GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A BACKGROUND PAPER FOR THE TOGO POVERTY AND GENDER ASSESSMENT 2022 1 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 © 2023 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved. This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. All queries on rights and licenses should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. 2 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 CONTENTS Acknowledgments4 Executive Summary 5 Introduction: Gender Inequality and Poverty in Togo 11 Gender Gaps in Endowments 17 Gender gaps in education 17 Gender disparities in health accumulation 20 Gender and Agency 28 Gender-based violence 28 Child marriage 32 Decision-making in the private and the public spheres 35 Gender Gaps in Economic Opportunities 39 Labor force participation 39 Access to finance and assets 44 Land ownership and use 45 Unpaid domestic work 50 Policy Options 54 Focus on adolescent girls 55 Assist girls in completing primary and secondary school 56 Increase access to family planning, and enhance reproductive and sexual health, particularly for adolescent girls 56 Reduce child and early marriage 57 Support female farmers to build and sustain their businesses 57 Prevent GBV and address its consequences 58 Close gender gaps in decision-making and women’s political participation59 Improve women’s economic opportunities through access to quality employment and enhanced productivity of self-employed women 60 Strategically address the root causes of observed outcomes 61 References63 3 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS T his background report to the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment (2022) was prepared by Miriam Muller and Alina Kalle and benefited from valu- able contributions from Stephane N’Dri, Kolobadia Ada Nayihouba, Rogelio Granguillhome Ochoa, and Aissatou Ouedraogo. The team is grateful to Jozefien van Damme and Eliana Matulevitch for their very insightful comments and inputs. Kossiwa Naman and Harende Kpango provided excellent logistical and administrative support. The team worked under the guidance of Carlos Rodriguez Castelan, Andrea Coppola, Hawa Cisse, and Johan Mistiaen. A heartfelt thank you goes to all the key informants who generously shared their time, reflections, insights, and recommendations with the team to enhance the quality and relevance of this work. Those informants include representatives from the Présidence de la République; Ministère de la Planification du Développement et de la Coopéra- tion; Ministère du Planification du Développement et de la Coopération; Ministère l’Action Sociale, de la Promotion de la Femme et de l’Alphabétisation; Ministère de la Santé, de l’Hygiène Publique et de l’Accès Universel aux Soins; Ministère de de l’Agri- culture, de l’ Élevage et du Développement Rurale; Ministère du Développement à la Base, de la Jeunesse et de l’Emploi des Jeunes; Ministère des Enseignements Primaire, Secondaire, Technique et de l’Artisanat, Chargé de l’Enseignement Technique et de l’Artisanat; Assemblée Nationale ; Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques et Démographiques; GIZ Bureau de Lomé; United Nations Population Fund; United Nations Children’s Fund; United Nations Development Programme; Projet d’Appui à l’Employabilité et à l’Insertion des Jeunes dans les Secteurs-Porteurs; Fonds d’Appui aux Initiatives Economiques des Jeunes; Faîtière des Communes du Togo; Agence Nationale d’Appui au Développement à la Base; ONG Partage et Ac- tion en Synergie pour le Développement; Fédération des Entrepreneures et Femmes d’Affaires du Togo; Fédération des Organisations Non Gouvernementales au Togo; ONG Femme de Demain; Cadre National de Concertation de la Mutualité au Togo; Université de Lomé; and Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest – Unité Uni- versitaire du Togo. 4 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY G ender gaps in Togo cut across many dimensions. Inequality starts in childhood, when girls are disadvantaged in access to schooling because of prevalent social norms and gender roles. It continues into adolescence, when a larger share of girls starts dropping out of school (with fewer than one in two completing secondary education), unable to continue education because of a number of factors, including child marriage, adolescent pregnancy, and time use patterns shaped by gender norms. In adolescence and adulthood, women face the constraints of limited education and economic opportunities, restrictive gender roles that leave women little time for participation in the labor force, financial inequities, high levels of acceptance of violence against women, health risks, and a lack of agency and de- cision-making capacity. High prevalence rates of child marriage (with 1 in 4 women ages 20–24 in Togo married by age 18) and adolescent fertility (88.3 per 1,000 women ages 15–19 in 2019) not only increase health risks for women but also reduce the amount of time they have to fully participate in education and in economic opportunities. Women (ages 24–44 years) spend about five times more hours weekly than men in unpaid domestic work, affecting the quality of their labor force participation. Women’s dis- advantages in access to quality jobs—indicated by disproportionate levels of infor- mality, vulnerable, and self-employment—limited land ownership, and challenges in accessing finance and productive assets further trap them in poverty: only 9.2 percent of women own land (compared to 39.7 percent of men), and 25.21 percent of women have a bank account (according to data from the 2018/2019 Enquête Harmonisée sur les Conditions de Vie des Menages, EHCVM). Different forms of gender-based violence (GBV) are widespread (affecting more than a third of Togolese women), and social, religious, cultural, and geographical factors further amplify gender inequities in specific contexts. As a result, women in Togo, and rural women in particular, have severely limited agency and decision-making capacity both outside and within the household. For instance, only 30 percent of Togolese women can make their own de- cisions regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights. Additionally, inability to 5 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 afford the costs of maternal health care, insufficient coverage of health care facilities, and lack of decision-making power strongly compromise the health of Togolese wom- en, resulting in high rates of maternal mortality (396 deaths per 1,000 living births as of 2017) and high unmet contraception needs. The prevalence data presented in this paper predate the COVID-19 pandemic, and – given the global evidence – it is likely that the crisis will further amplify the existing gender gaps in the country. Importantly, gender disparities intersect with other social variables, such as loca- tion of residence, age, religion, and marriage status. For instance, religion, social norms, and opportunities vary with region. Overall, rural women are largely disad- vantaged across all dimensions observed (endowments, economic opportunities, and agency). Polygamous women seem to be more vulnerable along a number of aspects according to key informant interviews. In addition, it is noteworthy that several gen- der disparities observed occur during adolescence. In addition, those observed gender issues that occur during adolescence have high costs: they bring with them severe negative consequences later in life. In many dimensions of gender equality, Togo performs better than its regional peers. On average, Togo displays better outcomes in women’s human capital (health and education) than Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Mali, but worse than Benin, Burkina Faso, and Senegal. Moreover, women in Togo have significantly more deci- sion-making power with respect to reproductive health than women in Benin, Burki- na Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Senegal; and the prevalence rates of child marriage in Togo are far below those for Chad, the Central African Republic, and Guinea—yet still very elevated. Likewise, Togo displays one of the lowest levels of acceptance of intimate-partner violence (IPV) when compared to regional peers. In addition, the country has achieved much progress recently with regard to women’s political repre- sentation. Currently, the share of seats held by women in the Togolese parliament is substantially higher than in all regional peer countries except Mali and Senegal. At the same time, Togo performs worse than its peers in terms of economic opportu- nities, access to finance, and property ownership. For example, the share of women 6 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 who own a mobile bank account in Togo is lower than in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivo- ire, Mali, and Senegal, but higher than in Benin, Chad, and Guinea. Although such comparisons with regional peers may look favorable for Togo, those peers are among the world’s worst performers in many of the dimensions related to gender equality. The registered gaps in Togo are, therefore, still significant and critical, and continuing efforts are required to increase women’s access to finance, property ownership, and productive assets. This background paper to the Poverty and Gender Assessment Togo (2022) high- lights the importance of addressing gender disparities to achieve continued pov- erty reduction in Togo. Gender inequality matters in its own right, and it negatively affects economic development and poverty reduction (Aguirre et al. 2012; World Bank 2018). In the past decade, Togo has recorded significant progress in poverty reduction, mainly due to economic growth in the services and agriculture sectors (Christiaensen, Demery, and Kuhl 2011; Ivanic and Martin 2018; Ligon and Sadoulet 2018). Global evidence indicates that addressing specific gender gaps can promote further growth. Togo’s score of 0.43 on the World Bank’s Human Capital Index, a measure of the health and education of children born today, means that the country is only at 43 percent of its potential. Investing in girls’ education and health could boost the score and hence the country’s economic prospects. Also, according to the International Monetary Fund, promoting gender equality is associated with a variety of positive macroeconomic impacts, including higher gross domestic product (El- borgh-Woytek et al. 2013). For instance, Aguirre and others (2012) state that raising the female labor force participation rate to country-specific male levels would raise gross domestic product in the United States by 5 percent, in Japan by 9 percent, in the United Arab Emirates by 12 percent, and in the Arab Republic of Egypt by 34 percent. Other studies show that women’s economic empowerment is associated with an increased variety of goods that countries produce and export (Kazandjian et al. 2016). Moreover, studies show that eliminating the barriers women face in certain sectors and occupations—and increasing women’s participation and labor productiv- ity through better allocation of their skills and talent—could reduce the productivity 7 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 gap between male and female workers by up to one-half (Cuberes & Teignier 2011; World Bank 2012). Furthermore, closing gender gaps in agricultural productivity would mean an increase in agricultural output in developing countries of as much as 2.5 to 4.0 percent (World Bank 2012). Togo has made several positive legal reforms in recent years, yet systemic chal- lenges to gender equality persist. Most recently, the country adopted a new Gender Equality Law (Loi N’ 2022- 017, 018 and 019) amending several other pieces of legis- lation and hence, addressing gender discrimination and strengthen women’s rights. The amendments of the penal code through the Gender Equality Law now address domestic violence (Law no. 2022-018, Art. 237 bis) expanding and clarifying the definition of what it entails and defining and strengthening the penalizing measures. Other amendments include revisions to the family code (equalizing rights to divorce and remarry) as well as several non-discrimination measures regarding the labor mar- ket. Discrimination in access to credit on the basis of gender is now also prohibited by law. The new Penal Code (2015) strengthens protections against some forms of GBV and discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, and other factors (Isbell and Akinocho 2018). The new Land Code (Law no. 2018-005 of June 14, 2018) contains special provisions on equal access of men and women to land ownership and empha- sizes gender equality as a guiding principle for land rights formalization (Kakpo 2018; Korolakina 2016; Lomechrono 2018). Yet a major concern raised by key informants consulted for this report is the gap between de jure and de facto legislation, as a combination of customary law and religious and social norms as well as insufficient knowledge of legislation tends to undermine progress in achieving gender equality. 8 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Closing gender gaps in Togo will bring substantive benefits for economic growth and society overall. On the basis of the findings presented in this paper—particularly the importance of addressing the challenges faced by adolescent girls and rural wom- en—proposed policies to close gender gaps in Togo entail the following: • Assisting girls in completing primary and secondary school and providing second chance education for girls who have dropped out of school. • Increasing access to family planning and enhancing sexual and reproductive health education. • Reducing prevalence rates of child and early marriage. • Preventing different forms of GBV and addressing their consequences. • Closing gender gaps in decision-making and political participation. • Improving women’s access to quality employment. • Enhancing the productivity of self-employed women. • Supporting female farmers in building and sustaining their businesses—including through support of women’s land ownership. 9 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 INTRODUCTION: GENDER INEQUALITY AND POVERTY IN TOGO G ender disparities in human capital, agency, and economic opportunities persist in Togo, operating as constraints for inclusive growth and pov- erty reduction. Although gender equality matters on its own, it also has strong instrumental value for societies and economies. The analytical framework put forward in de Paz and Muller (2021) indicates that gender inequality and poverty are closely related. Opportunities to accumulate human capital, to exercise agency, and to be economically productive represent fundamental nonmonetary dimensions of poverty. Furthermore, gender gaps in endowments (education and health) and limited women’s agency shape differences in economic opportunities (labor market inclusion, access to assets, and entrepreneurship) between men and women, and hence women’s (in)ability to generate an income and to move out of poverty. Closing gender gaps brings substantive benefits for societies at large and reduces intergenerational poverty transmission. Improved women’s agency and bargaining power are positively associated with better investments in children’s human capital with the potential to reduce the probability of intergenerational poverty transmission (Allendorf 2007; Andrabi, Das, and Khwaja 2011; Dumas and Lambert 2011). Similarly, prevention of different forms of gender-based violence (GBV) and intimate-partner violence (IPV) increases chances of healthy cognitive and physical development of chil- dren (Forke et al. 2019). Moreover, improved access to education triggers a sequence of improvements in reproductive health, such as an increase in access to contraception, antenatal care, and healthcare facilities (Kabeer 2005; LeVine & Rowe 2009). The pro- motion of equal employment opportunities are found to result in macroeconomic gains (Woetzel et al. 2015). Finally, equal involvement of both partners in childcare creates protective and positive effects on social, educational, behavioral, and psychological outcomes of their children (Carlson and Magnuson 2011; Knox et al. 2011; Panter- Brick et al. 2014). 