CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS © 2024 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved. This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpreta- tions, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy, completeness, or currency of the data included in this work and does not assume responsibility for any errors, omissions, or discrepancies in the information, or liability with respect to the use of or failure to use the information, methods, processes, or conclusions set forth. 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CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Claire Casher Julia Clark Contents Acronyms iii Abstract iv About ID4D v Acknowledgments vi Executive Summary 1 Gender and ID in Ethiopia 1 Study Design 2 Key Findings: Kebele ID System 2 Key Findings: Fayda 4 Conclusion and Key Recommendations 5 Introduction 7 Global Trends in Gender and ID 7 Gender and ID in Ethiopia 8 Study Design 11 Research Questions 11 Research Methods 12 Key Findings: Kebele ID System 13 Nature of the Kebele ID Gender Gap 13 Impact of the Kebele ID Gender Gap 18 Reasons for the Kebele ID Gender Gap 21 Key Findings: Fayda 30 Perceptions of Fayda 30 Strategies for Closing the Kebele ID Gender Gap 31 Conclusion and Key Recommendations 38 Bibliography 40 Appendix 1: ID4D-Findex Questions 42 Appendix 2: ID4D-Findex 2021-2022 Results 44 Appendix 3: ID4D-Findex 2017 Results 46 Appendix 4: Key Informant Interview Sample 50 Appendix 5: Focus Group Discussion Sampling 51 CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA i FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Figures Figure 1: Summary of barriers in the kebele ID system 3 Figure 2: Summary of suggestions for gender inclusivity in Fayda 4 Figure 3: Countries with large gender gaps in ID ownership 8 Figure 4: Kebele ID ownership, reasons for non-ownership, and difficulties of non-ownership, by gender (ages 18+) 14 Figure 5: Likelihood of having a kebele ID, by various characteristics 15 Figure 6: Gender differences in likelihood of having a kebele ID, other characteristics held constant 16 Figure 7: Summary of barriers in the kebele ID system 28 Tables Table 1: Comparison of the kebele ID and Fayda 9 Table 2: Research methods 12 Table 3: Beliefs that inform gender norms and potential relationships to ID ownership 23 Boxes Box 1. Note on ID4D-Findex 2017 data 17 Box 2. Other prominent IDs in Ethiopia 18 Box 3. Progressive views on the importance of an ID for women 19 Box 4. Intersectional effects 29 ii Contents Acronyms AGIL Africa Gender Innovation Lab CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women CR Civil Registration CSO Civil Society Organization ECC Early Childcare FGD Focus Group Discussion ICT Information and Communication Technology ID Identification ID4D Identification for Development IDP Internally Displaced Person KII Key Informant Interview LIC Low-income Country MOU Memorandum of Understanding NIDP National ID Program PSNP Productive Safety Net Program SDG Sustainable Development Goal CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA iii FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Abstract I n Ethiopia, women are 15 percentage points less likely than men to possess a kebele ID, the primary proof of identity document used in the country. This report unveils findings from a study that aims to grasp the reasons behind this gender gap in ID ownership and offers recommendations for overcom- ing these barriers in Fayda, the new digital ID system launched by the Government of Ethiopia in 2021. Executed by the World Bank in partnership with Ethiopia’s National ID Program (NIDP), the study first uses statistical analysis of ID4D-Findex data to illustrate the nature of the ID ownership gap and its ramifications for women. Subsequently, through desk research and original qualitative data obtained from focus group discussions and key informant interviews, the report delves into four categories of potential reasons for the gap: legal and policy barriers, social and community barriers, economic and procedural barriers, and information and knowledge barriers. In the concluding section, the report offers three key recommendations for integrating gender inclusivity into the Fayda program, drawing from the research findings and inputs gathered from qualitative research participants. iv Abstract About ID4D T he World Bank Group’s Identification for Development (ID4D) Initiative harnesses global and cross-sectoral knowledge, World Bank financing instruments, and partnerships to help countries realize the transformational potential of identification (ID) systems, including civil registration (CR). The aim is to enable all people to exercise their rights and access better services and economic oppor- tunities in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This is especially important as coun- tries transition to digital economies, digital governments, and digital societies, where inclusive and trusted means of verifying identity are essential to ensure accessibility and data protection. ID4D operates across the World Bank Group with global practices and units working on digital devel- opment, social protection, health, financial inclusion, governance, gender, and data protection, among others. To ensure alignment with international good practices for maximizing development benefits and minimizing risks, ID4D is guided by the 10 Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development, which have been jointly developed and endorsed by the World Bank Group and over 30 global and regional organizations (see http://idprinciples.org). ID4D makes this happen through its three pillars of work: 1. Thought leadership, research, and analytics to generate evidence and fill knowledge gaps. 2. Global public goods and convening to develop and amplify good practices, foster collabora- tion across regional and global stakeholders, and support knowledge exchange. 3. Country and regional action through financial and technical assistance to realize inclusive and trusted ID and CR systems. The work of ID4D is made possible through support from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the UK Government, the French Government, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), and the Omidyar Network. To find out more about ID4D and access our other publications, visit www.id4d.worldbank.org. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA v FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Acknowledgments T his study was led by the authors of this report, Claire Casher and Julia Clark, under the guidance of Vyjayanti Desai and in partnership with the National ID Program (NIDP) of Ethiopia. The authors wish to acknowledge, with deep appreciation, the many people who contributed to this endeavor. This includes Lamia Naji (World Bank) for contributions to the primary research; Alicia Hammond, Niklas Buehren, and Victoria Esquivel-Korsiak (World Bank) for insightful peer review comments; the team at Laterite research firm for leading the focus group discussions and analysis; and Duina Reyes (World Bank) for the graphic design that brings these findings to life. The team is especially grateful to the individuals who participated in the focus group discussions and the representatives of civil society and private organizations who gave interviews and joined a valida- tion workshop. The study benefited greatly from all the perspectives shared throughout this process. This research would not have been possible without continued support from ID4D’s Multi-Donor Trust Fund partners, including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the UK Government, the French Government, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), and the Omidyar Network. vi Acknowledgments Executive Summary Gender and ID in Ethiopia Being able to prove who you are matters for equitable, sustainable development.1 Yet many people are unable to obtain official forms of identification (ID) that provide trusted proof of their identity in both the public and private sectors. 2 For women in particular, access to ID is a vital enabler of empowerment, agency, and mobility (Hanmer and Elefante 2019). Women are still less likely to have full-time jobs, more likely to work in lower-paying sectors, and overrepresented among those working in the informal sector (World Bank Group 2015). ID can serve as a gateway to greater agency and mobility by enabling access to digital financial services and innovative government-to-person payments that increase women’s control over their finances. In Ethiopia, women are approximately 15 percentage points less likely than men to have a kebele ID, according to the 2022 round of the ID4D-Findex survey. The kebele ID is a paper-based identity document issued by kebeles, the lowest administrative unit in Ethiopia. They serve as a de facto national ID for Ethiopia and are required to access many services and rights that require proof of identity or residence. A new ID system for Ethiopia—Fayda—presents an opportunity to address several inclusion issues, including the gender gap in ID. The Government of Ethiopia has launched a five-year pro- gram (2021–2026) to introduce an inclusive and trusted foundational ID system known as ‘Fayda’, which means ‘value’ in many local languages. The team implementing the project, the National ID program (NIDP), has already registered 3.8 million individuals and is currently scaling up to a national mass registration campaign. The program aims to register the entire resident population of Ethiopia by 2027. NIDP is committed to building an ID system that is inclusive for women and other marginalized groups. The team has partnered with ID4D to make Ethiopia the first case study in a forthcoming global series of studies on the gender gap in ID. This report is the product of that collaboration. 1 This has been widely recognized through Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Target 16.9: “to provide legal identity for all, including birth registration” by 2030. 2 ‘Official’ ID is provided by or on behalf of, or recognized by, governments, and includes both ‘legal’ ID (which provides proof of legal identity) and ‘functional’ ID required for a specific sector or purpose (for example, voting, travel, social security). CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 1 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Study Design The scope of this study encompasses both the existing kebele ID system and the forthcoming Fayda system—with the objective of identifying any issues or barriers in the current system to avoid replicating them in the new one. The following themes and questions guide this research: What are women’s experiences with the kebele ID system? • What is the value of identification (specifically the kebele ID) for women in Ethiopia? • What are the effects of not having a kebele ID for those women in Ethiopia who don’t? • What are the reasons that women in Ethiopia are less likely to have the kebele ID than men? • When evaluating barriers that prevent some women from getting a kebele ID, the following cate- gories are used: Legal and Policy Barriers, Social and Community Barriers, Economic and Procedural Barriers, Information and Knowledge Barriers. What are women’s perceptions of, and suggestions for, Fayda? • How do women in Ethiopia perceive the planned Fayda system? How was the experience of those who participated in the Fayda registration pilot? • What potential solutions could be implemented to close the gender gap in ID ownership with Fayda? The authors employed a mixed methods approach to answer the questions above. The study, which was conducted between January and July 2022, comprised a literature review, statistical analy- sis, stakeholder mapping, key informant interviews (KIIs), and focus group discussions (FGDs). The ID4D-Findex data are representative at the national level, allowing for novel quantitative analysis. Unfortunately, the qualitative data gathered is more limited in coverage, so some of the findings of this report cannot be extrapolated to all of Ethiopia. Nonetheless, this research represents an import- ant first step toward fully understanding—and closing—the gender gap in ID ownership in the country. Key Findings: Kebele ID System The kebele ID is widely considered the most important ID in Ethiopia—but it is generally seen as more salient for men than for women. Although there was agreement among research subjects that the kebele ID is the most important ID document in Ethiopia, KII and FGD respondents pointed