 250 2,240 16 50 20 0.26 0.25 0.17 0.18 39 1 Labhed Pura 8 6 800 7,460 20 300 38 0.20 0.30 0.15 0.25 39 2 Mudiya Phad 9 7 105 1,100 24 40 38 0.20 0.20 0.15 0.15 40 1 Jatavpura 0 7 650 11,452 813 813 #### 1.00 1.00 0.16 0.14 45 2 Sanjay Nagar 1 7 555 4,440 180 180 32 1.20 0.75 1.50 2.00 45 5 NimmaJi Ki Kho 2 7 45 7 Santi Nagar 170 1,020 11 20 12 0.03 0.05 0.06 0.04 167 War House Popul BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum Slum Name BPL d holds ation by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist 3 7 Swaran Rekha Nala Jeevaji 165 800 15 50 30 0.30 0.30 0.25 0.25 46 3 4 Ganj 7 100 600 15 40 40 0.25 0.22 0.25 0.20 46 4 Jatar Gali Swarn Rekha Nala 5 7 50 270 19 40 80 0.25 0.25 0.30 0.20 47 3 Gadi Wala Mohalla 6 7 Kambal Kendra Harijan 200 1,000 20 20 10 0.20 0.20 0.22 0.16 48 1 7 Basti 7 158 690 5 30 19 0.50 0.75 1.00 0.50 48 2 Dholee Bua Ka Pul 8 7 650 3,900 123 250 38 0.32 0.31 0.32 0.32 48 3 Gol Phadiya 9 8 350 1,400 37 200 57 2.50 2.00 2.50 2.00 48 6 Raja Gais Godam 0 8 300 1,800 17 150 50 0.04 0.04 0.08 0.08 48 8 Amra Pahad 1 8 1,110 6,660 38 400 36 1.50 0.10 0.50 1.20 53 1 Sikandra Campu 2 8 319 1,823 20 150 47 0.50 0.20 0.40 0.30 53 3 Hathi Khana 3 8 300 1,600 26 200 67 0.50 0.40 1.50 0.40 53 4 Emli Naka 4 8 834 5,147 163 400 48 0.50 0.80 0.30 0.40 54 1 Nadriya Wali Mata 5 8 700 3,750 210 600 86 1.00 1.50 1.00 1.50 54 2 Gudhi Upar 6 8 253 1,293 20 150 59 0.30 0.50 0.10 0.20 54 5 Payga 7 8 247 2,300 13 70 28 0.80 0.60 0.80 0.60 55 1 Aapaganj 8 8 166 1,800 13 80 48 1.00 0.80 0.80 0.80 55 2 JamburKhana 9 9 108 650 7 30 28 1.50 0.12 0.20 0.30 56 1 LakkdhKhana 0 9 174 870 14 70 40 0.02 0.20 0.15 0.50 56 2 Haidarganj 1 9 103 617 10 60 58 0.07 0.04 0.08 0.08 56 3 Musimo Ka Mohalla 2 9 85 933 15 40 47 0.50 0.80 0.70 0.90 56 4 Nayapura 3 9 139 833 34 80 58 0.50 0.50 0.25 1.00 56 5 Devnagar 4 9 283 1,498 21 90 32 0.50 0.25 0.25 0.50 56 9 Pan Patte Ki Goth 5 9 120 723 10 60 50 0.50 0.25 0.25 0.25 56 10 Karwari Mohalla 6 9 88 540 12 40 45 0.09 0.05 0.04 0.03 56 11 Engle Ki Goth 7 9 76 450 14 40 53 0.10 0.05 0.10 0.05 58 3 Harigan Basti 8 9 1,505 9,400 546 600 40 0.10 0.50 0.10 0.40 60 1 Awad Pura 9 1 668 4,000 212 500 75 0.15 0.40 0.20 0.35 60 2 Khajanchi Baba 0 168 War House Popul BPL % of N-E E-S S-W W-N Slum Slum Name BPL d holds ation by BPL Dist Dist Dist Dist 0 60,787 2,06,9 5,63 10,83 3,52 47.3 40.3 37.4 50.55 TOTALS 65 3 3 2 6 4 5 169