11 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 In Togo, significant disparities in poverty incidence exist percent). Gender-based differences in poverty incidence by gender, region, and age group. According to the EH- among the adult population are also high. In particular, CVM 2018/2019, poverty incidence is significantly higher poverty rates among women ages 20–34 are significantly in rural areas (58.7 percent) than in urban areas (34.3 per- above those of men in the same age group, and the gap cent). As a result, the distribution of the poor by area of extends to an impressive 13.8 percentage points among residence is strongly skewed, with rural areas accounting persons ages 25-29 (EHCVM 2018/2019/2019). The gap for 76.1 percent of the poor but only 59 percent of the to- reappears later in life: women above 55 years of age are tal population. At the regional level, the highest incidence consistently poorer than their male counterparts (figure 1). of poverty is recorded in Savanes, which at 65.1 percent is Women are therefore likelier than men to be poor during almost 20 percentage points higher than the national av- the core productive and reproductive stages of life. erage, followed by Kara (56.0 percent) and Maritime (54.1 Figure 1. The incidence of poverty in Togo, by age group (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75+ Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. The gender gap identified in Togo (13.8 percentage poverty incidence than older population subgroups. Inter- points for 25-to-29-year-olds) is larger than the average estingly, poverty incidence among children under 5 tends found in Sub-Saharan Africa (7.1 percentage points for to be similar for males and females. Differences emerge at 20-to-34-year-olds) by Muñoz et al. (2018). According to higher ages, especially among those 15 years or older. When the analysis, this pattern suggests that care responsibilities comparing different types of household compositions, on- for children combined with constraints in economic oppor- ly-female-earner households make up the largest share of tunities may pose major vulnerability factors for women. poor households in Sub-Saharan Africa, and one-adult- In addition, the findings by Muñoz et al. (2018) reveal sub- female households with children are also overrepresented stantial differences in poverty incidence across age groups. among the poor (Muñoz et al. 2018). Children—those under 15 years—display a much higher 12 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 two adults (45.5 percent) and multiple adults with children “Poverty is linked to gender (41.5 percent). Poverty incidence is particularly worrisome inequality, since in society women are among households with one adult female and children, limited in their access to production which represent 10 percent of the poor population (in con- factors such as land, credit, etc.” trast to 1.5 percent of households with one male adult and children) (figure 4). Even with children, the poverty rate of households with one male adult is about 5 percentage Similar results are recorded in Togo, which show that points lower than the female equivalent (45.5 percent and households composed of only one female adult with chil- 50.9 percent respectively). When distinguishing households dren are the poorest among all household compositions. by presence of children, it is noteworthy that the one-fe- Individuals from one-adult-female households display a male-adult households with children, two-adult households strikingly higher poverty incidence (45.3 percent) com- with children, and multiple-adult households with children pared to their counterparts from households with one adult all make up a larger share among the poor relative to their male (19.7 percent) (figure 2). Notably, 9.7 percent of the share among the overall population (figure 5). Therefore, poor reside in one-adult-female households, while only 1.8 gender, household composition, and poverty incidence percent of the poor belong to one-adult-male households seem to be fundamentally interconnected. (figure 3). Poverty rates are highest among households with Figure 2. Poverty incidence in Togo, by household Figure 3. Household composition in Togo (%) composition (%) 60 50 45 50 40 35 40 30 25 30 20 15 20 10 5 10 0 One female adult,no children One female adult,children One male adult,no children One male adult,children Two adults, no children Two adults,children Multiple adults,no children Multiple adults,children Only seniors Others, children 0 One One Two Multiple Only Others female male adults adults seniors adult adult Poverty rates Share among the poor All households Poor households Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 13 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 4. Poverty incidence in Togolese Figure 5. Poverty incidence in Togo, by household households, by number of children (%) composition and presence of children (%) 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 no children 1 child 2 children National average 3 children 4 children 5 children 6-9 children more than 10 children Others, children One female adult, children Multiple adults, children Two adults, children One male adult, children Only seniors Multiple adults, no children One female adult, no children Two adults, no children One male adult, no children Poverty rates Share among the poor Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. The majority of key informants also made an obvious link between poverty and gender inequality. Particularly “And when they have a lot of children, in rural areas, this link seems to be more obvious to the in- they sometimes prefer to send the formants. Here, poverty forces families to prioritize invest- men to school rather than the women. ments selectively. In those cases, girls are at disadvantage Indeed, we say to ourselves that it is when it comes to education, as are women when it comes to better to put the means on the men investments in health. Although both education and health to push them to advance, because we are crucial investments that enable one to move out of pov- have a traditional system, patrilineal, erty, in patrilineal societies (such as in Togo), investments it is that, yes, patrilineal which makes made in girls and women are less relevant, according to that the families think that by investing informants, because girls will leave the family to move on on a man it is more the perpetuation to another family later in life. of the family stock than the investment in a woman who will certainly marry In addition, key informants highlighted the impact of in another family and leave with the poverty on women’s ability to live a life free of violence. family inheritance.” Economic stress brings out aggressive behavior, which sometimes takes the form of violence (physical, psycho- logical), according to the interviewees. Gender inequality in access to productive assets—land was highlighted most 14 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 priorities as expressed in the sectoral action plans and de- “Women are not given much velopment strategies. Where appropriate and feasible, the freedom. Either because of a custom, assessment includes benchmarking analysis to position because of religion the woman, Togo relative to its regional peers, specifically the West Af- does not act freely to have some rican Economic and Monetary Union countries. financial autonomy because she is not autonomous, she will depend on Finally, key informant interviews were conducted with her husband, on the man. And that’s approximately 20 stakeholders from government, de- it, that’s the gender inequality, and velopment partners, nongovernmental organizations, that doesn’t allow her to get out of academia around (1) drivers of gender equality in Togo, poverty.” (2) explanation of quantitative findings, and (3) inter- connections between poverty and gender in Togo. Par- ticipants were selected given their experience and expertise prominently—to credit, and to economic opportunities working on gender issues in Togo from different perspec- more broadly traps women further in poverty, keeping tives and in different sectors. Interviews were transcribed them financially dependent. By contrast, men are in a more and coded before the analysis. Boxes in gray throughout promising position to move out of poverty thanks to their the text capture citations from those interviews in an anon- enhanced access to those means and opportunities. Women ymous manner. The qualitative data help explain or inter- are raised to be dependent (psychologically, economically, pret some of the quantitative data findings. However, it is socially) on men, further limiting their agency and auton- important to stress the limitations inherent in qualitative omy to advance in life and society. research. Findings from those interviews should not be generalized, and they also cannot serve as a basis to iden- This paper provides an overview of the existing gender tify causalities but rather to explore themes and correlates disparities in endowments, agency, and economic oppor- or deepen possible explanations. When interpreting the tunities in Togo and proposes policy options for their results presented in this report, it is important to take into elimination. The report is based on quantitative analysis, account that the information gathered during this phase mostly using data from the EHCVM 2018/2019, the Togo was uniquely based on key informant interviews. Key in- Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) 2013/2014, Multi- formants do not directly portray the lived experience of ple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) 2017, and the World women themselves. Moreover, key informants have their Development Indicators (WDI). In addition, a thorough own biased views with respect to several of the challenges literature review was conducted on gender equality issues and issues discussed during interviews, often influenced by in Togo. The report also reflects on government policy their own area of work. 15 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 16 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER GAPS IN ENDOWMENTS I nvestments in human endowments including education and health are im- portant in and of their own right, enabling women and girls to function pro- ductively and reach their potential in society, yet they are also crucial to enable individuals to take up economic opportunities and to make decisions for them- selves. Promoting girls’ education determines their ability to earn higher wages and to own and operate productive businesses later in life (World Bank 2012). Moreover, women’s education increases the well-being of their children, thus alleviating the probability of intergenerational poverty transmission (Kabeer 2005; Klugman et al. 2014). Similarly, improvements in reproductive and maternal health outcomes in- crease the rate of women’s labor force participation (Albanesi and Olivetti 2016). According to the Human Capital Index (HCI) report, the HCI in Togo is 0.43, indicating that a Togolese girl born today will be able to reach 43 percent of her potential when she is an adult. Although this score is relatively low, compared to regional peers such as Ghana (0.45), it puts Togo in a slightly better position com- pared to the sub-Saharan African average, which is estimated at 0.38. According to UNDP, Togo’s Gender Development Index stands at 0.822, which is lower than the world average of 0.943. In Togo, differences in educational outcomes are particularly stark, and the health of Togolese women is seriously compromised by a high risk of maternal mortality, unmet contraception needs, and early pregnancy. Gender gaps in education Disproportionally more women than men ages 15+ have no education, yet the extent of the gap varies when comparing different age groups, regions, and income levels. When looking at place of residence, the gender gap in educational attainment is wider among the rural population: 56 percent of women and 30 percent of men have no education in rural areas, compared to 24.3 percent of women and 7.3 per- cent of men in urban areas. There is also a correlation between wealth quintile and educational attainment: as income levels increase, the share of those with no educa- tion goes down (figure 6). Among older age cohorts, the gap between women and 17 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 men is significantly larger compared to younger cohorts. individuals ages 15–19, still with more women (9.3 percent) The smallest gender gap in this regard is observed among than men (5.5 percent) having no education (figure 7). Figure 6. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ with no education, by place of residence, region, and wealth quintile (%) 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Figure 8. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ Figure 7. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ who have completed secondary education, by age with no education, by age group, 2018 (%) group, 2018 (%) 73.27 59.09 53.21 59.51 44.84 66.44 40.18 46.11 44.45 43.55 35.07 37.66 36.07 45.52 19.39 25.95 30.23 9.33 20.98 22.44 25.28 14.00 14.99 19.04 17.94 9.26 9.65 5.52 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 Male Female Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 18 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 complete secondary school, likely because of gender social “If a family has the means to educate norms, early marriage, and pregnancy. a person and obviously, the choice will be for the boy rather than the girl. Recently, lower-secondary school enrollment rates in- Because in the African mentality, and creased for girls and boys. Total enrollment rates increased especially in our mentality, the girl’s from 67.3 percent in 2011 to 75.8 percent in 2018, corre- place is at home, in the kitchen, that’s sponding to an average annual growth rate of 5 percent- what…” age points (Republique Togolaise 2020). Importantly, the increase was more pronounced among girls: in 2017 girls constituted 44.8 percent of all enrolled students, up from Although girls outnumber boys in primary school, the 38.8 percent in 2011. This positive trend is also reflected gender gap in enrollment favors boys in each subsequent in the fact that younger cohorts are significantly more like- educational level, and the chances of girls to complete ly than older generations to have secondary education. By secondary school are much lower than those of boys— age, gender disparities in secondary education completion and this is true for all regions and all income levels rates are highest among individuals ages 45–49 (9.7 percent (figure 8). According to EHCVM (2018), more girls (84.7 of women versus 36.1 percent of men) and lowest among percent) than boys (83.9 percent) are enrolled in primary those ages 15–19 (66.4 percent of women versus 73.3 per- school. However, the trends reverse in secondary educa- cent of men) (EHCVM 2018/2019). tion and the gender gap is particularly pronounced at the upper-secondary level (the net enrollment rate stands at The number of out-of-school children is high and par- 17.6 percent for girls and 20.6 percent for boys). Despite ticularly concerning among girls. According to UNESCO overall positive changes with respect to education enroll- estimations, 25,663 girls of the relevant age group were out ment rates, girls are still 6.6 percentage points less likely of primary school in 2019, compared to 14,408 of boys. Al- than boys to complete primary school, and 15.8 percent- though the number is very high, huge progress was record- age points less likely to complete lower-secondary school ed in the reduction of the number of out-of-school girls in on average (MICS 2017). The gap in secondary education the past years: it fell from 62,871 in 2012 to 25,663 in 2019. completion is stark in both rural areas (39.1 percent of men At the same time, the majority of children who are out of and 19.0 percent of women) and urban areas (56.7 of men secondary school are girls. Inn 2019, 97,601 of girls and and 41.7 percent of women). Among the poorest wealth 54,275 of boys of relevant age group are out of secondary quintile, the gap is widest at 36.3 percent for men and 14.3 school, as UNESCO indicates. percent for women. Moreover, some regions score partic- ularly low in terms of secondary educational attainment. Despite stark gender disparities in school enrolment and In Savanes region, only 25.7 percent of girls complete sec- completion rates, there are no visible differences in the ondary school compared to 38.4 percent of boys (total for test scores among female and male students. The Educa- the region is 32.3 percent); in the Central region, the shares tion Systems Analysis Program (PASEC) 2015 reveals that in are 34.0 percent of girls and 47.8 percent of boys; and, in Togo, girls and boys achieve similar early primary language the Plateaux region, they are 35.3 percent of girls and 50.9 performance and late primary reading performance out- percent of boys (according to data from the Ministère des comes. The mathematics performance gap between girls and Enseignements Primaire, Secondaire et de la Formation boys in primary school stands at 8.0 percentage points, fa- Professionnelle 2018). Girls are also less likely than boys to voring boys over girls. However, this value is non-significant. 