out that the transactions it is important for are more relevant to men. For example, formal employ- ment often requires a kebele ID—but women are more likely to work in the home or the informal sector. The kebele ID does not come up in most women’s daily lives. Nonetheless, not having a kebele ID presents challenges for a person (man or woman) living in Ethiopia. Specific examples given by respondents of things that one cannot do without a kebele ID include the following: open a bank account, apply for a loan, buy land or a house, access public health 2 Executive Summary care, complete one’s education, vote, run for public office, and get a passport to travel abroad legally. Interview subjects from civil society organizations (CSOs) that serve rural women shared that for most of their beneficiaries, the first motivation to get a kebele ID is trying to open a bank account to partic- ipate in another program and finding that they lack the required proof of identity. The barriers to kebele ID ownership identified through this study can be grouped into four categories for analysis: Legal and Policy Barriers, Social and Community Barriers, Economic and Procedural Barriers, and Information and Knowledge Barriers. A summary of the barriers identified in each category are presented below. It is important to note that women are not a monolithic group, and the impacts of these barriers will vary for each individual. Barriers are also likely to be especially onerous for women belonging to marginalized groups whose other disadvantages are compounded by their sex. While this research does not explore all of these intersectionalities, it touches on a num- ber of compound challenges faced by women who are migrant workers and from low-income backgrounds. FIGURE 1: Summary of barriers in the kebele ID system LEGAL AND POLICY BARRIERS SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY BARRIERS › Laws are generally gender equitable in design, › Gender norms decrease women’s demand for but not always effective because of a lack of ID because formal identification is associated enforcement mechanisms. with maleness and working outside the home. › Laws do not always address the structural › Men’s traditional role as ‘head of household’ inequities beyond their subject matter, which is a particularly acute barrier to kebele ID limits their effectiveness in achieving gender ownership for women because registration is equity. done via the household. › Women can usually choose whether to get a kebele ID, according to respondents—but the ECONOMIC AND PROCEDURAL BARRIERS true extent of their agency is unclear. › The indirect travel and time costs of ID regis- tration are disproportionately burdensome for women. INFORMATION AND KNOWLEDGE BARRIERS › Even if they can make the trip, the registration requirements are often harder for women to › Women have less access to information meet than men—especially those who move about ID, because it is usually shared in from place to place. male-dominated settings like community › Kebele ID registration is tied to home meetings. ownership, which negatively affects women. › Women have less access to mobile phones › The price of the kebele ID is a barrier for and the internet than men. women, who have less money at their disposal › With less education and literacy on average, than men. it is harder for women who do want a kebele › Kebeles have much discretion in ID ID to navigate the process. administration, which can help or hinder women depending on their circumstances. Source: Authors’ analysis of quantitative and qualitative data and relevant literature. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 3 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Key Findings: Fayda This data was gathered in 2022, when NIDP was piloting Fayda on a small scale. Since then, the program has steadily expanded its registration campaign and communications efforts. Also, as noted above, the sample for qualitative research was not nationally representative. The perceptions summa- rized in this report should therefore be interpreted as a starting point for discussion rather than a definitive snapshot of public opinion. The benefits of digital ID and biometric identification are well recognized. All KII respondents noted that the use of fingerprints will be an improvement over the current system because it will solve the common issue of duplicate IDs and will strengthen authentication measures. They perceived the digital ID as more reliable and transparent than non-digital options. Respondents also expressed that digital ID will be integral to create efficiencies for data storage and sharing. There is skepticism as to whether Ethiopia is ready for digital ID. While KII respondents saw the theoretical value of a digital ID system, they were less confident that it would work in practice in Ethiopia. As summarized by one: “This ID is good for our country. For our growth, for planning, for any FIGURE 2: Summary of suggestions for gender inclusivity in Fayda SOCIALIZATION REGISTRATION PROCESS › Emphasize Fayda’s benefits, unique features, › Offset the unique indirect costs of and value as a human right. registration for women, especially relating › Deliver information about Fayda through to travel and childcare, as much as existing networks, with reinforcing campaigns possible. via mass media and information and › Eliminate any financial costs of communication technology (ICT). registration. › Be purposeful about the sexes of both the campaigners and the audience. › Create visible ‘role models’ for female participation in Fayda. PROGRAM MANAGEMENT ENABLING ENVIRONMENT › Seek input from women, especially in rural › Advocate for gender equitable legislation. areas. › Provide, or support existing initiatives for, › Tailor socialization and registration strategies digital literacy training for women. to each local context. › Look for synergies with other women’s › Collect sex disaggregated monitoring data. empowerment initiatives. › Set gender quotas for leadership groups. Source: Authors’ analysis of qualitative data. 4 Executive Summary purpose. But whether it will work genuinely, I don’t know.” Some KII respondents called into question whether the technical infrastructure in rural areas is sufficient to run the registration and authentica- tion processes. One CSO leader also questioned whether this should be prioritized at this time, given other development challenges in Ethiopia. Respondents in KIIs and FGDs shared many ideas on how to encourage gender equity in Fayda ownership and use, and the literature review yielded many solutions from other sectors that could be applied to ID. These are summarized in Figure 2 within four categories: ideas for socialization campaigns, ideas for the registration process, ideas for Fayda’s program management, and ideas for an enabling environment. Conclusion and Key Recommendations As Ethiopia’s first digital ID and foundational identity program, Fayda has a unique opportunity to close the gender gap in ID ownership. It is critical to understand the barriers contributing to the gap in kebele ID ownership, so that NIDP can proactively ensure they are not replicated in the new system. As Fayda moves from the piloting phase to a national scale-up, NIDP faces the important task of introducing measures to achieve this. While closing the gender gap in ID ownership will require many interventions on multiple scales, this concluding section focuses specifically on three things that NIDP can do in the short term to pro- actively include women in Fayda. Each recommendation is followed by the relevant key barriers identified in this report and suggested actions for addressing them. These recommendations would be complementary extensions of the efforts NIDP has already made to embody the Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development in Fayda. Recommendation 1: Promote the value of ID for women to the whole population. Barriers Actions Apply a gendered lens to use case development, prioritizing applications relevant to Perception that women do not è women. Craft clear messaging on the benefits of ID for women. Publicize examples of need ID (nationally or locally) prominent women using Fayda. Social structures that reinforce Engage religious leaders and agricultural extension workers in the design and delivery of è traditional gender norms/roles a socialization campaign. Fear of losing privileges Ensure promotions are delivered to men as well as women, possibly in separate sessions, è among some men and these sessions include time to field questions and concerns. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 5 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Recommendation 2: Communicate details about Fayda directly with women. Barriers Actions Information about ID is usually shared Share information about Fayda through women’s existing social networks, in male-dominated settings, in which such as the Women Development Army and Iddir insurance groups. Use such è women are less likely to actively partici- sessions for consultation as well as to deliver information (that is, two-way pate, even if they do attend communication). Women have less access to mobile Prioritize face-to-face information campaigns that target women at home or in è phones and the internet their social settings. Lower levels of education and literacy Offer dedicated registration assistance for women, provided by women. Have can make it harder for some women to è non-written delivery methods for key information and consent. navigate the process of obtaining ID Recommendation 3: Design registration to be accessible for women. Barriers Actions Use mobile registration campaigns to bring registration as close to the home as è possible. Partner with existing women’s networks (such as, cooperatives) and/or services è frequented by women (such as, health centers) to offer registration at locations Indirect travel and time costs of ID women already visit for other reasons. registration are disproportionately burdensome for women Consult with local CSOs when setting operating hours for fixed and mobile è registration sites to accommodate women’s schedules. Offer childcare services and meals at registration sites (if this is not feasible on è an ongoing basis, provide this feature at special registration events targeting women and advertise it). 6 Executive Summary Introduction Global Trends in Gender and ID Being able to prove who you are matters for equitable, sustainable development.3 Yet many people—particularly those living in lower-income economies and who are part of marginalized and vulnerable groups—are unable to obtain official forms of identification (ID) that provide trusted proof of their identity in both the public and private sectors. 4 Such IDs are often required for participation in economic, social, and political life; without them people may not be able to access social assistance, legal protection, education, or health care, open a bank account or obtain a SIM card, secure employ- ment in the formal sector, operate a business, or hold land or other assets in their own name. For women in particular, access to ID is a vital enabler of empowerment, agency, and mobility (Hanmer and Elefante 2019). Global progress in women’s economic empowerment has stagnated for over two decades. Women are still less likely to have full-time jobs, more likely to work in low- er-paying sectors, and overrepresented among those working in the informal sector (World Bank Group 2015). Women are also more likely to be unbanked and more likely to cite a lack of documen- tation as a barrier to accessing financial services (Demirgüç-Kunt et al. 2022). ID can serve as a gateway to greater agency and mobility by enabling access to digital financial services and innovative govern- ment-to-person payments that increase women’s control over their finances. The value of ID for women and women’s empowerment is evident, yet global data show a dis- tinct gender gap in ID ownership. The most robust measure of this is the ID4D-Findex data, collected as part of the 2022 round of the World Bank’s Global Findex survey.5 This shows that gender is one of the key predictors of individual ID ownership: all else being equal, people are less likely to have an ID when they have attained only a primary level of education, are female,6 live in a rural area, and are in the bottom 40 percent of the income distribution. These effects are greatest in low-income countries 3 This has been widely recognized through Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Target 16.9: “to provide legal identity for all, including birth registration” by 2030. 