19 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified girls’ vulnerabil- ity to drop out of school due to multiple factors. Although “As households or dwellings are far there is limited data on the impact of COVID-19 on school- from schools in the rural environment ing outcomes in Togo, it is estimated that around 1.6 billion so you see the little girl has to go back students will be left out of school globally (Azevedo et al. home at noon, where she is the one 2020). It is further projected that around 11 million girls who has the responsibility to prepare will not return to school when the crisis is over, especial- food. There is no water, she’s the one ly in low-and lower-middle income countries. Girls aged who has to fetch water, come and 12-17 are at particular risk of dropping out permanently, prepare food and so in the end, even because of the pandemic (Azevedo et al., 2020). Girls out if she has the will to go back to school of school are also vulnerable to child marriage and early she will go back to school tired.” pregnancy, making it less likely that they continue pursuing their education ever again (Male & Wodon 2018). These risks are further amplified when girls engage in transac- Reasons for not attending primary or secondary school tional sex or marry early to cope with the economic shock differ between girls and boys—likely related to social inflicted by the crisis (Jacobson et al. 2020). Taking into norms and ingrained gender roles. When asked about the account limited access to digital technologies, preferences reasons for not attending primary school, girls are more in some communities to educate sons when resources are likely to report refusal by family, distance to school, lack of limited and high burden of domestic work and care, it is financial resources, and “being a girl.” Boys are more likely possible to assume that more Togolese girls will be deprived to report preference for work. Marriage and pregnancy ap- of education during and in the aftermath of the pandemic. pear as reasons for not attending school at the upper-sec- ondary level (accounting for 4.15 and 3.3 percent of girls, Gender disparities in health respectively) (EHCVM 2018/2019). In 2016, out of 1,337 accumulation cases of pregnancy, only 208 pregnant girls completed the school year (Republique du Togo, n.d.). Lack of female The maternal mortality rate in Togo is high, although it teachers was also identified by key informants as one of decreased in the past decade from 480 deaths per 100,000 the factors preventing girls from continuing their education live births (2007) to 396 deaths (2017) (figure 9).1 This in Togo and highlighted in a qualitative study by UNICEF rate is higher than in neighboring countries (Burkina Faso, (2019) on the factors of girls’ nonenrolment in Togo. Other 320; Ghana, 308; Rwanda, 248; and Senegal, 315) but low- issues referred to by key informants as reasons for girls’ er than in Côte d’Ivoire (617), the Gambia (597), Guinea increased difficulties in attending school, particularly at (576), Mali (562), Niger (509), and the Sub-Saharan Afri- the secondary level, include (1) girls’ early involvement in ca average (534) (WDI). Poverty is stated to be one of the unpaid domestic work; (2) lack of supportive structures, at main underlying causes behind negative maternal health the family or community levels; (3) socio-cultural reasons, outcomes according to key informants: women often can- such as the acceptance or expectation that girls will marry not afford the direct or indirect costs of accessing services, earlier than boys and have children; and (4) gender-based and often they or their families do not prioritize maternal violence in the school environment. health services over other competing necessary expenses. 1 Please note that this section is mostly based on DHS data (2013/2014), the next DHS is planned for 2023. 20 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Other contributing factors include inadequate quality 129.4 to 174.8 deaths per 100,000 live births between 2019 of health care and lack of health care facilities. This is and 2020. The main causes of maternal deaths in Kara were particularly true for rural women: 40.9 percent (compared severe bleeding, infections, pre-eclampsia and eclampsia, to 16.1 percent of urban women ages 14–49) mention and complications from delivery. Unsafe abortion2 alone that the distance to the nearest health facility is the main resulted in 9.8 percent of total maternal deaths in 2020 reason why they do not use maternal health care (DHS (Ajavon et al. 2022). Finally, high maternal mortality rates 2013/2014). Some evidence suggests that the reduction in can be also partially attributed to high adolescent fertility. the number of maternal and reproductive health services The WHO estimates that complications during pregnancy during the COVID-19 pandemic led to the increase in ma- and childbirth are the leading cause of death of girls ages ternal deaths. This was, for example, the case in the region 15-19 globally (WHO 2020). of Kara, where the maternal mortality rate increased from Figure 9. Maternal mortality ratio in Togo and regional peers, modeled estimate, 2000–17 (per 100,000 live births) 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. Although access to skilled birth attendance has increased Mali (67.3 percent in 2018), but worse than Benin (78.1 significantly in the past decades, huge disparities persist percent in 2018), Burkina Faso (79.8 percent in 2015), Côte by place of residence, wealth quintile, and level of edu- d’Ivoire (73.6 percent in 2016), and Senegal (74.5 percent cation. In 2017, 69.4 percent of births were attended by in 2019) (figure 11). At the same time, the rural-urban di- skilled health staff—an increase from 45.7 percent in 1985 vide is very large: only 41.3 percent of rural women have (figure 10). In this regard, Togo performs better than Chad access to facility-based delivery, in contrast to 91 percent (24.3 percent in 2015), Guinea (55.3 percent in 2018), and among their urban counterparts. By income level, women 2 According to Law no. 2007-005 from January 10, 2007, abortion is allowed in three cases: (1) when “the continuation of the pregnancy endangers the life and health of the pregnant woman,” (2) when the pregnancy is the “consequence of a rape or an incestuous relationship,” or (3) when there is a “strong likelihood that the unborn child will suffer from a particularly serious health condition.” 21 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 from the richest wealth quintile are much more likely than those from the poorest one to receive at least four antena- “But being in poverty can influence tal visits (78.5 percent versus 47.2 percent). Similarly, in the quality of care that is given to 2013, 96.91 percent of women from the wealthiest quintile women, it can direct the choice of and 43.13 percent of women from the poorest one had a which institution to visit, for example, facility-based delivery (DHS 2013/2014). Women with sec- those who are well off access ondary or higher education are more likely to have a facili- more quickly private institutions ty-based delivery (93.6 percent), compared to women with where sometimes the care is much only primary education (79.1 percent) and no education better compared to some public (55.0 percent) (DHS 2013/2014). Access to maternal health institutions.” care services is strongly constrained by low coverage rates for essential preventive and curative care. Key informants pointed to poverty as one of the main underlying causes cases, social norms require that a woman to seek her hus- behind negative maternal health outcomes. also, in some band’s permission to go to hospital. Figure 10. Births in Togo attended by skilled Figure 11. Births attended by skilled health staff, health staff (% of total) Togo and regional peers (% of total) 80 90 70 80 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 Benin [2018] Burkina Faso [2015] Chad [2015] Côte d'Ivoire [2016] Guinea [2018] Mali [2018] Senegal [2019] Togo [2017] 0 1980 1980 2000 2010 2020 Source: World Development Indicators. Source: World Development Indicators. In Togo, the total fertility rate is still high—at 4.26 (figure 12). A large discrepancy in wanted fertility exists births per woman in 2019—but has fallen from one of between rural and urban populations (4.9 versus 3.1 chil- the highest levels among peer neighboring countries to dren per woman). Such discrepancies (and higher levels the lowest. Wanted fertility dropped earlier in the twenti- of wanted fertility among rural women) are in line with eth century from 5 births per woman but remained stag- the findings by Lerch (2019), which indicate this pattern nant between 1998 and 2014 (4.2 versus 4.1 respectively) in all developing regions, using individual-level data on 22 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 the number of children ever born (that is, parity) and birth interactions when compared to dispersed rural population histories of women ages 30–49, drawn from 278 World Fer- (Caldwell 2006 Lerch 2019). Furthermore, according to tility Surveys (WFS), DHS, MICS, and Integrated Public the 2013/2014 DHS, wanted fertility decreases significantly Use Samples from 60 developing countries. The desire to with increased education, varying from 5.3 children wanted have fewer children can be more effectively implemented (no education) to 2.2 (higher education). Importantly, the in urban areas because of the expansion of postsecondary gap between wanted and actual fertility rates has decreased education, enhanced delivery of modern methods of fam- significantly between 1988 and 2014 from 1.5 children to ily planning, and higher dependence on the monetization 0.5 children on average. It is further notable that the gap of society (including financial and opportunity costs of between wanted and actual fertility decreases with level of childbearing and upbringing), according to Lerch (2019). education: women with no education have a gap of 0.8 chil- Moreover, cultural differences also matter for the diffusion dren, compared to merely 0.4 children among women with of the small family ideal. Cultural change happens fast- higher education (figure 13). er in urban environments because of more intense social Figure 12. Wanted fertility rate, actual fertility rate, Figure 13. Wanted fertility rate, actual fertility rate, and gap over time in Togo, 1988, 1988, and 2014 and gap over time in Togo, by level of education (births per woman) (births per woman) 7 7 6 6 5 5 4 4 3 3 2 2 1 1 0 0 Wanted Fertility rate Gap: actual Total No Primary Secondary Higher fertility rate minus wanted education 1988 1998 2014 Wanted Fertility Gap: actual fertility rate rate minus wanted Source: DHS 2013/2014. Source: DHS 2013/2014. Contraceptive use is very low, yet it increased signifi- use contraception compared to 22.3 percent of those with cantly over the past two decades, doubling from roughly primary education, 25.3 percent with secondary educa- 13.9 percent in 1998 to 24.0 percent in 2013/14. At the tion, and 31.2 percent with tertiary education attainment same time, the use of modern contraception methods in- (figure 15). Contraception use is also slightly more com- creased even more—from as little as 7 percent in 1998 to mon among urban (22 percent) than rural (18.5 percent) 21.5 in 2017 (figure 14). The use of contraception among married women. According to key informants, access to married women increases with the level of education at- contraception is constrained by financial, cultural, and tained: only 14.3 percent of women with no education geographic factors, including supply-side problems causing 23 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 inconsistent availability of contraceptives. Key informants choices of their wives, which means that women’s limited also referred to men’s exercise of control over contraceptive agency is one of the reasons for nonuse. Figure 15. Married women (age 15–49) in Togo Figure 14. Contraceptive prevalence and unmet currently using any method of contraception, by need for contraception in Togo, 1988–2017 (%) education level (%) 50 50 35 35 40 40 30 30 25 25 30 30 20 20 20 20 15 15 10 10 10 10 0 0 5 5 1988 1988 1998 2010 1998 2010 2014 2014 2017 20170 0 Contraceptive Contraceptive prevalence, any methods prevalence, any(% women(% methods women ages 15-49) Total ages 15-49) No Total Primary No Secondary Primary Secondary Higher Higher education education Unmet Unmet need need for contraception for contraception (% married(% women married women ages ages 15-49) 15-49) Source: World Development Indicators. Source: World Development Indicators. When it comes to gendered disparities in other health dimensions the World Health Organization (WHO) esti- “Some service providers do not look mates the risk of premature mortality from non-commu- favorably on pregnant teenagers nicable diseases (NCD) differs only slightly among men who come to seek family planning and women ages 30-70: it stands at 24 and 23 percent, assistance, for example, because the correspondingly. However, the prevalence of HIV among provider does not see the teenager women ages 15-24 was twice as high as that of men of the as someone who needs it. But he same age(1 percent vs. 0.5 percent in 2020, respectively, sees the teen as his child, his own WDI). child, according to his own cultural considerations. It can be religious, The adolescent fertility rate in Togo dropped significant- cultural, and financial.” ly from 140.8 births per 1,000 women ages 15–19 in 1980 to 88.3 births in 2019; notably, it has almost stagnated since 2000. These figures are higher than in neighboring countries, like Benin (82.0) and Senegal (68.7), but below those in Burkina Faso (99.8), Chad (154.7), Côte d’Ivoire (114.7), Guinea (131.4), and Mali (164.6) (figure 16). 24 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 16. Adolescent fertiliaty rates in Togo and regional peers, 1960–2018 (births per 1,000 women ages 15–19 250 200 150 100 50 0 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. (Nguyen and Wodon 2014). Consequently, adolescent fer- tility is directly linked to limitations with respect to job opportunities and quality employment later in life (WHO “Poverty, poverty. ....Makes it so that 2020). Moreover, adolescent mothers face higher risks than when the girl sees her colleagues, older women of suffering from various health complica- for example, dressed up, having an tions due to pregnancy and child labor (WHO 2020). By advantage or a watch, they also tend contrast, delaying early pregnancy and childbearing offers to have the same thing, so they are positive flow-on effects to women, securing higher lifetime easier to be taken advantage of by earnings for women, guaranteeing better health outcomes older men who have the means and for their children, and making women less susceptible to therefore they can get pregnant.” IPV (Bergstrom and Özler 2021; Malhotra and Elnakib 2021). According to key informants, in Togo (like other countries) high adolescent fertility rates can be partially Early pregnancy reduces girls’ years of schooling, and explained by poverty. Another driver of adolescent fertility teenage mothers are less likely than adult mothers to fin- raised prominently was the lack of sexual and reproductive ish secondary education (and in some cases primary edu- education. Besides the absence of such education from the cation) (Berthelon and Kruger 2011; Wodon et al. 2017). school curriculum, a particular concern was raised about Furthermore, it is estimated that in the African region each the taboo of the topic among parents who refuse to discuss year earlier that a girl marries reduces her probability of sexuality with their children. Key informants also referred literacy by 5.7 percentage points, and her probability of to sexual violence as one of the causes of early pregnancy. having at least some secondary schooling by 5.6 points 25 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The COVID-19 crisis is expected to worsen human capi- 2020), and between 5-11 percentage points in Nigeria and tal accumulations in health, particularly for women and Mali (GFF 2020). Globally, this trend can be attributed to girls. Global evidence suggests that overwhelmed health the concerns over COVID-19 contagion, governmental ad- systems, confinement measures, and fear of getting infect- vice to stay at home, and limited access to transport and ed make it harder for people to access and use healthcare childcare during lockdowns (Goyal et al. 2020; Justman services (De Paz, Gaddis & Muller 2021). For example, in et al. 2020). The challenge is particularly pressing for girls many countries there was a significant decrease in the num- and women, who have unique health needs and face gen- ber of attended childbirths: a decline by 2 percentage points der-specific challenges in accessing quality health services. in DRC (March 2020), 5 percentage points in Liberia (April 26 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 27 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER AND AGENCY W omen’s agency is decisive for women’s ability to build human capital, access economic opportunities, ensure their children’s welfare, and exercise voice and choice within their families and communities. In Togo, patriarchal value systems and gender social norms constrain women´s agency and limit their capacity to make decisions and to participate in public life. This section discusses GBV, child marriage as an expression of the absence of agency, and women’s decision-making in private and public spheres. Gender-based violence Tackling GBV matters on its own as a fundamental human right, ensuring that everyone in the society is entitled to a life free of violence and discrimination. GBV has devastating effects on individuals and societies. At the individual level, the experience of GBV has severe impacts on individuals’ health, well-being, and agency (Knight and Hester 2016; Oram, Khalifeh, and Howard 2017). Incidents of physi- cal and sexual GBV increase the risks of miscarriages and mortality (Morland et al. 2008). Women who encounter IPV during pregnancy tend to have fewer antenatal and postnatal care visits, which might be one of the reasons for maternal and infant mortality and lower health status of newborns (Flach et al. 2011). Children of abused women are also more likely to be deprived of essential care, access to education, and adequate socialization compare to children of nonabused women (Flach et al. 2011). At the societal level, domestic abuse affects the human capital potential of survivors, reducing their labor market participation and engagement in civic activities (Iqbal, Bardwell, and Hammond 2021). Key informants highlighted that violence has increased with the pandemic be- cause of increased levels of (economic and psychological stress). It is important to remember that the prevalence data presented in this paper predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Although no quantitative data are available for Togo to show hard numbers for an increase, this claim is in line with global evidence on this issue (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). 28 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 High prevalence and acceptance rates of GBV produce IPV is widespread in Togo, with 35.7 percent of women huge economic and social losses and trigger negative out- having ever experienced at least one of its forms (physi- comes in different dimensions of social life. First, GBV cal, emotional, or sexual) (figure 17). Emotional violence negatively affects women’s participation in education, em- is listed as the most common form of IPV, affecting 29.7 ployment, and civic life, thus hindering progress in poverty percent of Togolese women ages 15–49, followed by phys- reduction. Abused women are more likely than nonabused ical (20.2 percent) and sexual IPV (7.5 percent). Divorced ones to suffer from isolation, inability to work, loss of in- and separated women are most vulnerable to all forms of come, job instability, and higher expenses for medical care IPV, compared to married and single women. Moreover, (IWPR 2017; WHO 2017). In Peru, studies estimating the incidence of IPV is higher in rural than urban areas: 33.4 cost of domestic violence find that the economic costs reach percent of rural and 24.3 percent of urban women have ever $6.7 billion, equivalent to a 3.7 percent loss in gross domes- experienced emotional IPV; 21.4 percent and 18.5 percent, tic product resulting from decreased productivity (Díaz and respectively, have experienced physical IPV; and 8.1 per- Miranda 2010). Moreover, on average, female survivors of cent and 6.6. percent, respectively, have experienced sexual GBV lose between 43 and 47 productive days of work in a IPV (DHS 2013/2014). Incidence of IPV increases with the year (Varna-Horna 2015). Moreover, children who witness number of children in the household but decreases with ev- IPV at home are also likely to suffer from a range of negative ery next level of educational attainment and wealth quintile outcomes. Studies show negative links between exposure to (DHS 2013/2014). violence and school outcomes (IWPR 2017). Individuals, who witnessed IPV in childhood are likely to become per- petrators or victims of violence as adults (WHO 2017). Figure 17. Sexual, physical, and emotional intimate-partner violence against women ages 15–49 in Togo (%) 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Total Urban Rural No Primary Secondary Higher Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 15-49 education Togo Residence Education Wealth quintile Emotional violence Physical and sexual violence Physical violence Physical and sexual and emotional violence Sexual violence Physical or sexual or emotional violence Source: DHS 2013/2014. 29 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Physical violence against women in Togo is widespread, of encountering sexual GBV also tends to increase with with about one in three women ages 15–49 (29.2 percent) the number of children in the household (from 7.7 percent having encountered at least one episode of physical vio- among women with no children to 12.6 percent among lence during her lifetime. The incidence rate of physical those with five or more children). Level of educational at- violence against women differs only slightly by place of resi- tainment is negatively correlated with the experience of sex- dence: 28.6 percent in urban areas versus 29.6 in rural ones. ual GBV. The share of women who have experienced sexual By region, the incidents of physical GBV are most common GBV differs only slightly by place of residence and wealth in Centrale (encountered by 45.6 percent of women ages quintile (DHS 2013/2014). In most cases, sexual GBV is 15–49), followed by Savanes (40.4 percent), Kara (31.0 per- perpetrated either by an current (44.0 percent) or former cent), Maritime (23.9 percent), and Lomé Commune (23.1 partner (21.2 percent). Concerningly, 9.5 percent of women percent). There is also a clear association between level of were sexually abused by a stranger: 1.9 percent by a teacher education attained and exposure to physical violence: wom- and 0.7 by an employer. en with no education (32.7 percent) are more vulnerable than those with primary (30.0 percent) and secondary or The acceptance rates of IPV in Togo are also high, with higher (25.2 percent). Likewise, women from the poorest nearly one-third of all women ages 15–49 (28.7 percent) wealth quintile are more likely to have experienced phys- justifying domestic abuse under certain circumstances. ical GBV than those in the highest wealth quintile (37.5 The proportion of women who justify IPV in Togo is, how- percent versus 26.3 percent). Most cases of physical GBV ever, lower than in neighboring countries, including Benin are perpetrated by a husband or current partner (44.0 per- (31.8 percent), Senegal (39.1 percent), Burkina Faso (43.5 cent). At the same time, 11.5 percent of women reported percent), Côte d’Ivoire (47.9 percent), Guinea (67.2 per- having encountered physical violence from a teacher, and cent), Chad (73.5 percent), and Mali (79.4 percent) (figure 3.0 percent from an employer or someone in the workplace 18). The most common reason given as justification for a (DHS 2013/2014). husband to beat his wife is when she argues with him (19.5 percent of women ages 15–49). Other reasons include when Notably, there are stark regional differences in the re- the wife neglects the children (18.9 percent), when she goes porting of intimate-partner violence by women ages out without her husband’s permission (17.8 percent), when 15-49. For example, the highest proportion of women ages she burns the food (11.2 percent), and when she refuses to 15-49 who have ever experienced physical or sexual IPV is have sex with him (9.6 percent) (figure 18). The acceptance recorded in Savanes (32 percent) and Centrale (29 percent), of IPV decreases as wealth quintile and level of educational but lowest in Maritime (18 percent), Plateaux (19 percent) attainment increase (figure 19). and Lomé commune (19 percent) (DHS 2013/2014). Somewhat more than one-third of survivors (36.8 per- The proportion of women who have experienced sexual cent) have sought help to stop physical or sexual violence, violence is highest among divorcees and separated wom- according to the DHS 2013/2014. Although it represents en (19.6 percent), compared to 11.3 percent of women only a limited share of survivors, this share is above similar in a union and 6.1 percent of single women. The share of figures for Benin (34.7 percent), Chad (31.2 percent), Mali women who have experienced sexual GBV increases with (19.4 percent), and Senegal (25.7 percent) (figure 20). To age, from 5.6 percent among those ages 15–19 to 12.9 per- effectively tackle and eradicate GBV, negative social norms cent among women ages 30–39 years, although it decreases need to be addressed and zero tolerance of violence against slightly among women ages 40–49 (11.1 percent). The risk women should be promoted, as repeatedly emphasized by 30 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 18. Women who believe a husband is justified in beating his wife, by wealth quintile, in Togo and regional peers (%) 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Burkina Chad Côte Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 [2018] Faso [2015] d'Ivoire [2018] [2018] [2019] [2014] [2010] [2012] Peer countries Wealth quintile Source DHS Note: The five reasons are: 1) when she argues with him, 2) when she burns the food, 3) when she goes out without telling him, 4) when she neglects the children, 5) when she refuses sex with him. key informants. Costs and financial implications were also new law on protecting learners against sexual violence (LOI mentioned as unsurmountable barriers for several survi- N°2022-020 DU 2 DECEMBRE 2022). This law criminal- vors preventing them from searching for medical help. izes school-based GBV (including harassment, unsolicited touching, rape, attempt for sexual favors, sexual intercourse GBV can be prosecuted under current law, although based on consent if with a student younger than 16 years there is no stand-alone legislation to address violence of age, cyber harassment). It also defines prevention proce- against women. Different forms of GBV are punishable dures, including school staff training and codes of conduct through provisions in the Penal Code, the Labor Code and the inclusion of sexual education in school curricula, (2006), the Reproductive Health Law (2007), the Child as well as victim support measures (‘centres d’écoute’, free Code (2007), the National Strategy to Combat All Forms of medical-legal certificates). While there is no standalone Violence Against Women validated in 2008. Recent amend- legislation on GBV, the government has recently made sig- ments of the Penal Code through the Gender Equality Law nificant progress in defining domestic violence, strengthen- (Law no. 2022-018, Art. 237 bis) now expand and clarify ing punitive measures and protecting school children from the definition of what is entailed in the definition of domes- sexual violence (Loi N° 2022-017, 018 and 019, and Loi tic violence and strengthen punitive measures. Moreover, N° 2022-020). As a next step, and to meet urgent needs of female genital mutilation/cutting is illegal and punishable victims, the it will be important to establish a multisectoral under Law No. 98-016, dated November 17, 1998. One of protocol to provide holistic support to GBV survivors, de- the recent related reforms is the amendment to the Penal fining the mechanisms and referral pathways for an inte- Code adopted in November 2015 that strengthen protec- grated support system for survivors, defining the rights of tions against GBV and discrimination based on gender, survivors and the role of each actor from the first contact ethnicity, religion, and other factors (Isbell and Akinocho (police, health staff, social workers, justice system). 2018). A noteworthy recent evolvement is the adoption of a 31 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 20. Proportion of women ages 15–49 Figure 19. Justification of intimate partner who have sought help to stop physical or sexual violence in Togo, by education level (%) violence, Togo and regional peers (%) 40 45 35 40 30 25 35 20 30 15 10 25 5 0 20 15 Wife beating justified if she burns the food [Women] Wife beating justified if she argues with him [Women] Wife beating justified if she goes out without telling him [Women] Wife beating justified if she neglects the children [Women] Wife beating justified if she refuses to have sex with him [Women] Wife beating justified for at least one specific reason [Women] 10 5 0 Benin [2018] Burkina Faso [2010] Chad [2015] Côte d'Ivoire [2012] Mali [2018] Senegal [2018] Togo [2014] Total No education Primary Secondary Source: DHS 2013/2014. Source: DHS. Child marriage “Cultural and socio-cultural beliefs Almost one in four young women in Togo was married that the girl who goes too far, who by age 18. Among women ages 20–24, 6.4 percent first mar- pushes her studies too far, will ried by age 15 and 24.8 percent married by age 18 (MICS eventually not find a husband. And 2017). Togo’s neighboring countries have higher shares of that there is a certain age to get women married as children, yet several countries in the married. And if you go beyond that region figure among those at the top of the worldwide rank- age because you’re in school, you ing: Chad (24 percent of women ages 20–24 marry by age might not find a husband ….” 15 and 61 percent by age 18; MICS 2019), Central African Republic (26 percent and 61 percent; MICS 2018/19), and Guinea (17 percent and 47 percent; DHS 2018) (figure 21). Key informants highlighted that violence has increased Overall, the mean age at first marriage is higher for men with the pandemic because of increased levels of (eco- than for women (25.6 and 21.1 years correspondingly) (EH- nomic and psychological stress). It is important to re- CVM 2018/2019). The mean age at first marriage is higher member that the prevalence data presented in this paper in urban areas for both women and men, compared to their predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Although no quantita- rural counterparts (figure 22; figure 23). On average, most tive data are available for Togo to show hard numbers for urban women marry at ages 20–24 (41.4 percent), followed an increase, this claim is in line with global evidence on this by those ages 16–19 (25.6 percent) and 25–29 (23.4 per- issue (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). cent). The situation is drastically different for urban men, most of whom marry at ages 25–29 (39.5 percent), followed 32 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 by those ages 30–34 (21.7 percent), 35+ (11.1 percent), and 20–24 (40.5 percent) (figure 23). Notably, 2.1 percent of 16–19 (3.3 percent) (figure 22). In rural areas, the majority urban and 5.0 percent of rural women marry under age of women marry on average at ages 16–19 (42.3 percent), 15. The same value stands at 0.1 percent for urban and 0.6 with the share constantly decreasing for each following age percent for rural men. group. Rural men, on the contrary, marry mainly at ages Figure 21. Percentage of women ages 20–24 years old who were first married before the ages of 15 and 18, Togo and regional peers 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo [2018] [2010] [2019] [2016] [2018] [2018] [2019] [2017] first married by age 15 (% of women ages 20-24) first married by age 18 (% of women ages 20-24) Source: Gender Statistics. Figure 22. Share of Togo’s urban population, by Figure 23. Share of Togo’s rural population, by age age of first marriage (%) of first marriage (%) 45 45 42,31 41,44 39,54 40,51 40 40 %/U'' 35 35 %&U&( 30 30 25 25,49 24,35 25 23,40 20 21,65 20 15 15 10 11,09 10 11,34 11,28 9,90 5 6,05 5 2,09 3,30 4,98 1,53 2,18 3,29 0 0,06 0 0,57 0,64 Under 15 16-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35+ Under 15 16-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35+ Male Female Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 33 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Poverty is among the main drivers of child marriages Additionally, early marriage in Togo derives from cul- globally (Wodon et al. 2017), and it was referred to as key tural traditions, negative gender roles, and social norms. driver in Togo by key informants. According to a quali- According to Crivello and Mann (2020), 22.9 percent of tative study by Crivello and Mann (2020),3 65.2 percent of respondents in Togo agree with the statement that negative respondents in Togo believe that poverty is the main reason gender norms are the key driver of early marriage, along- behind girls’ early marriage (in contrast to 41.7 percent in side with 23.5 percent of respondents in Niger and 41.7 Mali and 13.9 percent in Niger). Moreover, difficulty find- percent in Mali (table 1). The practice of early marriage is ing a decent job was listed as another factor driving early maintained by beliefs anchored in age-old, traditional prac- marriage by 39.8 percent of Togolese respondents, in line tices such as the appearance of signs of puberty (body size), with the responses from Niger (32.2 percent) (table 1). according to 64 percent of respondents; breast development Notably, school dropout was not mentioned as a driver of (63.8 percent); start of menstruation (59.1 percent); and the early marriage in Togo at all, although it was recognized as importance attached to virginity. In some areas of Togo, the prominent cause in Mali (76.0 percent) and Niger (17.6 there are strong religious taboos concerning female sexual- percent). Other economic reasons behind early marriage in ity, and a girl who loses her virginity or becomes pregnant Togo include the exchange of goods, money, and services outside of marriage brings bad luck and dishonors her fam- (18.8 percent); the desire to reduce the financial burden on ily (Crivello and Mann 2020). In some cases, if the fact of families (12 percent); and repayment of debts incurred by extramarital sexual relations becomes known, girls may be the girl’s parents (11.8 percent) (Crivello and Mann 2020). subjected to violence from their parents and community Many impoverished families arrange marriages for their members. Therefore, early marriage is seen as one way to daughters as a coping mechanism in response to poverty keep women “pure” and prevent cases of extramarital sex- and financial insecurity. Financial stress often forces par- ual relations. Furthermore, in some religious communities, ents to marry their daughters as soon as possible to ease the marriage of a girl who is a virgin is regarded as sacred the financial strain. The practice of arranging marriages for and essential for the success of the marriage (Crivello & girls with strangers is a common practice under the circum- Mann 2020). Thus, addressing the issue of child marriage stances of poverty (Borgen Project 2020). in Togo should also focus on the facilitation of a positive behavioral and social norm change. Table 1. Drivers of girls’ early marriage in Togo Mali Niger Togo Respondents were asked about School dropout 76.0 17.6 NA the drivers of early Poverty 41.7 13.9 65.2 marriage, which fell into four main Difficulties accessing decent work NA 32.2 39.8 categories Negative gender norms 41.7 23.5 22.9 Source: Crivello and Mann 2020, 133. 