4 ‘Official’ ID is provided by or on behalf of, or recognized by, governments, and includes both ‘legal’ ID (which provides proof of legal identity) and ‘functional’ ID required for specific sector or purpose (for example, voting, travel, social securi- ty). 5 The latest round of the Global Findex survey was Findex 2021, but data collection was delayed in some countries— including Ethiopia—due to COVID-19. Data for Ethiopia was collected during a mop-up exercise in 2022. 6 The broader Global Findex survey uses a binary (male/female) classification for gender. However, based on research by Lebbos, Esquivel-Korsiak, and Clark (2021), Totapally et al. (2019), and others, we expect that gender minorities includ- ing transgender and non-binary people may also have lower levels of ID coverage in many countries. This may be due to discrimination, persecution, and/or burdensome documentary procedures. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 7 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS (LICs). However, while men are more likely to have an ID than women in LICs on average, there is sig- nificant variation by country.7 Figure 3 shows the 21 countries surveyed that have a gap in ID owner- ship between men and women greater than 5 percentage points. FIGURE 3: Countries with large gender gaps in ID ownership 7 The term country, as used in this note, does not imply political independence but instead refers to any territory for which authorities report separate social or economic statistics. 8 Introduction Gender and ID in Ethiopia Figure 3 shows that Ethiopia had one of the largest gender gaps in ID ownership as of 2022, with men approximately 15 percentage points more likely than women to have a kebele ID. This is an improvement from the results of Findex 2017, when men were nearly 20 percentage points more likely than women to have a kebele ID—but ID ownership is still far from equal. The kebele ID is a paper-based identity document issued by kebeles, the lowest administrative unit in Ethiopia. While these IDs vary in design and content across kebeles, they serve as a de facto national ID for Ethiopia and are required to access many services and rights that require proof of identity or residence. A new ID system for Ethiopia—Fayda—presents an opportunity to address several inclusion issues, including the gender gap in ID. The Government of Ethiopia has launched a five-year pro- gram (2021—2026) to introduce an inclusive and trusted foundational ID system known as ‘Fayda’, which means ‘value’ in many local languages. The system is being designed to adhere to the Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development8, of which inclusion is a central pillar. The aim is to accelerate Ethiopia’s transition to an inclusive and resilient digital economy, society, and government, including expansion of social safety nets, financial inclusion, and modernizing health care delivery. The team implementing the project, the National ID program (NIDP), has already registered 3.8 million individuals and is currently scaling up to a national mass registration campaign. The program aims to register the entire resident population of Ethiopia by 2027. TABLE 1: Comparison of the kebele ID and Fayda Kebele ID Fayda ID Function • Proof of address/residency • Proof of identity • Allows for manual identity verification in • Biometric deduplication ensures uniqueness of each Fayda ID person; cannot ensure uniqueness of holders holder and hard to verify beyond place of issuance • Enables new identification and authentication services (higher assurance, remote service delivery, and so on) Registration • In-person registration at local government • Multiple registration strategies (fixed local sites and mobile and Issuance • Fee charged (varies by location) units) • Registration and Fayda ID Number issued free of charge Eligibility • 18+ years • No age restriction (age threshold only applies for biometric • Individuals register as a member of a house- data capture) hold and provide proof of residence • Individuals register independently Required • Birth certificate required to prove parenthood • Biographic data can be evidenced through several types of Documents • Tenants require attestation from landlord documents, and applicants who cannot present any documents can use witnesses instead 8 https://www.idprinciples.org/ CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 9 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Foundational ID systems are broadly recognized as key enablers for inclusion and development. For people, the ability to establish and verify their identity is often a prerequisite for access to services and economic opportunities, such as social protection, health care, education, financial services, and employment. Proof of legal identity is also the basis for exercising rights, such as property ownership, and nationality. For governments and businesses, ID systems can serve as a platform for more effec- tive, efficient, and responsive service delivery by enabling the unique identification and verification of clients. Importantly, ID systems can promote greater inclusion by de-risking and reducing the costs of service delivery. NIDP is committed to building an ID system that is inclusive for women and other marginalized groups. The team has partnered with ID4D to make Ethiopia the first case study in a forthcoming global series of studies on the gender gap in ID. This report is the product of that collaboration. The research results were shared with NIDP on a continuous basis as the study progressed, and NIDP has been developing and adapting gender inclusion strategies based on these results and their own out- reach and communication channels. Upon closure of the study, NIDP and ID4D decided to publish this report as a resource for all stakeholders working to close the gender gap in ID ownership—in Ethiopia and elsewhere. 10 Introduction Study Design Research Questions The research questions motivating this study fit into two broad categories: current experiences with the IDs in Ethiopia and understanding and anticipated future use of the new Fayda. Although this research is forward looking, it is important to explore the current system to proactively avoid replicating any of its issues or barriers in the design of Fayda. As such, this research focuses mostly on experiences with the existing kebele ID systems for two reasons: first, it serves as a de facto foundational ID for Ethiopia because it is the most widely held type of document, and second, there is significantly more quantitative data available on the kebele ID than on any other type of document, allowing for much deeper statistical analysis. Fayda will not replace the kebele ID—the two will exist in parallel, with Fayda providing a foundational ID system and kebele IDs serving as proof of residence. The introduction of Fayda presents an opportunity to improve the overall accessibility of ID in Ethiopia. With this opportunity in mind, the following themes and questions guide this research: What are women’s experiences with the kebele ID system? • What is the value of identification (specifically the kebele ID) for women in Ethiopia? • What are the effects of not having a kebele ID for those women in Ethiopia who don’t? • What are the reasons that women in Ethiopia are less likely to have the kebele ID than men? • When evaluating barriers that prevent some women from getting a kebele ID, the following cate- gories are used: Legal and Policy Barriers, Social and Community Barriers, Economic and Procedural Barriers, Information and Knowledge Barriers. What are women’s perceptions of, and suggestions for, Fayda? • How do women in Ethiopia perceive the planned Fayda system? How was the experience of those who participated in the Fayda registration pilot? • What potential solutions could be implemented to close the gender gap in ID ownership with Fayda? CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 11 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Research Methods The authors employed a mixed methods approach to answer the questions above. The study, which was conducted between January and July 2022, comprised the methods listed in the first column of Table 2. The limitations of each method are noted in the third column. TABLE 2: Research methods Research Description Limitations Method Literature Reviewed and synthesized academic We did not find publications on the ID gender gap specifically, so created Review publications and development sector search terms that would yield applicable material from other sectors. This research relevant to the research widened the field considerably, so our review was not comprehensive. It is questions. possible that some relevant literature was missed. Statistical Using multivariate statistical analysis, The ID4D-Findex dataset is representative at the national level and can be Analysis tested the hypothesis that possession disaggregated by sex, age, and other key demographic indicators, which is a of ID was associated with marital status, valuable addition to the data landscape for ID research in Ethiopia. geographic location, education, income, However, it is not representative below the national level and cannot be and other demographic traits. Ran disaggregated by other demographic indicators, like ethnicity. Ethiopia is a vast logistic regressions using the Ethiopia federation with many ethnic groups, and any differences in women’s ID owner- sample (n for ages 18+ = 918) from the ship across regions and/or ethnic groups would be an important dimension to 2022 ID4D-Findex survey.a address in a gender strategy. Hopefully the availability of data will continue to expand over time, enabling extended analyses such as these. Stakeholder Applied web search, expert recom- Since mapping was done with convenience methods, some important stake- Mapping mendations, and snowball sampling to holders may have been missed. It would be beneficial to continue this exercise construct a list of stakeholder organiza- and expand the stakeholder list on an ongoing basis. tions working with and/or advocating for women in Ethiopia (as an input for KIIs).b Key Informant Conducted seven one-hour semi-struc- As with any interview, certain types of bias (such as social desirability bias and Interviews tured interviews with leaders of stake- confirmation bias) are possible. We believe this risk was sufficiently mitigated (KIIs) holder organizations. by predetermining and standardizing the interview format. The same applies to the FGDs in the next row. Focus Group Facilitated eight one-hour guided The FGD participant sample is not representative of the general population (it Discussions discussions with people (in all-female or is geographically concentrated and only includes PSNP beneficiaries), therefore (FGDs) all-male groups) who had participated in results cannot be extrapolated to Ethiopia as a whole. Further qualitative a Fayda registration pilot for Productive research to add breadth to the findings would be beneficial. Safety Net Program (PSNP) beneficiaries. Notes a ID4D first ran this analysis in 2022 on the ID4D-Findex 2017 dataset and shared these results with NIDP. When the ID4D-Findex 2022 data became available for Ethiopia in 2023, ID4D updated the analysis. The analysis presented in this paper is derived from ID4D-Findex 2022. b See Appendix 4 for list of stakeholders interviewed. The results of this data collection and curation were synthesized according to the research themes and questions above, which also mirror the structure of this report. Preliminary findings were pre- sented to NIDP in May 2022, after the KIIs were completed, and the team’s input at this stage guided the remainder of the study. Final data collection results were presented to NIDP at a workshop in Addis Ababa in August 2022. The feedback from that presentation has been incorporated into this comprehen- sive report, which also includes recommendations for how to apply the findings. NIDP has been actively applying these recommendations to its operations since 2022. For their latest initiatives, please refer to their website: https://id.gov.et/ 12 Study Design Key Findings: Kebele ID System Nature of the Kebele ID Gender Gap Men are more likely than women to own a kebele ID, and women without the ID report differ- ent reasons for not having it. As described above, the 2022 ID4D-Findex data show that among adults eligible for a kebele ID (ages 18+), men are approximately 15 percentage points more likely to own this ID than women. Since the sample was designed to be nationally representative, we were able to use these survey results to produce the first in-depth analysis of the responses from Ethiopia.9 Figure 4 shows sex-disaggregated values for ID ownership rates followed by the results of follow-up questions posed to respondents who do not have a kebele ID—their reported reasons for not having one and any difficulties they face as a result of not having one. For both follow-up questions, multiple responses could be given. Photo: ©Binyam Teshome / World Bank 9 Global trends from ID4D-Findex 2017 were analyzed in Metz and Clark 2019 but to our knowledge this is the first analysis of the data for Ethiopia specifically. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 13 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FIGURE 4: Kebele ID ownership, reasons for non-ownership, and difficulties of non-ownership, by gender (ages 18+) The reasons for those without a kebele ID not obtaining one vary by gender. As shown in Figure 4, men were much more likely than women to say that they do not have a kebele ID because they “already have another form of identification” (32 percent of men versus 8 percent of men), so it is unlikely that the gender gap found in this data is a false positive wherein women actually do have proof of identity in other forms (and in any case, the next section will illustrate the primacy of the kebele ID in daily life). It is also noteworthy that women were significantly more likely than men to say that the 14 Key Findings: Kebele ID System reason they do not have a kebele ID is that they “don’t have the required documents” (27 percent of women versus 9 percent of men). This quantitative finding supports the qualitative evidence that registration requirements are often harder for women to meet than men—especially those who move (presented below in the section ‘Reasons for the kebele ID gender gap’). FIGURE 5: Likelihood of having a kebele ID, by various characteristics Location, age, employment status, and sex are all predictors of kebele ID ownership and Figure 5 shows that, among these, sex has the most marked effect. The ‘0’ marker on the x-axis rep- resents equal likelihood of kebele ID ownership, and the point estimates for each variable show how much more or less likely one is to own a kebele ID if the trait in the y-axis is true, all-else-equal. The bars surrounding the point estimates are confidence intervals. If the confidence interval does not cross ‘0’, the difference in likelihood is statistically significant. Those who live in rural locations, are below the median age (30), are out of the workforce, or are female are less likely to own a kebele ID. All differ- ences are statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level—for a table of the regression results, see Appendix 2. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 15 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FIGURE 6: Gender differences in likelihood of having a kebele ID, other characteristics held constant The correlates with kebele ID ownership are not the same for women and men. Figure 6 shows separate point estimates for the women and men within each x-axis category (for a table of the regres- sion results, see Appendix 2). With this added detail we can see that some of the differences in Figure 5 are driven by one gender. By interpreting these graphs, we learn more about the following: • Age: The gender gap is similar below and above the median age of 30, suggesting that neither life events nor generational differences are likely causes of the gap. • Education: The likelihood of having an ID nearly converges for women and men who have secondary education or higher. Higher education may help women overcome the informa- tional barriers to ID ownership described later in this report, but the reverse is also possible: these women may have obtained ID because it was required for their studies. • Employment: The gender gap is similar in and out of the workforce. The qualitative research for this study found that formalized jobs that require proof of identity are usually associated with men, whereas women are more likely to do informal work. That does not contradict this 16 Key Findings: Kebele ID System graph—in the Findex data, being “in the workforce” includes formal employment, informal employment, and self-employment. • Income: The gender gap narrows slightly in the top 60% of earners, suggesting that income may play a role in overcoming the barriers identified in this report. • Location: The gender gap is similar in rural and urban areas, suggesting that the barriers identified in this report may be applicable regardless of location. • Marital Status: Married men are more likely than unmarried men to own a kebele ID, and married women are less likely than unmarried women to own one. A similar pattern was seen in the 2017 ID4D-Findex data. An analysis of that broader data (Metz and Clark 2019) posits that this is because when men get married, they take on head of household responsi- bilities which often require proof of identification. This likely holds true in Ethiopia. In summary, there is a clear gap in kebele ID ownership between men and women in Ethiopia. Statistical analysis reveals some patterns, but these correlations do not imply causation and do not provide in-depth information about women’s experiences. To identify possible reasons for the owner- ship gaps shown above, we used qualitative research methods. Before exploring these reasons, though, we will discuss the importance of the kebele ID (as described by research subjects) to put the ownership gender gap in context. BOX 1. NOTE ON ID4D-FINDEX 2017 DATA The analysis presented here draws on data from the ID4D-Findex 2022 survey, but these tests were first conducted with data from ID4D-Findex 2017 (before the 2022 data became avail- able). This report presents the 2022 data to provide the most current snapshot possible, but graphs and tables presenting the 2017 data are included in Appendix 3 for comparison. Between 2017 and 2022, reported kebele ID ownership rose for all groups, but differences between groups persisted. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 17 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Impact of the Kebele ID Gender Gap Value of the kebele ID for holders The kebele ID is widely considered the most important ID in Ethiopia, confirming its status as a de facto foundational ID (prior to the introduction of Fayda). FGD participants felt that owning one ensures mobility and identification. They offered many examples of situations where the kebele ID is currently necessary: traveling domestically (for security checkpoints), collecting PSNP benefits, receiving aid in case of emergencies, and accessing banking and telecommunication services. KII subjects, too, felt that the kebele ID is essential for civic participation and financial empowerment in Ethiopia. Fayda is envisaged to fulfill many of these roles in the future; the latest memorandums of understanding (MOUs) with service providers can be found on the Fayda website (id.gov.et). BOX 2. OTHER PROMINENT IDS IN ETHIOPIA Although FGD and KII respondents unanimously agreed that the kebele ID is the most import- ant ID document in Ethiopia, they also mentioned the following IDs when asked what IDs are relevant and useful: • Birth certificate (noted as important by urban respondents only, likely because it is issued at hospital births which are more common in urban areas) • Driver’s license • Health clinic attendance card (for women—used in family planning programs) • Health insurance card • Land ownership card • Militia ID card • Passport • Professional association membership card • PSNP beneficiary card • Student ID card • Saving account passbook. 18 Key Findings: Kebele ID System The kebele ID is generally seen as more salient for men than for women. Although there was agreement that the kebele ID is the most important ID document in Ethiopia, KII and FGD respondents pointed out that the transactions it is important for are more relevant to men. For example, formal employment often requires a kebele ID—but women are more likely to work in the home or the informal sector. The kebele ID does not come up in most women’s daily lives. Interviewees with civil society organizations (CSOs) told us that for their women beneficiaries, the idea of obtaining a kebele ID first occurs to them when they attempt something (such as joining a co-operative) that requires them to open a bank account, which requires a kebele ID. Otherwise, they said women—especially in rural areas—are largely unaware of their right to own a kebele ID and the benefits it provides. They told us that there has been a wave of successful human rights socialization campaigns in the past decade and suggested framing ID ownership as a human right, and therefore a women’s right. This could provide new motivation for women for whom the purpose of ID ownership is not evident. BOX 3. PROGRESSIVE VIEWS ON THE IMPORTANCE OF AN ID FOR WOMEN Although the majority view expressed was that kebele ID is more important for men, some FGD participants did argue that owning one is equally important for men and women. In fact, par- ticipants in all-female FGDs in Dodota expressed that owning a kebele ID is more important for women than men now, as new opportunities to work abroad or start a business become available to them. Clearly, while the view that kebele ID is more important for men is common, it is not universal. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 19 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Consequences of not having a kebele ID Not having a kebele ID presents challenges for a person (man or woman) living in Ethiopia. Specific examples given by respondents of things that one cannot do without a kebele ID include the following: open a bank account, apply for a loan, buy land or a house, access public health care, complete one’s education, vote, run for public office, and get a passport to travel abroad legally. The last example presents considerable risks for migrant workers driven to seek economic opportunities abroad. Generally, respondents viewed having an ID as very beneficial for social and economic mobil- ity in Ethiopian society. Furthermore, one KII respondent also described the kebele ID as tied to one’s safety and wellbeing: “That’s very important. Because it’s you, that’s your identity of who you are. So if you don’t have that, you will have a crisis. Security-wise, you are not safe. Nobody knows who you are. So it’s really important.” While these challenges are not necessarily gendered, they are experienced disproportionately by women since they are less likely to own a kebele ID. Other socioeconomic gaps for women are likely linked to the kebele ID. Despite recent positive trends (see, for example, UNICEF 2020; UN Women 2018), women in Ethiopia continue to lag men in employment, agricultural productivity, income, literacy, and health outcomes (AGIL 2019). Though there are myriad reasons for each of these gaps, there is good reason to believe that ID can play a role in closing them. For example, a 2019 diagnostic study by the Africa Gender Innovation Lab (AGIL) finds that most of Ethiopia’s gender gap in agricultural productivity is attributable to differences in levels of factors of production between male and female farmers (AGIL 2019). To narrow the gap, women need access to greater factors of production—one of which is credit. Female-headed farming households are 9 percentage points less likely to have access to credit than male-headed ones (AGIL 2019). We know that a kebele ID is required to open a bank account and access credit products. While the link is not causal, closing the ID gender gap can remove a hard constraint that many women may face to full economic opportunity in Ethiopia. 