3 Data were collected through eight focus groups and 35 individual interviews in Togo with parents, religious and community leaders, and young people. Data were collected between August and December 2016. 34 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Beyond being rooted in poverty, child marriage reinforc- Decision-making in the private and es poverty at the transgenerational level (Borgen Project the public spheres 2020). Child marriage is negatively correlated with girls’ school enrollment and attainment, leading to higher risks Women’s ability to make and implement decisions is of school dropout and, consequently, limited employment fundamental to ensuring that women can build their hu- opportunities for women later in life. Marrying at 15–17 man capital, make use of services, and take on economic years of age strongly affects girls’ completion of second- opportunities. Only 30 percent of Togolese women can ary education; marrying before the age of 15 can prevent make their own decisions regarding sexual and reproduc- girls from completing primary school (Nguyen and Wodon tive health and rights. The proportion of Togolese women 2014). Consequently, jobs available for girls and young who report that they can say no to sex is 75 percent, much women married by the age of 18 are often informal and higher than in some of the neighboring countries: Benin poorly paid, hindering their possibilities of reaching eco- (62 percent), Burkina Faso (62 percent), Guinea (55 per- nomic and financial stability. Moreover, early marriage and cent), Mali (31 percent), Senegal (19 percent) (figure 24). subsequent early pregnancy and childbearing increase the Only 47.2 percent of women participate in decision-making risks of maternal mortality among adolescent girls (Raj and about major household purchases, 42.1 participate in deci- Boehmer 2013) and have negative impacts on their repro- sions about their own health, and 64.6 percent decide about ductive health (Nour 2006). According to the World Health visits to family, relatives, and friends. Nevertheless, these Organization, pregnancy and childbirth complications are values are significantly higher than, for instance, Chad, the leading cause of deaths globally among girls ages 15–19 Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, and Senegal (of peer countries, years (WHO 2020). Children born to teenage mothers have only women in Benin have similar levels of decision-mak- increased risks of mortality under the age of five (Raj 2010). ing capacity). Key informants referred to poverty and, spe- It is therefore important to address this issue not only as cifically, women’s economic dependence on men as major one of the key gender-differentiated negative symptoms drivers of women’s lack of power within the household. At of poverty but also as one of the key factors reproducing the same time, they stressed that there are large and sig- poverty for the girl herself and her children. Finally, it is nificant differences in terms of women’s decision-making worth mentioning that evidence shows that the risks of abilities within and outside the household when comparing early pregnancy, early marriage, and school abandonment rural and urban women, and women from different social are closely interlinked and often overlap. According to an groups, including those belonging to different religions. analysis done by Camber Collective and commissioned by UNFPA and the World Bank in the context of the SWEDD project, there are 530,683 girls in Togo between ages 10-19, who are vulnerable to these combined risks. “Poverty means that sometimes women, even if they are in need, wait for their husbands to give permission before going to the hospital and this has an impact on their health. Because they don’t have the means and can’t make decisions.“ 35 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 24. Proportion of women ages 15-49 years who make their own decisions regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights in Togo, and regional peers, % 100 80 60 40 20 0 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo [2018] [2010] [2015] [2012] [2018] [2018] [2017] [2014] Decision-making on women's own health care Decision-making on use of contraceptive Say no to sex Decision-making on sexual and reproductive health and rights Source: DHS. Women are still underrepresented in politics, although performs better than Benin (7.2 percent), Burkina Faso (6.3 significant progress has been observed in the past de- percent), Chad (15.4 percent), and Côte d’Ivoire (11.4 per- cades. The share of seats held by women in the national cent), but worse than Mali (27.9 percent) and significantly parliament has increased substantially—from 11.1 per- behind Senegal, where women hold 43 percent of all seats cent in 2007 to 18.7 percent in 2020. In these terms, Togo in parliament (WDI 2020) (figure 25). Figure 25. Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments, Togo and regional peers, 1997–2020 (%) 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. 36 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The increase in Togo is likely to be the outcome of the the party in the previous legislative elections and 10 percent amendments to the Electoral Law of 2013, requiring that by the number of women elected for the party in the last candidate lists include equal numbers of men and wom- local elections. With respect to ministerial positions, Togo en. According to the 2013 Law on Political Party and Elec- leads the ranking of peer countries: as of 2020, 30 percent of toral Campaign Funding, the funding for political parties the 33 ministerial positions are held by women, in contrast is linked to the share of female candidacies: 20 percent of to just 10 percent in 2008. funding is determined by the number of women elected for 37 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 38 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER GAPS IN ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Addressing gender inequalities in economic opportunities and securing access to quality employment and productive assets are vital for women, their families, and communities as means to escape poverty and boost productivity. Low accu- mulation of endowments among Togolese girls and women, combined with their limited agency, translates into much poorer labor market outcomes, lower lifetime incomes, and heightened risk to fall into or remain in poverty. In addition to lower rates of participation, the quality of employment available to women is poorer than that available to men. Women’s role as mothers and caregivers and their engagement in unpaid domestic work contribute to monetary and time poverty. Similarly, women face particular challenges in becoming entrepreneurs, including limited access to finance and productive assets. Labor force participation Women’s labor force participation (LFP)—and its quali- ty—matter for their ability to generate incomes and move out of poverty. In Togo, female LFP increases with income group, and the gender gap in LFP is largest among the poorest “Because sometimes, income quintiles. According to the 2018 EHCVM, female LFP if she’s young and stands at 53.0 percent, much lower than that for males at 70.8 she’s getting married percent (figure 26). The gender gap in LFP is larger in rural and she’s going to areas than in urban areas (23.8 percentage points versus 10.1 get pregnant and so percentage points); the larger gap is driven by large gaps in she’s going to have to the share of rural family workers. Indeed, 23.4 percent of ru- quit the job and the ral women (4.5 percent in urban areas) are engaged in unpaid company is going to work for another household member. Despite being workers, have to pay while she’s these women are not included in the labor force, which ac- on maternity leave, so counts only for paid work and unemployment. There are also some private companies potentially other inconsistences with measuring female LFP. are reluctant.” For example, Idowu & Owoeye (2019) argue that particularly in Sub Saharan Africa, a substantial share of the population – many of whom are women – is primarily involved in food 39 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 production mainly for own use. Depending on how exactly (26.8 percent for women and 26.1 percent for men in 2019) the concept of FLP is defined, it could lead to significant (WDI). However, more young men than young women ages data variations in female labor force participation rates in 15–24 are engaged in the labor force in Burkina Faso (23.9 Sub-Saharan Africa. LFP among youth (ages 15–24) is no- of women and 27.7 of men in 2018), Chad (35.5 percent tably higher among women than men (27.7 percent ver- of women and 42.5 percent of men in 2018), Côte d’Ivoire sus 23.7 percent) (WDI 2018). As such, LFP among youth (27.1 of women and 31.4 of men in 2017), Mali (40.2 per- in Togo is in line with the trends in Benin (33.9 percent cent of women and 56.8 of men in 2018), and Senegal (19.2 for women and 31.5 percent for men in 2018) and Guinea percent of women and 41.3 of men in 2019) (WDI). Figure 26. Labor force participation of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by place of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. However, it is important to note that gender disparities in LFP can be partially attributed to the difficulties in “And then women don’t make as measuring different types of women’s economic engage- much money and since they are in ment. In general, the evidence indicates that women are small industries and then small income more likely than men to be involved in informal or irregu- generating activities, their income is lar activities for profit, which remain strongly undercount- limited to the daily income that they ed, particularly in rural domains (Muller and Sousa 2020). have […] that’s her first concern when Thus, the measure of women’s LFP in Togo might be inac- the woman goes into business, her curate because it fails to consider a broader engagement of first concern is to be able to feed her women in various economic activities. family whereas the man may not have the same concern.” In Togo, widowed, separated, or divorced women show higher participation rates (66.7 percent) compared to single women (26.3 percent) and women in monogamous 40 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 (61.4 percent) or polygamous (54.2 percent) marriage. 51.1 percent among men with no children to 93.6 percent Men, on the contrary, show higher participation rates when among men with four or more children. For women, LFP in monogamous (92.0 percent) or polygamous (88.9 per- increases significantly but reverts slightly when women cent) marriage, and lower rates when single (42.0 percent) have more than four children (figure 28). Overall, the gen- (figure 27). Having children and the number of children are der gap in LFP is larger among those with children: 90 per- also associated with differences in LFP rates. For example, cent for men compared to 60 percent for women. Time use for men LFP increases with the number of children: from patterns are likely drivers of the increase or decrease. Figure 27. Labor force participation of males and Figure 28. Labor force participation of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by marital status, 2018 females ages 15+ in Togo, by presence and number (%) of children, 2018 (%) 100 100 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 0 20 Single Married (monogamous) Married (polygamous) Widowed/ Separated /Divorced 0 No Has child/ No One 2-3 More child children child child children than 4 Presence of children Number of children Male Female Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Overall, women and men have low rates of unemploy- are significantly correlated with unemployment risks for ment: 3.1 percent and 3.2 percent, respectively. The both men and women. Less than 1 percent of women with overall gender gap is minimal but is slightly higher in rural no education are unemployed, compared to 1.8 percent (0.8 percentage point) than in urban areas (0.6 percentage among women with primary education, 4.8 percent with point). Unemployment is, however, more common among secondary education, and 24.1 percent with postsecondary youth ages 15–24, with more men (9.7 percent) than wom- education (figure 29). Women’s unemployment rate also de- en (7.4 percent) being unemployed. Women (both adult creases with the number of children in the household: from women and those ages 15–24) are more likely to be unem- 5.7 percent among women with no children to 1.7 percent ployed when in the richest quintile—likely because poorer among women with four or more children. For men, unem- women cannot afford to be unemployed. As expected in ployment decreases significantly, but reverts slightly when low-income countries, high levels of educational attainment men have more than two to three children. 41 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 29. Unemployment rate of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by area of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. There are also significant gender differences in the share condition for some young people, whereby it can also de- of youth not in education, employment, or training motivate them from further job or training opportunity (NEET). As of 2017, 31.5 percent of women were NEET, search, making it more difficult to alleviate poverty. compared to just 18.3 percent of men (WDI). Various di- mensions such as gender, age, educational attainment, and Some employment sectors in Togo are dominated by men. migration status affect the risk of becoming NEET. Al- For example, men constitute the majority of employees in though there is only limited data on contributing factors the sectors of transportation and communication (99.1 for becoming NEET in Togo, the global evidence supports percent) and construction (97.0 percent). Likewise, most the fact that women are more likely than men to be out employees in the sectors of education and health and live- of education, employment, or training (OECD 2021). Sev- stock and fishing are male (72.9 percent and 72.4 percent, eral reasons account for inactivity among women, includ- respectively). Women constitute the majority of workers in ing pregnancy, childcare responsibilities, and high burden the fields of mining and manufacturing4 (67.8 percent) and of unpaid domestic work. For men, on the contrary, the commerce (74.9 percent). Women make up about half of the most common reason to be NEET is health-related issues workers in agriculture (50.4 percent) (figure 30). (OECD 2016). Globally, although women are more likely to be NEET, the reasons for being so are not the same as Although most women are engaged in the labor force, for men: in almost all OECD and partner countries, most the quality of jobs they undertake remains poor. For ex- NEET women are inactive while most NEET men are un- ample, according to the 2018 EHCVM, 40 percent of em- employed (OECD 2021). Being NEET can be a temporary ployed women are contributing family workers (also known 4 This includes activities such as street foods and so on. 42 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 as unpaid family workers), compared to 24.4 percent of male their resilience to shocks and crises, like the COVID-19 workers. Men are more likely than women to be skilled or pandemic (Webb, McQuaid, and Rand 2020). unskilled workers. Of total female employment, 87.5 percent can be categorized as vulnerable (that is, contributing family Women are likelier to work in self-employment, and the workers and own-account workers as a percentage of total share of self-employed women has remained almost con- employment), whereas the share of vulnerable employment stant over the past decades. For men, this share dropped among men has always been lower and stood at 62.1 per- significantly after 2006 (from 84.5 percent in 1994 to 64.2 cent in 2019 (figure 31). Moreover, 94.3 percent of female percent in 2019), and women are now likelier than men employees are engaged in informal activities (that is, eco- to be self-employed (60 percent of women versus 58 per- nomic activities that have market value but are not formally cent of men). Self-employment entails multiple subcatego- registered), compared to 73.9 percent for men. Women and ries: self-employed workers with employees (employers), girls are often exploited in domestic work and have limited self-employed workers without employees (own-account options outside the informal economy. Informal work poses workers), members of producer cooperatives, and con- challenges for women’s economic and financial autonomy, tributing family workers (also known as unpaid family because it is associated with lower wages and lack of so- workers). Interestingly the gender gap in self-employment cial security. Regional evidence also indicates that informal differs when comparing urban and rural populations: in employment increases the risks of encountering sexual ha- urban areas 67 percent of female workers and 43 percent of rassment and other forms of GBV at the workplace (Grog- male workers are self-employed whereas in rural areas the gel, Sow, and Gnimassou 2020). Informal employment can trend reverses, with 70.4 percent of men and 54.9 percent further amplify women’s vulnerability to poverty and reduce of women workers being self-employed. Figure 30. Gender balance in Togo, by Figure 31. Vulnerable employment in Togo, by employment sector (%) sex, 1991–2019 (% of total employment) 100 100 Other services Other services Education/health Education/health 80 80 Transport/communication Transport/communication 60 60 Commerce Commerce 40 40 Construction Construction Mining/industry Mining/industry 20 20 Livestock/fishing Livestock/fishing 0 0 Agriculture Agriculture 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 1991 2001 1993 2003 1995 2005 1997 2007 1999 2009 2001 2011 2003 2013 2005 2015 2007 2017 2009 2019 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 0 500 50 100 100 150 150 Male Male (% of male (% of male employment) employment) Male Female Male Female female (% Female (% ofFemale of female employment) employment) Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: Gender Statistics. 