20 Key Findings: Kebele ID System Reasons for the Kebele ID Gender Gap The remainder of this report will delve into the reasons for the gap in women’s ID coverage noted above. As previously stated, it is important to identify the barriers preventing women from owning kebele IDs at the same rate as men, so that the new Fayda system can work to actively ensure gender parity and avoid replicating biases in the current system. We have grouped the barriers into four categories for analysis: Legal and Policy Barriers, Social and Community Barriers, Economic and Procedural Barriers, and Information and Knowledge Barriers. Each is described in detail below. It is important to note that women are not a monolithic group, and the impacts of these barri- ers will vary for each individual. Barriers are also likely to be especially onerous for women belong- ing to marginalized groups whose other disadvantages are compounded by their sex (see Box 4 for more on this). While this research does not explore all these intersectionalities, it touches on a number of compound challenges faced by women migrant workers and low-income women. Legal and Policy Barriers Overall, Ethiopian laws are equitable in design, and do not pose specific barriers for women related to ID. The Constitution legally guarantees that women are to enjoy equal economic, social, and political rights, and the National Women Policy and Women, Change and Development Strategy stress women’s rights and the need for women to participate in and benefit from socioeconomic develop- ment. Several codes and proclamations establish specific mechanisms to ensure women’s rights to equality and non-discrimination, and protect women from inequitable and discriminatory practices. Furthermore, Ethiopia has adopted international human rights instruments and global commitments on the rights of women, including the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing Platform for Action, and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Maputo Protocol) (UN Women 2014, 2018, 2022). However, these legislative advances have not been fully realized for two reasons: enforcement and context. First, laws that are equitable in theory cannot spur change if they are not adequately enforced in practice. One of the legislative reviews cited above adds a caveat that “the absence of effective mechanisms of enforcement, including mechanisms to investigate and remedy grievances of dis- crimination and abusive practices, weaken or invalidate the rights and protections guaranteed to women under the law” (UN Women 2022). A UN Women report on violence against women and girls concludes that while there is a sound legal and policy framework on this issue, enforcement has been insufficient due to poor capacity and limited awareness (UN Women 2018). The authors recommend dedicated training for law enforcement bodies on how to enforce each relevant piece of legislation. The same could be done for ID registration and use—but this approach requires resources. An earlier UN Women report found that resource allocation is a major hindrance to Ethiopia’s overall progress toward gender equity (UN Women 2014). The government and development partners must fund both CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 21 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS interventions and the data collection activities necessary to monitor their effectiveness. The same is true for Fayda. Second, to be effective legislation must go beyond its own provisions and address structural inequalities of the society where it will be applied. As summarized by UN Women, “laws that on their face treat men and women equally result in discrimination because they fail to address historical and institutionalized structures of inequality” (UN Women 2022). Writing a gender-conscious law is not enough; the law and/or regulations must also take special measures to level the playing field for women. Any law that does not proactively address inequalities will maintain and reproduce them. The above analysis echoes the sentiments of the KII respondents: while the kebele ID policy is equitable on paper, women do not have equal access to kebele ID in practice. According to KII respondents, there are no barriers to the kebele ID system for women in the law—only in practice. Some respondents noted that while it is more challenging for women to get the kebele ID than for men, these differences are not due to discrimination. They believe that the existing system is designed to be used by both sexes, and that barriers stem from issues with how it is implemented. They also believe that a significant portion of the gender gap in ID ownership is due to lack of demand from women, rather than supply-side issues. As noted above, many women do not feel the kebele ID is salient to their lives. The remainder of this section discusses some of the societal inequities that policy must address to change this. Social and Community Barriers Multiple social and gender norms were raised as barriers to obtaining ID in every FGD and KII conducted and are substantiated by existing literature. The AGIL defines social norms as “shared beliefs or informal rules about which behaviors are appropriate, typical, or desirable in a particular social group” and gender norms as particular social norms that “stem from and give root to the belief that men and women are and should be different in behavior, aspirations, status, and economic activity” (AGIL 2019). Although we did not find any publications about the impact of norms on ID registration specifically, there has been significant research on the topic in other sectors in Ethiopia. Table 3 presents the three common types of beliefs that inform gender norms according to AGIL, and our suggestions for ways they may contribute to the ID ownership gender gap in Ethiopia. 22 Key Findings: Kebele ID System TABLE 3: Beliefs that inform gender norms and potential relationships to ID ownership Beliefs How they may contribute to the ID ownership gender gap (from AGIL 2019) Gender role beliefs • Women are associated with the home and housekeeping tasks, men are associated with the outside world and income-generating tasks Ideas that associate some tasks and relational dynamics with men and others with women. women have less opportunities to use ID in their daily lives, and less access to outside information about ID Gender category beliefs • Belief that “women are more nurturing than men” used to justify women doing all care for children and elderly or disabled household Beliefs about shared characteristics of men or women, as members well as differences between men and women—“men are like X; women are like Y” or “men are good at X; women are women have less time to obtain an ID because of added household good at Y” and care responsibilities Gender status beliefs • Assumption that men should be the head of their household, and that the head of the household should be responsible for the kebele ID Hierarchical distinctions that attribute greater competence registration of all household members and authority to men women in most living situations lack agency to obtain ID independently People’s behavior is greatly influenced by the social and gender norms that are pervasive in their environment. While norms do not directly dictate behavior, they guide it in two ways. First, people abide by norms because they learn through experience that doing so results in social rewards, whereas challenging norms is socially sanctioned (AGIL 2019). Second, norms shape people’s prefer- ences by affecting their self-image and their perceptions of what options are available to them (AGIL 2019). When this happens at a large scale, we start to see patterns of behavior across a society—such as the fact that women in Ethiopia are less likely to obtain a kebele ID than men. The following para- graphs will outline social norms that we heard about in our qualitative research, and how the literature contextualizes these stories. Men’s traditional role as ‘head of household’ is a particularly acute barrier to kebele ID owner- ship for women. The kebele ID functions as both a proof of identity and a proof of residence: it shows which ‘household’ one belongs to, and where. Symbolically, this reinforces the association between ID and maleness, because males are culturally seen as the default head of household. Practically, it embeds men in the kebele ID application process. In most kebeles, new applicants register ‘under’ the record of an existing household and its head of household—which is usually a man. While many men in Ethiopia support the women in their households to obtain kebele IDs, the system still creates a possibility for the opposite to happen—and KII respondents did share anecdotes with us of women they worked with whose husbands would not consent to them obtaining a kebele ID. In these cases, we were told, kebele officials had to follow these men’s wishes, because they were the head of household. Gender norms decrease women’s demand for ID because formal identification is associated with maleness. On a broad scale, the literature suggests that patriarchy is embedded in Ethiopian society and thus women are unlikely to question the existing belief that ID is for men. While there is little published on ID specifically, research from other sectors finds that women in Ethiopia have internalized many inequitable gender norms (for example, AGIL 2019, Kapadia-Kundu et al. 2022, UN Women, 2014, 2018, 2022). Our KIIs supported these conclusions. Prescribed gender roles are also CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 23 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS influential. As mentioned earlier, ID is required for most employment and men are more likely to work outside the home. Women’s domain is within the household, and there is no perceived need for ID there. A full analysis of the roots of patriarchal norms in Ethiopian society is beyond the scope of this report, but some KII respondents did tell us that they feel that the gender roles described above are reinforced by religious structures (both Christian and Muslim) and by the agricultural way of life (and division of labor) in rural areas.10 One respondent also shared the opinion that recent advances in women’s rights advocacy (such as the Family Code of 2000, the Land Registration Act of 2003, and related campaigns) (AGIL 2019) have sparked fear and resentment in some men who worry what other privileges they may lose. This would be a threat to any effort to close the ID ownership gender gap. Women can usually choose whether to get a kebele ID, according to respondents—but the true extent of their agency is unclear. The literature review yielded nuanced results on women’s agency in Ethiopian society. A study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health about how couples in Ethiopia make family planning decisions found that while women are initiating and participating in household conversations more than in the past, men continue to control the final decision-making process either directly (by insisting) or indirectly (because women defer to their husband’s preference in the end) (Kapadia-Kundu et al. 2022). Yet, the women in the study counted these situations as ‘joint decision-making’ because they had participated (however minimally). When asked FGD participants if women would need a man’s permission to obtain a kebele ID, respondents in both the all-male and all-female groups said that a woman would tend to discuss the decision with her family and spouse but could make the final decision for herself.11 It is unclear to what extent these discussions, like the ones captured in the study cited above, influence women’s agency. Economic and Procedural Barriers The indirect travel and time costs of ID registration are disproportionately burdensome for women (Hanmer, Esquivel-Korsiak, and Pande 2021). Obtaining a kebele ID requires traveling to the kebele office in person, which is more challenging for women than for men. Many women in Ethiopia have limited mobility: depending on the local social norms and security considerations, it may be discouraged or downright dangerous for a woman to travel unaccompanied (UNCDF 2017). Even if the trip is possible, finding the time to make it is a major challenge. The time required varies but can be substantial, especially for rural residents with limited transportation options. In Ethiopia women have, on average, 16 hours less free time per week than men—and this gap is even greater in rural areas (UNCDF 2017). This is because, as discussed above, “gender norms 10 This hypothesis is also supported by Manlosa et al. (2019). 11 There were a few exceptions to this majority view. In two of the female-only groups, women mentioned that some- times a family may not give permission for its female members to obtain the kebele ID. They said the main reasons for this would be that the family saw it as unnecessary (given that women are predominantly engaged in activities that do not require ID), and that parents may fear that having ID would enable women to venture further outside the household and kebele (exposing them to more risks). 24 Key Findings: Kebele ID System delegate to women and girls the majority of domestic work, including child rearing, cleaning, food preparation, wood and water collection, and food production” (AGIL 2019). A recent time use survey found that women in Ethiopia ages 18–19 (the first years of eligibility for a kebele ID) spend 4.1 hours per day on domestic tasks, compared to 1.5 hours for men the same age (AGIL 2019). FGD respondents told us that childcare and household activities are the main challenges a woman faces when trying to get a kebele ID. They added that obtaining a kebele ID often requires multiple trips due to shortages of IDs or irregular service at the kebele office, which amplifies all indirect costs. Even if they can make the trip, the registration requirements are often harder for women to meet than men—especially those who move. Registration requirements vary from kebele to kebele, and FGD respondents noted that in general they are manageable (‘not too bureaucratic’). However, one more difficult scenario is moving to a new kebele and trying to obtain a new kebele ID there. The usual methods for identity verification are related to one’s roots in the community (witness testimony, presence in a household register, and so on). In the case of newcomers, KII and FGD respondents told us that most kebeles require a clearance letter from the kebele of origin—and that some will only issue a new kebele ID after some minimum months/years of residency has been reached. These are challenges for anyone who moves, but the problem is systemic for women, given that it is customary for a wife to move to her husband’s kebele after marriage in most areas. KII respondents who work with disadvantaged women told us that new brides are often unaware of the need for a clearance letter when they depart, and once they have arrived, they do not have time to make the trip home to get one because of their domestic duties. The same is true for the many young women who migrate to new kebeles to work as domestic servants and cannot afford to take time off. Kebele ID registration is tied to home ownership, which negatively affects women. One issue raised by most of the KII respondents was the requirement to own a home to register for the kebele ID. Applicants who rent their home must be sponsored by the property owner, and respondents believe that the owners are usually reticent to do this as it can be risky to take responsibility for a tenant whom they do not know well. While this is an issue for both sexes, including for many men who migrate to cities for work, respondents felt that it is key contributor to the gender gap in ID because of the increasing level of rural-to-urban migration by poor women and girls seeking economic oppor- tunities. Many girls and women take jobs as domestic workers with room and board, in which case their employer is the landlord who must sponsor them for a kebele ID. Even if they do not have land- lords, many migrant workers and other lower-income people live in informal housing or slum dwell- ings. These are not always recognized by the government as residential areas, and therefore do not have addresses that can be used for kebele ID registration. This point was reiterated by FGD respon- dents, who told us that not having a house number for the registration form posed a challenge. The price of the kebele ID is a barrier for women, who have less money at their disposal than men. The direct cost of a kebele ID varies, and whether it is affordable or not is relative to the appli- cant’s economic status. Some FGD respondents described the amount as “small,” while others said it was “a lot” and pointed out that the same birr could be spent on food or other dire necessities. One participant in her 20s from an all-FGD shared that, CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 25 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS “One of the challenges I faced during the process of getting a kebele ID was lacking the required amount of money (50 birr) … getting that much money is challenging, especially for those who do not have their own sources of income.” This highlights the crux of the issue: Ethiopia also has a gender gap in earnings (AGIL 2019). Women in Ethiopia are less likely to be paid for their work, and those who do work for wages earn 44 percent less per hour than men (AGIL 2019). Women who own business have lower profits, because of systemic barriers to their success (AGIL 2019). The net outcome, for this study, is that paying the kebele ID fee is disproportionately difficult for women. This limits their ability to apply for one inde- pendently. On top of this, FGD respondents told us that officials commonly request ‘facilitation pay- ments’—raising the overall monetary cost of a kebele ID. Kebeles have much discretion in ID administration, which can help or hinder women depending on their circumstances. A common theme expressed by KII and FGD respondents was that for appli- cants, everything hinges on their relationship with the kebele officials. This can be a challenge for women. Men, who tend to work and socialize outside the home, often have stronger relationships with the kebele officials and therefore exercise more influence—some respondents told us that a married woman cannot get a kebele ID unless her husband approves it. However, we were also told that powerful actors are able to work with kebele officials to get exceptions made, and this can be used to women’s advantage. For example, one respondent told us that given her strong social stand- ing she was able to get her kebele in Addis Ababa to issue an ID to her Tigrayan domestic worker, despite the applicant not having the required documentation. The respondents from nongovernmen- tal organizations (NGOs) told us that part of their strategy for assisting women is to accompany them to the kebele office during their ID applications to bolster their requests. All respondents agreed that accessibility largely comes down to kebele discretion—in the words of one, “If they want to, they give it to you, if they don’t want to, they deny you.” Information and Knowledge Barriers Women have less access to information about ID, which may contribute to their lower demand for it. In rural areas, the main channel for information sharing is community meetings organized by the kebele administration. As noted above, these community structures tend to be male-led and dominated. Respondents from some of the female-only FGDs highlighted this as a barrier to women’s participation: they said that women are often discouraged from attending community meetings out- side the home, or else from actively participating if they do go. A study in southwestern Ethiopia found the same phenomenon, and attributed it to gender role norms: 26 Key Findings: Kebele ID System “Exclusion from livelihoods and public activities were related. Strict responsibilities between livelihoods as men’s and domestic care as women’s provided justification for women’s limited mobility outside the home and their absence in public meetings. Consequently, their being restricted to homes and their inability to access information and meaningfully participate in community dialogues con- strained the building of their capacities and agency.” Manlosa et al. (2019). This has two repercussions. First, women may not receive the information shared at the meetings unless their male relatives share it with them—meaning they often do not hear news related to the kebele ID at all. Second, women’s views are underrepresented in community discussions—so existing assumptions about women and kebele ID are perpetuated. While attendance statistics for ID-related meetings are not available, this phenomenon has been documented across sectors. For example, the AGIL found that “female farm managers are 11 percentage points less likely to have attended [com- munity-level] extension programs than their male counterparts” (AGIL 2019). The study mentioned above found that when women attended public meetings, their knowledge improved (although their views were not necessarily heard at the meetings). The status quo for knowledge dissemination leaves women disproportionately uninformed about the value of having a kebele ID and the process for obtaining it. Women have less access to mobile phones and the internet than men (GSMA 2022, International Telecommunications Union 2021). Internet penetration in Ethiopia is about 12 percent and mobile phone penetration about 43 percent (AGIL 2019). These are relatively low rates, compared to neigh- boring countries, but women (especially rural women) likely have less access to these technologies than men due to limited resources and social norms (UNCDF 2017). Research by UNCDF found that 53 percent of rural women and 28 percent of urban women do not own a mobile phone or have access to one (UNCDF 2017). One study cited by the AGIL found that “while 46 percent of male-owned busi- nesses used mobile phones for business purposes, only 3 percent of female-owned businesses did” (AGIL 2019). For these reasons, mobile- or internet-based campaigns will not be an effective way to inform women about Fayda. With less education and literacy on average, it is harder for women who do want a kebele ID to navigate the process. A 2017 survey by UNCDF found that 32 percent of women who do not have a kebele ID cited “lack of knowledge of how to get one” as the primary reason for not having it (UNCDF 2017). Although remarkable strides have been made in closing gender gaps in educational access and achievement (Tesema and Braeken 2018, UNICEF 2020), significant disparities remain. The most CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 27 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS recent literacy statistics available show that as of 2017, 44 percent of adult women (ages 15+) were literate, compared to 59 percent of adult men (World Bank Group 2024). Many factors have contrib- uted to this unequal educational attainment over time: political instability and violence, cultural values, early marriage, domestic duties, and lack of school sanitation infrastructure, and so on (Tesema and Braeken 2018). Though trends are promising, with more girls enrolling in and progressing through school over time (UNICEF 2020), much of today’s adult female population in Ethiopia have low educa- tion and literacy. This deficit can inhibit their ability to get a kebele ID: respondents in female-only FGDs told us that communication is a major barrier during the registration process, and female appli- cants are often fearful to ask kebele officials for help. FIGURE 7: Summary of barriers in the kebele ID system LEGAL AND POLICY BARRIERS SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY BARRIERS › Laws are generally gender equitable in design, › Gender norms decrease women’s demand but not always effective because of a lack of for ID because formal identification is enforcement mechanisms. associated with maleness and working › Laws do not always address the structural outside the home. inequities beyond their subject matter, which › Men’s traditional role as ‘head of limits their effectiveness in achieving gender household’ is a particularly acute barrier to equity. kebele ID ownership for women because registration is done via the household. › Women can usually choose whether to get ECONOMIC AND PROCEDURAL BARRIERS a kebele ID, according to respondents— but the true extent of their agency is › The indirect travel and time costs of ID regis- unclear. tration are disproportionately burdensome for women. › Even if they can make the trip, the registration INFORMATION AND KNOWLEDGE BARRIERS requirements are often harder for women to meet than men—especially those who move. › Women have less access to information about › Kebele ID registration is tied to home owner- ID, because it is usually shared in male- ship, which negatively affects women. dominated settings like community meetings. › The price of the kebele ID is a barrier for › Women have less access to mobile phones women, who have less money at their disposal and the internet than men. than men. › With less education and literacy on average, it › Kebeles have much discretion in ID admin- istration, which can help or hinder women is harder for women who do want a kebele ID depending on their circumstances. to navigate the process. Source: Authors’ analysis of quantitative and qualitative data and relevant literature. 