43 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 gender gap is even larger in rural areas, driven by the “Even in urban areas, you will see that particularly low access among women there (6.7 percent it is women who are in the majority for women compared to 16.9 percent for men) (EHCVM in these markets. But when you have 2018/2019). In fact, one female adult only households are closure of the places of these markets, more disadvantaged across all forms of asset ownership when there are restrictive measures, compared to two adult or one male adult only households. women are durably impacted, so their Access to mobile banking increases with income quintile— activity. However, it is their meager but with a persistent gender gap across all income groups work that allows them to survive, (figure 32). In terms of access to a bank account (not nec- given that most men, take very little essarily mobile), women are still disadvantaged, but their within their home, their household. access is greater (figure 33). About 25.21 percent of women So the pandemic has reinforced this versus 38.3 percent of men have access to a bank account disparity that already exists naturally, (EHCVM 2018/2019). Overall access is much higher in ur- socially and economically. So the ban than in rural areas and is proportional to income level. pandemic has reinforced that further.” Access to mobile money accounts increased tremendous- ly between 2014 and 2017 in Togo (Demirgüç-Kunt et al COVID-19 has had a large and negative effect on wom- 2018). However, that increase was uneven when comparing en’s economic opportunities in Togo, according to key men and women. From almost no access to mobile mon- informants. Although no quantitative data exist to support ey accounts in 2014, now 26.98 percent of men and 15.98 this claim for Togo, it is in line with the global evidence on percent of women have a mobile money account. These the effects of COVID-19 on gender equality in economic numbers are lower than in some of Togo’s structural peers opportunities (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). Women’s (Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, and Senegal) but higher low-quality participation in the labor market (through high than in Benin, Chad, and Guinea (Demirgüç-Kunt et al. levels of informality, vulnerability, and self-employment, as 2018). There is also evidence that women-owned enterpris- discussed previously)—as well as their overrepresentation es in Togo are more likely to finance their activities using as market vendors, service providers, and staff in sectors bank loans (5.4 for women vs 3.4 for men), and especially most affected by containment measures—explains their so in urban areas (EHCVM 2018). disproportionate vulnerability to the pandemic’s conse- quences. “When it comes to taking credit, we Access to finance and assets always notice this inequality due this time to sociological facts, that is to say Besides time use, social norms, and human capital con- that they are afraid of credit, they are straints, further constraints to women’s ability to be eco- afraid of the consequences of credit, nomically active include their limited access to finance, they are afraid of the failure of the bank accounts, and assets. Women in Togo are about half economic activity.” as likely as men to have access to mobile banking (11.7 percent versus 21.13 percent) (EHCVM 2018/2019). The 44 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 32. Share of males and females ages 15+ in Togo with access to mobile banking, by area of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Mobile banking Male Mobile banking Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Figure 33. Share of males and females ages 15+ in Togo with access to a bank account, by area of residence, region, and income, 2018 (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Bank account Male Bank account Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Land ownership and use Gender disparities are much more severe in rural areas “It’s only in the city that girls are whereas opportunities in the city are much more obvious emerging, but in the villages, they to women and girls, according to the informants. One of the really lag behind.” key factors limiting women’s ability to take up opportunities 45 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 and achieve the same outcomes as their male peers in rural improved maternal and reproductive health outcomes, areas is inequality with respect to land ownership. enhanced decision-making capacities, strengthened voice within communities, and resistance to GBV. Secured land rights are proven to positively affect women’s sexual and re- productive health, mainly through economic empowerment and changes in women’s decision-making patterns (Behr- “The most important issue currently man 2017; Muchomba, Wang, and Agosta 2014). Evidence preventing women’s empowerment is shows that women’s land ownership positively affects mater- land. The new land title gives access nal health outcomes, particularly the use of antenatal care to women, but enforcement has yet to and decisions for planned pregnancy (Nyakato, Rwabukwa- follow.” li, and Kools 2020). Furthermore, global evidence indicates that women’s land ownership is positively and significantly correlated with speaking in community meetings and in household decision-making (Goldman, Davis, and Little Formalization of land ownership strongly contributes 2016; Grabe 2015; Selhausen 2016). It increases a woman’s to women’s economic empowerment and has potential power and control within her marriage and reduces her ex- to reduce their vulnerability to poverty. Secured land posure to IPV (Grabe, Grose, and Dutt 2015). According ownership can alleviate poverty among female-headed to evidence from India, women’s land and property status households and enable women to sustain their living in the are significant predictors of long-term physical and psycho- event of widowhood and divorce (Salcedo-La Viña 2020). logical violence, regardless of socio-demographic character- For instance, formalized land rights increase the likelihood istics, like wealth quintile, place of residence, age, marital of finding supplementary wage employment, enhance bar- status, educational level, number of children, and employ- gaining power with employers, and assist in launching ru- ment (Agarwal and Panda 2007). The study concludes that ral nonfarm enterprises (Agarwal 2003). With secure land women who own land are eight times less likely to expe- tenure, women farmers can also use their land as collateral rience physical and psychological domestic violence, com- to access credit or as mortgageable or saleable assets in the pared to women who do not own land. Furthermore, land events of crisis. Women with the land certificate may also ownership positively influences women’s ability to commit obtain additional income from lending their land plots to and participate in collective action, such as political meet- (Akpalu and Bezabih 2015; Holden, Deininger, and Gheb- ings and village councils (Goldman, Davis, and Little 2016; ru 2011). In addition, securing land rights allows women to Grabe 2015; Selhausen 2016). access extension and agricultural support programs, which are commonly not available for unauthorized land users Women’s land rights are also associated with multiple (OHCHR 2017). Access to and use of such programs influ- benefits for their families and households, such as im- ence women farmer’s income and savings. proved food security and better investments in children’s human capital. Women’s secured land rights and actual Moreover, women’s land ownership is associated with land ownership positively affect food security and chil- positive outcomes in endowments and agency, including dren’s nutrition (Allendorf 2007; Meinzen-Dick et al. 2019; 46 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Rehman, Ping, and Razzaq 2019). In addition, women’s results in increased productivity and makes the land and land and property rights are associated with lower rates of households more resilient to climate change (Salcedo-La infant and child mortality (Burroway 2015). A study from Viña 2020). Emerging evidence also suggests that stronger Vietnam shows that land-use rights held by women only women’s land tenure security can mitigate the shocks of decreased the incidence of illness among children, increased high temperatures on households’ consumption during the health insurance coverage for children, raised school en- agricultural season (Asfaw and Maggio 2017). Overall, such rollment, and reallocated household expenditures toward positive effects of women’s formalized land rights and own- food and away from alcohol and tobacco (Menon, Ven der ership show a potential to contribute to economic growth Meulen Rodgers, and Nguyen 2014). A positive association and reduce poverty. between women’s land rights and children’s schooling has been observed in Ethiopia (Kumar and Quisumbing 2015). Rural women are strongly disadvantaged with respect The overall positive effect of women’s land rights and land to ownership of (agricultural) land, which poses huge ownership on children’s human capital may eventually alle- challenges not only to their own advancement in other viate intergenerational transmission of poverty by positively dimensions of well-being but also to Togo’s economic affecting the incomes of the next generation. growth and poverty reduction more broadly. Only 9.2 percent of rural women reported owning at least one par- Finally, women’s land rights provide benefits for society cel of land, compared to 39.7 percent of men. Among the at large by boosting agricultural transformation, ampli- bottom 40 percent of the rural income distribution, that gap fying economic growth, and strengthening resilience of is even wider: 8.9 percent of women versus 46.5 percent of rural farm households. In many cases, lack of land certif- men own at least one parcel of land. When looking at the icates poses challenges for farmers to consider short- and rural population with no education, that gap increases even long-term agricultural investments, whereas the formaliza- further: 11.0 percent of women versus 55.3 of men own at tion of land ownership promotes the adoption of technol- least one parcel of land. Of those working in agriculture, ogy and natural resource management (Dillon and Voena only 15.1 percent of women own land, whereas 52.3 percent 2017; Goldstein et al. 2018;). Indeed, land tenure security of men do (figure 34). is associated with greater investment in land: for example, in Burkina Faso, households that report owning their land are twice as likely to invest in anti-erosion measures as those who report having the land on loan. Experimental “These are the areas in which there evidence from Benin suggests that land rights formalization would be leverage. Much more on increases land investments, with female-headed households access to land. When women have in particular boosting their fallowing investments in land access to land and when this idea (Goldstein et al. 2018). In Zambian communities where has made into the heads of the widows inherited land, households were more likely to in- people, it’s going to be a big effect vest through fertilizer use and fallowing (Dillon and Voena on the empowerment of women 2017). Secure land rights create incentives for long-term themselves.” investments, such as soil conservation. Such investment 47 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 34. Parcel ownership (individual level) in Togo, by gender, poverty status, education level, and employment sector (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Bottom Top No Primary Secondary Tertiary Agriculture Industry Services Unemployed 40% 60% education Poverty Status Educational attainment Sector of employment Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Note: Individual level data. Ownership is defined as individuals who reported owning at least one parcel of land. Agriculture includes jobs in crop yields, fisheries and animal breeding jobs. Industry includes extractive and other industries, and public works/construction jobs. Services includes commerce, restaurants/hotels, transportation, communication, education, health, other and personal services jobs. Bottom 40% and top 60% are measured in terms of total household expenditure per capita. Includes individuals 18+ years of age. percent (figure 35). Notably, of all the parcels legally owned, only 22 percent are owned by women, in contrast to 78 “In the north, you have religion. They percent owned by men. do not support credit or economic activity for girls. In some places, Land ownership and the limitations women face in this women do not have the right to land.” regard were mentioned prominently as major problems in Togo in key informant interviews. Unequal land owner- ship was referred to as one of the main explanatory factors behind the links between gender inequality and poverty in Of all landowners in Togo (individuals who reported Togo—especially in light of the outstanding overlapping owning one parcel of land), women constitute only 16.9 disadvantages facing rural women. Relatedly, several in- percent at the country level (in contrast to 83.1 percent terviewees in the qualitative data mentioned that women of men) (EHCVM 2018/2019). The proportion of wom- cannot access credit in the ways that men can—despite the en owning land in Togo is higher than in all regional peer recent emphasis made in the new Land Code 2018 (see the countries and the average for the West African Econom- discussion in the next subsection). One important limitation ic and Monetary Union countries, which stands at 11.5 here, however, is that this Land Code has yet to be translated 48 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 35. Parcel ownership (parcel level) in Togo and regional peers 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Côte d'Ivoire Guinea-Bissau Mali NIger Senegal Togo WAEMU Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Note: Parcel level data. Ownership is defined as individuals who reported owning one parcel of land. Burkina Faso ommitted due to data constraints. Includes individuals 18+ years of age. WAEMU = West African Economic and Monetary Union. into respective Implementation Decrees. Socially, secured Closing the de jure–de facto legal gap in land ownership land tenure is constrained by religious and geographical was mentioned as a policy priority by several interview- factors, which impede women’s access to productive assets ees. Key informants further indicate that formalization of and land. In some areas, it is believed that only men can be women’s land rights would significantly contribute to wom- the head of the household, which does not align with the en’s economic and social empowerment, resulting in shared Family Code that allows women to be heads of households prosperity and growth. in equal ways. Transferring land plots to women is perceived to be economically disadvantageous, because women are expected to marry and join the families of their husbands. Apart from traditions and customs, women’s land owner- “The tradition tends to privilege men ship is challenged by weak law enforcement and high costs more than women, for example, in of accessing justice. According to the key informants, some terms of land. For example, when Togolese women lack knowledge and finances to claim their it comes to access to land, it is said legal rights over a land plot. The low level of literacy among that the land belongs to the man […] adult women in Togo is yet another concern, because it pre- because it is said that the woman is vents women from formalizing their land rights. called to leave for the marriage.” 49 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Togo has already started implementing specific measures In addition, conflicts exist between the new law provi- to strengthen women’s land rights and ownership. The sions and prevalent traditions and customs in Togo. For recent reform of the Land Code is a remarkable step to- example, the Code mentions the possibility of formalization ward ensuring women’s land rights. Unanimously passed of rights over communal lands, which include forests, pas- on June 5, 2018, the new Land Code sets the foundation for tures, and natural water sources. Although, according to the a more progressive institutional land management frame- new law, women and men are expected to have equal access work in Togo. It aims to resolve land conflicts that have to such land resources, some Togolese traditions and cus- been pending in court for decades, tackle land speculation toms claim that the communal lands cannot be shared with and expropriation, eliminate the possibility of registering women (Land Portal 2020). Therefore, the implementation land multiple times by different actors, and end the sell-off of the law would require a national awareness-raising effort of rural lands by helping communities to secure custom- to facilitate a positive social norm change. ary land rights. The Code also repeatedly emphasizes the principle of gender equality to ensure equal access to land Furthermore, women may be disadvantaged in seeking for traditionally marginalized populations such as the rural legal action against violations in land registration pro- poor, youth, and indigenous and local community wom- cedure. The newly established land registration offices are en (Kipalu and Essimi 2021). For example, Article 14 of granted exclusive power and responsibility in land-related the Code requires “ensuring that men and women enjoy procedures (Art. 60). The Code specifies that the refusal to all human rights on an equal basis, while recognizing the register the land to a woman is punishable with a fine and differences between women and men and taking, where imprisonment, but this decision can be made only upon a necessary, specific measures to accelerate the achievement court trial. Access to justice and land registration can be of equality in practice, the state must ensure that women further constrained by the implied costs, overall low educa- and girls have equal rights to land, fisheries and forests, tional attainment levels, and limited access to information regardless of their marital status.” among the rural population, particularly women. Nevertheless, some of the challenges that obstruct wom- Unpaid domestic work en’s access to land remain unaddressed. For example, Article 629 of the Code provides that land holders are en- Women spend significantly more time than men in un- titled to legally assert and recognize their ownership rights paid domestic work—16.9 hours for women versus 5.3 in case their land plots have been acquired in accordance hours for men per week (EHCVM 2018/2019). The gen- with customary law. The article further specifies that the der gap is even larger in rural areas (18.9 hours versus 6.2 principle of gender equality is to be respected in these re- hours) than in urban (14.2 hours versus 4.0 hours) (figure gards. However, because most land plots under customary 36). Gender disparities in this area start early in life: girls law belong to men, women can hardly benefit from this ages 7–12 steadily spend more hours on unpaid domes- innovation. The Code does not mention any specific im- tic work than boys (8.1 hours versus 5.7 hours per week) plementation channels to guarantee women’s access to the (figure 37). Interestingly, boys across different levels of registration of land previously held under customary law. school enrollment spend almost exactly the same amount Likewise, the law does not specify which special measures of time in domestic unpaid work. By contrast, even when to ensure gender equality will be in place, which might enrolled girls work more hours than boys in unpaid work cause misinterpretation of the law provisions. (9.22 hours versus 6.25 hours), but that amount increases to 50 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 “Women have a lot of informal “…at home, the little boy can play activities and this pandemic soccer and she, she does not have the has obviously had an impact on right to the leisure and that she, she household incomes, so we know that has to be next to her mom because women contribute a lot to the care she has to learn, to cook, because of families and therefore, if there is a tomorrow she is going to be a means drop in income, it affects the family…” of reproduction…” 15.9 for girls who are not enrolled. The gender gap in time period (37.45 hours versus 34.10 hours). Women who mar- use is largest in the core productive years (24–44) of life: ry as adolescents work even fewer hours outside the home 23.7 hours versus 4.8 hours per week. At this stage, women compared to those who marry later in life—further limit- work the most hours in unpaid work whereas men invest ing their (economic) autonomy. Finally, the disproportion- less time than they did in earlier years of life. This dispar- al engagement in unpaid domestic work deprives women ity is due to traditional gender roles according to which of leisure time. Global evidence indicates that, on average, women are expected to take care of the household and women spend fewer hours than men on leisure activities, children, rather than to participate in income-generating and the trend prevails in most regions (OECD 2020). This activities. Conversely, men are more likely than women to leaves women with a total workload that is massively larger spend time on work outside the home during that same life than that of men. Figure 36. Average hours spent on unpaid Figure 37. Average hours spent on unpaid domestic work per week in Togo, by area of domestic work per week in Togo, by age group residence and region 2018 25 25 20 20 15 15 10 5 10 0 5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune 0 7-12 13-18 19-24 25-44 45-64 65+ Total Residence Region Male Female Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 51 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Key informants highlight that the discrepancies in time which shows that the COVID-19 pandemic has increased use observed in pre-COVID-19 data have become more the burden of domestic work on women, given their tra- severe. Women, traditionally in charge of care and unpaid ditional assignment of caring for children (at home due work, have also been responsible for additional care of the to school closures) and the ill. The Rapid Gender Assess- sick and children at home during the pandemic. School ments, conducted by the UN Women in selected countries closures and overall mobility restrictions have had signif- of American and the Caribbean, and Eastern and Southern icant implications for women’s ability to generate incomes Africa further confirm that women were more affected than during the pandemic. This finding is in line with the review men by increase in the hours spent on the unpaid domestic of global evidence by de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller (2021), work and care. 52 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 53 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 POLICY OPTIONS In recent years, the Togolese government has introduced a number of reforms aiming to eliminate gender inequalities and enhance legal protection of wom- en’s rights, yet a number of areas remain in which reforms would help advance gender equality in Togo. Most recently the Gender Equality Law advanced women’s rights in the penal, personal and family, and labor code (Loi N° 2022- 017, 018 and 019, November 2022, see earlier reference on this reform) and relatedly, the Law on protecting learners against sexual violence (Loi N° 2022-020, December 2022) strengthens prevention and protection, especially among younger women and girls. Reforms worth mentioning include the reform to the Personal and Family Code (2012), which provided widows and daughters with the same inheritance rights as men and introduced and established divorce by mutual consent (OECD 2018). Ac- cording to that Code, women can now be heads of households in the same way as men, which has not only symbolic importance but also tax implications: women can claim to be in charge of their children, implying tax benefits over their income (which was exclusively applicable to fathers before that). The new Penal Code (2015) strengthens protections against some forms of GBV and discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, and other factors (Isbell and Akinocho 2018). Land rights were also reformed (2018), now reconciling traditional and modern law in a statute promoting equality for women and men (Law no. 2018-005 from June 14, 2018). Key informants also referred positively to recent reforms in education, introducing free secondary education, school feedings, and Scolasure (a medical insurance for children in public schools). Efforts to enhance reproductive health include the pro- motion of free access to C-sections for all women as well as access for prenatal health care for pregnant women (WEZOU program). Novissi (a cash transfer program to mitigate the income disruption of anti-COVID-19 restrictions) was also emphasized as primarily benefiting poor women in the country. With respect to women’s agency, efforts have been put in place to promote women’s representation in politics (such as financial incentives for parties to nominate female candidates). Furthermore, the first one-stop center in Lomé recently opened its doors to survivors of violence against women. Finally, gender budgeting has been introduced in six-line ministries with the expectation of expansion to the entire government budget. 54 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Nevertheless, more can be done to properly address ex- capital in any further policy measures taken to advance isting gender gaps. More can be done to prevent GBV and gender equality in Togo. protect the victims, also by defining referral pathways and issuing clear multi-sector protocols for survivor care. In In addition, it is noteworthy that several gender dispar- general, women’s access to justice remains fragile because ities observed occur during adolescence. And those ob- of poverty; lack of knowledge of basic legal rules; insufficient served gender issues that occur during adolescence have number of courts; insufficient gender-sensitive trainings of high costs, bringing with them severe negative consequenc- professionals, lawyers, and prosecutors; and the stigmatiza- es later in life. Hence, the proposed policy reforms suggest tion of women who bring cases to court complicating access prioritizing adolescent girls as well as rural women. to justice for women (UNICEF 2019). Finally, enforcement of laws is highly constrained by customary law, religious As seen throughout this assessment, multiple causes and social norms, which might undermine the progress in of gender inequality overlap and intersect, calling for achieving gender equality. well-crafted and coordinated multisector, multi-level solutions. The suggested policies below are based on a review of the regional evidence on what works to close gender gaps in Focus on adolescent girls different dimensions. The policies are also in line with the Plan National de Development 2018–22, which acknowledg- Focus on the adolescent girls es gender as a cross-cutting theme and a guiding principle. 1. Assist girls in completing primary and Importantly, according to both quantitative data and secondary school key informant interviews, gender disparities intersect Improve availability and access to education through with other social variables, such as location of residence, expanding school-relevant infrastructures age, religion, and marriage status. Depending on the re- Lift financial constraints to facilitate access to primary and secondary schooling gion, certain religious beliefs are more practiced. Specif- ic religions impose different rules and customs on their Establish Safe Spaces for adolescent girls and mobilize communities to change social norms members—often with different implications for men and women. Similarly, specific customs differ when comparing Address gender-specific barriers (school-based GBV, lack of menstruation hygiene management) different regions. Overall, rural women are largely disad- vantaged across all dimensions observed (endowments, Provide incentives to stay or return to school for girls who have dropped out economic opportunities, and agency). For this reason, key informants sent a strong signal to prioritize rural wom- 2. Increase access to family planning, and enhance reproductive and sexual health en and their economic opportunities, agency, and human Empower adolescent girls through targeted socio- economic interventions and socio-educative classes Launch sexual and reproductive health education at school “Most importantly, at this moment the Increase access to and use of family planning through action needs to be taken on the level provision of contraception of rural areas.” Enable girls to continue and complete their schooling 55 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Focus on the adolescent girls “ I think that one of the factors, if 3. Reduce child and early marriage we speak of a gender problem, one Promote a positive social norm change through of the important elements in the community mobilization programs reduction of gaps or inequalities, is Empower girls and their families economically through the problem of education. So if we alternative livelihood programs invest more in education , it helps to Enable girls to continue and complete their schooling5 reduce these gaps, which means that education is a driving force for other Assist girls in completing primary and sectors in terms of reducing these secondary school inequalities…“ General interventions to enhance access to schooling de- girls’ education, and creating safe spaces for young women liver gains for girls that are comparable to girl-targeted have proven successful in several cases in Sub-Saharan Af- interventions (Evans and Yuan 2019). Therefore, priority rica (Benshaul-Tolonen et al. 2019; Erulkar and Muthen- policy actions should focus on the expansion and improve- gi 2009). Finally, providing incentives to stay or return to ment of schools and related infrastructure, such as water, school for girls who have dropped out is another promising sanitation, and hygiene facilities. Evidence from the region strategy to consider. A financial and material aid for chil- shows that construction of new schools increases girls en- dren out of school in Zimbabwe has significantly improved rollment rates (Dumitrescu et al. 2011), and provision of school retention and decreased the drop-out levels among latrines and drinking water containers results in reduced program participants (Hallfors et al. 2015). absenteeism among girls (Freeman et al. 2012). Lifting fi- nancial constraints to facilitate access to primary and sec- Increase access to family planning, ondary schooling is particularly helpful to encourage girls’ and enhance reproductive and sexual schooling outcomes. The Togolese government has already health, particularly for adolescent girls moved in this direction by making lower-secondary school free for all and upper-secondary school free for girls, as Policies to reduce adolescent fertility should empower outlined in the objectives of the Action Plan in the Educa- young women economically, increase access to sexual and tional Sector 2020–2030 and in the Feuille de Route Gou- reproductive health education, and provide incentives for vernementale Togo 2025. Additionally, conditional cash girls and their families to continue pursuing education. transfers, school vouchers and scholarships, school subsi- Growing evidence from the Sub-Saharan African region dies for school managers and families, and school feeding shows that adolescent empowerment interventions and so- programs have proven to be effective methods to increase cio-educative classes at school have a promising effect on the girls’ enrollment rates (Koumassa, Olapade, and Wantche- reduction of teenage fertility and early pregnancy (Bandiera kon 2020). Explicitly addressing gender-specific barriers et al. 2020; Magnani et al. 2005). Improved knowledge on (school-based GBV, lack of menstruation hygiene man- and access to family planning and contraceptive use through agement products), promoting positive attitudes toward sexual and reproductive health education at school, paired 5 The Learners Protection law declares the right of pregnant girls to continue school or –if need be- repeat the year. 56 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 with the provision of contraceptive methods and aware- Support female farmers to build ness-raising campaigns, has shown positive effects in several and sustain their businesses evaluated interventions (Ajuwon and Brieger 2007; Dupas 2011). Finally, programs that encourage girls’ education Support female farmers to build and prove to be particularly effective in reducing the levels of sustain their businesses adolescent fertility. For example, a cash transfer program 1. Enable female farmers to adapt to climate in Malawi, with cash given on condition of keeping daugh- change ters at school, shows that participating adolescent girls were Strengthen technical skills of women farmers through 12.6 percentage points less likely than nonparticipants to trainings and social networking be married (Baird et al. 2014). Similarly, a school subsidy Provide women farmers with subsidies for inputs program in Kenya reduced primary school dropouts for girls Enable women’s access to the extension services and delayed the onset of girls’ fertility, with the adolescent pregnancy rate falling from 16 percent to 13 percent within 2. Assist in the formalization of land and asset ownership three years (Duflo, Dupas, and Kremer 2015). Enforce the land reform with guaranteeing equal opportunity Reduce child and early marriage Enact gender-specific policies to ensure equal access to land formalization and ownership Polices that aim to reduce prevalence rates of child mar- 3. Promote positive social norms toward riage should target the drivers behind it, such as poverty women’s work in agriculture and social norms. Interventions that aim at (1) promoting Implement gender sensitization and awareness-raising social norm change around child marriage; (2) empower- programs to promote positive social norms ing girls and their families economically through alternative livelihood programs, adolescent empowerment programs, conditional cash transfers, or other financial incentives; and To enhance female farmers’ agricultural performance, (3) enabling girls to continue and complete their schooling productivity, and earnings, policies should (1) enable fe- have proven successful. Educating community members on male farmers to adapt to climate change, and (2) assist in the harms of early and child marriages and promoting pos- the formalization of land and asset ownership. Programs itive social norms shows some promising results in reduc- that aim to strengthen technical and life skills of women ing the incidence of child marriage, as for instance in the farmers through trainings, social networking, or extension community-based TOSTAN intervention in Senegal (Diop services demonstrate promising effects on their agricultural et al. 2004). Moreover, one of the most promising strategies productivity and adaptation to climate change, as shown in in reducing rates of child marriage is the encouragement the Rural Capacity Building Project in Ethiopia (Buehren of girls’ education, particularly completion of primary and secondary school. For example, the cash transfer program in Malawi, mentioned previously, has reduced the preva- “Access to material resources, lence of early marriage by 48 percent among participants especially land, is a priority area that (Baird et al. 2014). Provision of financial and material aid for the state must take into account in the families of schoolgirls in Zimbabwe significantly increased implementation of its policies.” girls’ school retention and reduced the likelihood of child marriage by 53 percentage points (Hallfors et al. 2015). 