28 Key Findings: Kebele ID System BOX 4. INTERSECTIONAL EFFECTS Women from marginalized groups face even greater barriers to ID ownership. When assessing the gender gap in ID ownership, it is important to consider the intersection of wom- anhood and other identities. Women from marginalized groups will face even greater barriers to obtaining and using ID. Important factors to consider include the following: Marital status • Married women may face barriers from their husbands, as outlined above. Conversely, unmarried women may face barriers without a husband to field their application. • Widows would likely be given a kebele ID if they applied, but one KII respondent noted that widows are usually poor and therefore unlikely to apply for it (in their words, “If you are not economically empowered, you are not socially empowered”). Religion • As noted above, patriarchal norms within both Christianity and Islam pose challenges for women. • Some KII respondents also shared that Muslim women are less likely to have legal mar- riage certificates (necessary to claim various rights) because this community practices traditional marriage based in Sharia law and does not tend to obtain civil documen- tation. Ethnicity • Ethnic divides are of course a prevalent challenge in Ethiopia. Some KII respondents discussed how marginalized ethnicities, especially Tigrayans, face greater barriers when trying to obtain ID. Displacement • Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are by nature migrants lacking deep ties in their places of residence. They are also less likely to have documentation and proof of identity available to apply for a kebele ID. • One KII respondent believed that there are some cases of regions granting IDPs com- munities the power to form their own kebeles and issue their own kebele IDs. Migratory status • Migrant workers (often girls and young women) leave Ethiopia to pursue economic opportunities abroad with no ID or a forged ID, either because it is difficult to get the kebele ID or because they are underage at the time. • This means that they do not have legal status abroad and cannot return to Ethiopia legally. Some return through illegal meals, but most are eventually caught, detained, and deported. They arrive back in Ethiopia with no belongings (therefore no ID). They are usually traumatized and have forgotten or repressed their own name (if working in the Middle East, they are often given a Muslim name while there). With no identity they cannot get medical care (though they are physically and mentally ill) or establish new livelihoods. Their lack of ID also presents challenges for tracing their families. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 29 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Key Findings: Fayda W hen this data was gathered in 2022, the NIDP was piloting Fayda on a small scale. Since then, the program has steadily expanded its registration campaign and communications efforts. As of early 2024, NIDP is poised to significantly scale up its operations, aiming to regis- ter all residents by 2027. Public perceptions of Fayda, and NIDP’s strategy continue to evolve, but the insights provided here serve as a valuable reference for addressing the gender gap in ID ownership in Ethiopia and potentially in other contexts. Perceptions of Fayda Respondents did not identify any pros or cons of the Fayda system specific to women’s inclu- sion. Most KII respondents had heard of Fayda to some degree prior to meeting us (through the media or their professional networks), whereas all the FGD participants learned about it for the first time at the PSNP registration pilot. To ensure equal comprehension across all respondents, we gave a brief, standardized description of the program during all KIIs and FGDs before diving into the discus- sion. Everyone we spoke to could identify ways that Fayda would be good for Ethiopia, but there was also broad skepticism about its feasibility and necessity. No one named any specific benefits or draw- backs for women, even when we prompted for these directly. The benefits of digital ID and biometric identification are well recognized. All KII respondents noted that the use of fingerprints will be an improvement over the current system because it will solve the common issue of duplicate IDs and will strengthen authentication measures. They perceived the digital ID as more reliable and transparent than non-digital options. Respondents also expressed that digital ID will be integral to create efficiencies for data storage and sharing. The more commercial organizations were familiar with these technologies and emphasized that cross-border interoperabil- ity would be very important to them. FGD respondents had less-specific observations, but did agree that “better technology” would make Fayda “more important” than the kebele ID. There is skepticism as to whether Ethiopia is ready for digital ID. While KII respondents saw the theoretical value of a digital ID system, they were less confident that it would work in practice in Ethiopia. As summarized by one: “This ID is good for our country. For our growth, for planning, for any purpose. But whether it will work genuinely, I don’t know.” Some KII respondents called into question whether the technical infrastructure in rural areas is sufficient to run registration and authentication processes (“Maybe in 50 years,” said one). One CSO leader also questioned whether this should be prioritized at this time, given other development challenges in Ethiopia. In their words: “For the women 30 Key Findings: Fayda who do not have clean water, who do not have electricity, who do not have education: whether they get the digital ID or not—what is the use of it for them? They don’t even have the basic, basic necessities”. Interestingly, we did not hear these concerns from FGD respondents (though they may have been prone to positivity bias after having been introduced to Fayda via their social assistance program). Strategies for Closing the Kebele ID Gender Gap Respondents in KIIs and FGDs shared many ideas for how to encourage gender equity in Fayda ownership and use, and the literature review yielded many solutions from other sectors that could be applied to ID. These are presented below within four categories: ideas for socialization campaigns, ideas for the registration process, ideas for Fayda’s program management, and ideas for an enabling environment. As previously noted, the sample for this qualitative research is not nationally representative. The ideas put forward here should be seen as a starting point for a comprehensive strategy, to be enhanced and reinforced by broader consultations. NIDP has undertaken many such engagements since the time of this research, as outlined on their website.12 Socialization Emphasize Fayda’s benefits, unique features, and value as a human right. • Communications should frame having proof of identity as a human right, and therefore a woman’s right. • KII respondents recommended that the messaging about Fayda be integrated into other exist- ing trainings about human rights and economic empowerment, to make the connections clear. • Communications about Fayda should emphasize what makes Fayda different than a kebele ID, so that women do not transfer their beliefs about the kebele ID (that is, that it is irrelevant to them) onto Fayda. KII and FGD respondents both suggested this. • Communications about Fayda should highlight ways that women can use Fayda in their lives, so that they see it has value for them. • FGD respondents said that this would likely increase female registration rates. • An intervention aiming to prevent child marriage in Ethiopia found that emphasizing the bene- fits of delayed marriage was an effective strategy for convincing parents (Gage 2013). Highlighting benefits of ID ownership is likely to have a similar impact for Fayda. 12 Id.gov.et CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 31 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Deliver information about Fayda through existing networks, with reinforcing campaigns via mass media and information and communication technology (ICT). • Fayda socialization should leverage existing local networks. • KII respondents said it is best to deliver information through focal points at the kebele level (kebele staff or extension workers from the Women Development Army). They also recom- mended Iddirs (informal insurance groups) as a large network that women already participate in. • FGD respondents suggested communicating via schools, religious centers, PSNP work sites, PSNP benefit collection sites, social gatherings (for example, Iddir, Mahiber, Equb), and public meetings organized by the kebele office. • Leveraging female-centric networks and activities allows women to gather information about Fayda without challenging social norms in the process (UN Women 2020). • Information should be delivered face to face and this should accommodate women’s routines. • KII respondents said that for their organizations’ programming, they find it is best to go door to door and speak to women in their homes, because this accommodates their household duties. • FGD respondents also suggested peer-to-peer (word-of-mouth) and door-to-door knowledge dissemination. • When information is shared directly to women, it breaks the traditional flow of information from authorities to husbands to their wives. A study in southwestern Ethiopia found that when women accessed information directly (by attending trainings and meetings), their overall awareness of local issues increased, which led to shifts in attitudes—women and men alike started to expand their views on women’s role and competence (Manlosa et al. 2019). • Face-to-face campaigns can be complemented by mass media and ICT campaigns, but these must be specifically designed to reach women. • FGD respondents said media coverage about Fayda would help establish its legitimacy. • Mass media has shown to be effective in both raising awareness and changing attitudes in Ethiopia and beyond (Gage 2013). • Delivering information through these channels that can be accessed from the home can theo- retically unlock opportunities for women for whom time poverty and social norms are impedi- ments to leaving the house (UNICEF 2020). • However, given that one United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) report estimated that 74 percent of women and 62 percent of men in Ethiopia lack access to print, television, or radio (UNICEF 2020), social network campaigns should be prioritized above mass media (especially in rural areas). • ICT’s reach is also limited. As of 2020, internet and mobile phone penetration were estimated at 12 and 43 percent, respectively. Women are also less likely to have access to these technol- ogies than men due to limited resources and social norms. Therefore, any mass media or ICT information campaigns are likely to disproportionately reach and benefit men over women, unless they are specifically designed to overcome these disparities. 