57 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 et al. 2019). Furthermore, removing the obstacles that keep Prevent GBV and address its women from formally accessing and owning land is another consequences promising strategy for closing gender gaps in agricultural productivity. The enforcement of laws on the equal access Prevent and address the consequences of to land formalization is an important step toward the pro- GBV tection of women’s land rights. However, to maximize the 1. Enable institutional service delivery and access effect, legal reforms should be accompanied with gender to justice for survivors of GBV sensitization and awareness-raising programs in order to Gender-sensitive training of professionals challenge negative attitudes about gender and land (World Awareness-raising campaigns Bank 2015). For example, in Ghana title registration for parcels of land was supported by a public outreach cam- Service delivery (shelter, psychological counseling, legal aid, etc.) paign and dissemination of information on land registra- tion and land laws. Although the project did not lead to 2. Reduce women’s vulnerability through economic empowerment increased agricultural productivity, it appeared to result in a considerable boost in business profits of women farmers Empower women economically through cash transfers, alternative livelihoods programs, etc. (Agyei-Holmes et al. 2020). In Uganda, selected households were offered support with the land registration procedure, 3. Promote behavior and social norms change on gender-based violence along with an educational video on the benefits of women’s Mobilize communities to re-think harmful social norms land rights. The findings show that showing of the educa- and gender roles tional video raised the demand for co-titling by 25 percent- age points (Cherchi et al. 2019). Furthermore, a large-scale land certification effort in Ethiopia allowed women to add Enabling institutional service delivery across different their name and photo to the title and thus claim their land sectors as well as access to justice for survivors is key to rights over a plot. The program has led to improvements protecting them. Togo has just recently inaugurated its first in women’s decision-making in land-related issues such one-stop center for victims of GBV—a promising initiative as land management practices and has enhanced their that, if found effective, could be expanded. The establish- economic and social status (Gedefaw et al. 2020). More- ment of all-women’s justice centers that mostly employ fe- over, in Rwanda, locally trained surveyors demarcated and male officers, and where GBV survivors receive assistance mapped land parcels strictly in the presence of landowners in filing a complaint, has increased the rates of reporting of and neighbors. The program improved women’s land in- GBV, as shown in the experience of Argentina, Brazil, Ecua- vestment and increased rural households’ welfare by freeing dor, Ghana, India, Mexico, South Africa, and Uganda (Ka- up farm labor for more productive uses (Ali et al. 2015). A vanaugh, Sviatschi, and Trako 2018). In general, it is crucial similar effect was achieved through the reamendment of to pair protective measures and service delivery to survivors legal discriminatory provisions on land ownership rights in with comprehensive prevention efforts, including those Ghana, which led to a considerable boost in women farm- targeted at adolescents such as the PREPARE interven- ers’ business profits (Agyei-Holmes et al. 2020). tion in South Africa (Matthews and Gould 2017). Overall, 58 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Kerr-Wilson et al. (2020) assess the global evidence on what Policies that aim to empower women’s societal voice and works to prevent GBV and find that interventions effective decision-making should (1) eradicate extreme poverty in reducing violence against women and girls included cash in households with only females, (2) increase women’s transfers or economic empowerment programs for women societal voice through political and corporate gender combined with group discussions on violence against wom- quotas, and (3) prevent and address the consequences of en and girls and gender-transformative programming, cou- GBV as described previously. Programs that aim to im- ples’ interventions, parenting programs to prevent domestic prove access to finance for women or to empower them violence and child maltreatment, community activism to economically tend to be promising in increasing their shift harmful gender norms, and school-based intervention voice within the household. For instance, a cash transfer to prevent dating violence. Community mobilization pro- offered to ultra-poor households in northwest Nigeria had grams that aim at challenging discriminatory gender roles an immediate positive impact on women’s household con- and social norms lead to long-lasting positive impacts on sumption, employment, and well-being. Another wide- the rates of GBV. For instance, the SASA! intervention in ly cited intervention is the savings and gender dialogue Uganda, which combines community mobilization activi- program in Côte d´Ivoire, which significantly improved ties with trainings of professionals, has led to a 64 percent women’s financial autonomy, gender equitable household reduction in children witnessing interpersonal violence in decision-making, and gender attitudes among participants their homes and has improved parent-child relationships (Gupta et al. 2013a). Furthermore, the increase of women’s (Kyegombe et al. 2014). Key informants emphasized the political representation has broad social positive effects for need for a dedicated law on GBV as essential to help pre- women’s agency. For example, when women were elected to vent GBV and protect victims adequately and effectively. the local governments in India, those governments’ public investment decisions were more in line with female pref- Close gender gaps in decision- erences (Chattopadhyay and Duflo 2004). Another study making and women’s political from India shows that areas with reserved political seats for participation women saw a substantial increase in the number of reports of crimes against women, with a corresponding increase in arrests (Iyer et al. 2010). Close gender gaps in decision-making and women’s political participation 1. Eradicate extreme poverty in households with only females “ … we often say that youth, women 2. Increase women’s societal voice through political are vulnerable groups, so we put them and corporate gender quotas together. You can’t put women with 3. Prevent and address the consequences of GBV youth, it’s an age category, women have constraints that are different from youth, etc. So that’s kind of the problem that we have to address.” 59 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Improve women’s economic opportunities through access to “It is important to create a work quality employment and enhanced environment that is favorable to productivity of self-employed women and that takes into account women the periods of pregnancy and childbirth. This should not be a barrier Improve women’s economic opportunities to women’s development in the workplace.” 1. Create more jobs in the formal sector for women through targeted job creation programs 2. Lift women’s time constraints by expanding and science, technology, engineering, and mathematics childcare provision capacity occupations. In Nigeria, classroom-based training with an 3. Facilitate women’s access to employment sectors assessment exam and subsequent certification in the field traditionally dominated by men of information and communications technology has in- creased the share of women employed in this sector, which Policies that improve women’s economic empowerment is generally considered male-dominated (Croke, Goldstein, and expand their access to quality employment should and Holla 2017). In Kenya, young people were invited to include supply and demand aspects of women’s partici- apply to the Technical and Vocational Vouchers Program, pation in the labor market. Policies should entail (1) cre- receiving vouchers as a financial incentive. Women exposed ating more jobs in the formal sector for women through to this intervention were almost 9 percentage points more targeted job creation programs, (2) lifting women’s time likely to express a preference for a male-dominated course, constraints by expanding childcare provision capacity, and and 5 percentage points more likely to actually enroll in (3) facilitating women’s access to employment sectors tra- one, in contrast to nonparticipants (Hicks et al. 2013). ditionally dominated by men. Job creation programs offer significant potential for formal employment of young wom- To support self-employed women’s entrepreneurship en, as proven by findings from the expanded public works efforts, productivity, and earnings, policies should help program in South Africa (Omotoso 2020). Moreover, creat- self-employed women to formalize their businesses, ing an enabling environment for parents of young children access formal financial services, and acquire entrepre- to access employment opportunities is another significant neurship, managerial, and leadership skills. Business step toward expanding women’s labor force participation. registration and formalization programs offer huge po- Evidence from several countries shows that provision of tential for women entrepreneurs to access formal financial affordable and appropriate childcare facilitates women’s services, adopt new business practices, and boost pro- employment outside the home and their participation in ductivity and income. In Malawi, a program combining the income-generating activities (Clark et al. 2019). Fur- business registration assistance with a bank information thermore, several strategies help to encourage women’s intervention led not only to higher levels of women’s firms’ aspirations to undertake jobs in traditionally male-dom- formalization (83 percent) but also to meaningful increases inated employment sectors, such as mining, construction, in the use of financial services (28 percent) and, ultimately, 60 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 When asked about the main drivers of observed gen- “We talk about formalization, the der inequalities in Togo, key informants who provided transition from the informal sector insights to this report explained that, at the root of the and therefore a policy aimed at the observed discrepancies in well-being outcomes, wom- formalization of the informal can en are not perceived to be of the same value as men and only contribute more to reducing that social norms restrict women’s ability to participate inequalities between men and on an equal footing with men in the economy, society, women.” and communities. Consequently, key informants strong- ly advised not only focusing on addressing specific gender outcomes across the different dimensions of well-being but firm sales and profits (20 percent) (Campos, Goldstein, and also strategically aiming at the root cause of the different McKenzie 2019). Moreover, earnings and productivity of observed outcomes: social norms limiting women’s access self-employed women can be boosted through combined to opportunities, human capital, and ability to make deci- social and economic empowerment interventions, such as sions and act on them. the Empowerment and Livelihood for Adolescents program in Uganda (Bandiera et al. 2020) and Adolescent Girls Ini- tiative in Rwanda (World Bank Group 2015). Finally, im- “Women do not have the same level proving financial, information technology, and managerial of consideration as men; this is why inclusion of women entrepreneurs has large and signifi- there is a gap in the distribution of cant impacts on the likelihood of their being engaged in goods and in the elevation of social income-generating self-employment (Brudevold-Newman rank.” et al. 2017) and on their adoption of new business practices (Bardasi et al. 2018). “And in urban areas, there is a little more freedom, a little more change, it Strategically address the root causes is in rural areas that tradition is slow to of observed outcomes change.” “...but in the villages, since I come Strategically address the root causes of from a rural environment, the observed outcomes mentality would like that it is the man who succeeds, it is that for a father of 1. Mobilize communities to re-think harmful social norms and gender roles family, in the rural environments, he privileges the education of the boy, 2. Empower women economically and socially through combined empowerment programs they can send him to the school, but 3. Initiate gender sensitization programs and the girl he does not encourage her.” awareness-raising campaigns 61 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 or religions - as discussed throughout this report. Social norms change can be achieved through community-based “The most important action to be mobilization initiatives (Bass et al. 2016; Diop et al. 2004; taken now is in rural areas, (...) the Gupta et al. 2013b), women’s social and economic em- woman herself does not consider powerment programs (Asingwire et al. 2019; Branson and herself, the rural woman herself does Byker 2018), and gender sensitization and awareness-raising not consider herself. It is necessary campaigns (Banerjee, La Ferrara, and Orozco-Olvera 2019; to remove this character of non Dupas 2011). consideration at the level of the woman so that she can express herself In sum, addressing gender disparities in Togo requires clearly. So I believe that this is one both sustained strategic and near-term opportunistic ef- of the main elements that must be forts. In addition to strategically addressing social norms emphasized to allow women to better over time, as underlying drivers of inequality in outcomes, develop.” the observed discrepancies can be addressed immediate- ly opportunistically, through relevant mainstreaming and targeted measures. As outlined in this section, closing gen- Because social norms are even more traditional and re- ders gaps requires a set of policies that help girls stay in strictive in rural areas, this offers another reason where school, enhance girls’ and women’s reproductive health and interventions should be prioritized in those areas. Hence, access to health care, eliminate child marriage, eliminate sensitization measures should address communities, parents, violence against girls and women, and empower women and women themselves who often internalize norms that economically. Those policies need to be front and center limit their own ability to participate more broadly in society. when pursuing inclusive and sustainable development for the country. Gender disparities often intersect across di- With respect to more long-term, strategic investments, mensions, manifesting themselves across various spheres it will be important to address the social norms that and sectors. 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