32 Key Findings: Fayda Be purposeful about the sexes of both the campaigners and the audience. • Information campaigns targeting women should be delivered by women. • KII respondents said communication is more effective if it comes from female peers, because women can empathize firsthand with the barriers and attitudes involved. One said: “If women are working on this issue, they are more… they feel it, you know. If you leave it to men, they don’t feel like us, you know. We are women, we know—we feel the pain. So we try our best.” • Information about the value of ID for women should also be delivered to men. • KII respondents said that such a campaign will not succeed if it is delivered to women only. Given the social structures and gender roles outlined above, most women will require buy-in from the men in their lives to participate in Fayda. Therefore, the men must also be convinced. A respondent told us that when she runs trainings on women’s rights and economic empower- ment with rural women in Ethiopia, the common response from the participants is: “Thanks to you guys now we know our rights, we know what to do. But to live peacefully, please give this training to our husbands.” • This is supported by the literature. An intervention aiming to promote the use of contraceptives in Ethiopia found that “to rectify the gender imbalance in couple communication and decision making, men and young boys need to be an integral part of gender-centered initiatives to promote gender equitable norms” (Kapadia-Kundu et al. 2022). Create visible ‘role models’ for female participation in Fayda. • Social exposure can ‘nudge’ women’s behavior. Fayda should encourage influential women from diverse communities to register for Fayda, because this will have a ‘ripple effect’ in their social networks—seeing one person challenge gender norms encourages the same behavior in others. • Female technical and vocational students in Ethiopia are more likely to register for lucrative but male-dominated fields of study if someone in their existing social network has already done so. A study on this found that “occupational segregation results just as much from a women’s social capital and exposure as it does from gendered social norms on what is ‘men’s work’ or not.” The study authors encourage schools to increase the presence of female role models and instruc- tors, which will create and reinforce pathways for women into lucrative industries/professions (UNICEF 2020). Registration Process Offset the unique indirect costs of registration for women, especially relating to travel and childcare, as much as possible. FGD respondents suggested minimizing participation costs for registrants by • Locating registration sites as close to people’s homes as possible and involving the local com- munity in choosing the site to ensure it is accessible and travel time is minimal (especially for women, who have less free time). CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 33 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS • Having more officers per site and backup solutions for electricity and connectivity issues, so that wait times are reduced and return visits are not needed. Again, this will benefit women who experience the greatest time poverty. • Offer either dedicated transportation or at-home registration for pregnant women (as well as the elderly and people with disabilities). • Another idea from the literature is to offer childcare during registration, either at a central location or at the registration site, so that young children are not a barrier to registration for the mothers responsible for them. Similarly, taking care of other domestic tasks could afford women the time needed to register—for example, the Fayda campaign could offer free meals on registration days (AGIL 2019). Eliminate any financial costs of registration. • FGD respondents appreciated that Fayda itself is free, but were concerned about transportation costs associated with getting to registration (which would be a greater barrier for women, who have less access to finances on average). They were particularly worried about this for unmarried mothers. They suggested reimbursing transportation costs. Program Management Seek input from women, especially in rural areas. • KII respondents highlighted that communication should flow two ways. The Fayda program should consult with women themselves and women’s organizations to learn about their needs and experiences. • This consultation should extend beyond the women that are relatively easier to reach, to ensure marginalized voices are heard. In the words of one respondent: “The women in Addis are not the case of the women in rural areas. Listen to your community. Go to the grassroots and talk to them, ask them.” Tailor socialization and registration strategies to each local context. • A UNICEF diagnostic report on gender equality in Ethiopia found that gender gap statistics and trends varied considerably across regions, with steady progress in Addis Ababa but slower prog- ress or even regression in Afar, Tigray, Somali, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (SNNPR), Amhara, Harari, Dire Dawa, Gambela, and Benishangul-Gumuz. The report recommended that strategies for tackling gender equality be made at the regional levels, rather than the national level (UNICEF 2020). • The study on preventing child marriage in Ethiopia, which also dealt with social norms and behav- ior change, found that pre-existing attitudes varied greatly across communities, therefore, the success of the intervention varied by location. The authors advised that “the uniqueness of each community needs to be understood in terms of cultural attitudes, socioeconomic conditions, community dynamics, and other factors that might affect the success of awareness-raising campaigns” (Gage 2013). 34 Key Findings: Fayda • Social norms about gender and ID will vary across regions, woredas, kebeles, and even households. NIDP’s strategy for closing the gender gap in ID with Fayda must be flexible enough to adapt to local situations. Collect sex-disaggregated monitoring data. • A UNICEF diagnostic report on gender equality in Ethiopia noted that “assessing the trends in gender equality revealed a myriad of challenges with data availability, quality and consistency,” which limited the degree of analysis and evaluation that could be done (UNICEF 2020). • One of the main surveys that UNICEF relied on, for example, could only be disaggregated at the regional level. UNICEF recommends that “disaggregation should include rural and urban areas within subregions, considering their size in order to understand disparities within regions” (UNICEF 2020). • Fayda should record and report sex-disaggregated registration and use data at the lowest gran- ularity possible (while protecting individuals’ data privacy rights). This will be vital for meaningful monitoring and evaluation of gender gaps. Create tools for gender equity to be administered at the registration site level. • Given that Fayda registration will be decentralized and involve collaboration with use case part- ners, NIDP will need a gender strategy that can be disseminated easily and managed transparently. • Two ideas from a UN Women report can be adapted for Fayda: • Create a gender toolkit for registration site managers. One of UN Women’s initiatives was a Toolkit for Parliamentarians that enabled politicians to “review sectoral plans from an informed gen- der perspective” (UN Women 2018). It was developed with the Ministry of Finance (MoF) and Ministry of Women Children and Youth (MoWCY) in 2018 and accompanied by capacity-building exercises. A Fayda registration version can include key information on gender barriers and how to address them, as well as a ‘checklist’ for the registration site with elements that should be present (seating area for pregnant women, female officer(s), private area for biometric data collection, and so on). • Create a performance rating tool for registration sites. To address the lack of accountability mech- anisms for Ethiopia’s gender-focused policies, UN Women worked with MoWCY to produce a performance leveling assessment tool that rates sectoral ministries’ and regional bureaus’ delivery of gender equality measures (UN Women 2018). Entities are given a score based on a set of criteria, and the scores are used to incentivize improvement. NIDP could develop similar criteria for registration partners (percentage of women registrants, availability of accommoda- tions for women, and so on) and run a campaign to showcase and reward top performers. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 35 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Set gender quotas for leadership groups. • A UNICEF report pointed out that “the Ethiopian land certification scheme required that land administration committees at the kebele level include at least one female member. The presence of female members in the land administration committees encouraged female-headed house- holds to participate in land certification” (UNICEF 2020). • NIDP has many female staff, but the ‘face’ of Fayda for most people will be the local-level team administering it. Gender quotas for these local teams would help ensure that Fayda reaps the same benefits as the land certification scheme. Enabling Environment Advocate for gender equitable legislation. • Many studies and reports discussed how recent legislative changes in Ethiopia have visibly and measurably narrowed gender gaps. • The Land Registration Act of 2003 is a prime example. It required the inclusion of wives’ and chil- dren’s names in the registration of land, which provided household members a legal claim to the land in the event of divorce or death of the male household head. • According to the AGIL, “a study across 15 villages in Ethiopia found that, combined with the Family Code revisions, the 2003 Land Registration Act shifted perceptions and social norms related to the division of assets upon divorce. While in 1997, only about 40 percent of women perceived that land would be divided equally between the husband and wife upon a no-fault divorce, this percentage increased to more than 80 percent by 2009. Similar patterns were found for the allocation of the house and livestock. Moreover, women and men who were aware of the land registration were more likely to report there should be a more equitable division of livestock and land upon divorce.” (AGIL 2019). • Studies did also point out, though, that these benefits were only realized in villages that were aware of the legislative changes. As noted earlier in this report, implementation and enforce- ment mechanisms are necessary as well. • Many KII respondents cited this legislation as a landmark moment that began to shift women’s status and empowerment, and much of the literature concluded that this kind of direct state ruling was a key driver of progress (AGIL 2019; Manlosa et al. 2019; and others). Provide, or support existing initiatives for digital literacy training for women. • As noted earlier in this report, middle-aged and elderly women in Ethiopia have, on average, less education and less access to technology than men. While digital literacy is not required to register for Fayda, it will be essential to take advantage of future use cases that will give Fayda its value for holders. To ensure that women register for and use Fayda at the same rate as men, it will be important to ‘level the playing field’ of digital literacy. 36 Key Findings: Fayda • Informal education and trainings could achieve this, but research shows that time and social con- straints prevent women from taking part in adult education: 70 percent of illiterate men are enrolled in adult education programs, but only around 40 percent of illiterate women (AGIL 2019). • AGIL suggests offering financial incentives to offset time costs associated with attendance and transit. • If NIDP does not have the scope or mandate to offer this training, they could partner with organi- zations that do similar work to help develop relevant curriculum content. Look for synergies with other women’s empowerment initiatives. • The roots of gender norms are complex and solutions for gender gaps are multifaceted. Progress in one arena can create advances in others. For example: • Increasing access to education shifts fertility preferences. When Ethiopia implemented universal primary education policies in the 1990s (making primary education free), women’s schooling increased. This had another effect: “a one-year increase in schooling was associated with a 0.34 drop in women’s ideal family size.” Having less children affords women more time, either for employment or other pursuits (AGIL 2019). • Affordable, accessible childcare opens up workforce opportunities for women. In Kenya, a program that subsidized early childcare (ECC) fees for mothers living in a Nairobi slum led mothers to feel more eager to send their children to ECC centers. Women who received subsidized ECC were 17 percent more likely to be employed than those who did not receive it (AGIL 2019). • Of course, closing all the gender gaps in Ethiopia is well beyond the scope of NIDP’s program. However, in interactions with other government bodies, NIDP should take note of any initiatives that may have an indirect effect on women’s demand for ID, or ability to access it. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 37 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusion and Key Recommendations S tarting from the fact that men are approximately 15 percentage points more likely to own a kebele ID card—the current de facto proof of identity in Ethiopia—this report has exam- ined the nuances of that gap, the impact it has on women, and the barriers that contribute to it. New primary data collection and deeper engagement with the 2022 ID4D-Findex survey results have yielded novel insights, especially with regard to the reasons for the gap. As Ethiopia’s first digital ID and foundational identity program, Fayda has a unique opportunity to close the gender gap in ID ownership. It is critical to understand the barriers contributing to the gap in kebele ID ownership, so that NIDP can proactively ensure they are not replicated in the new system. As Fayda moves from the pilot phase to a national scale-up, NIDP is at a critical juncture to introduce measures to achieve this. While closing the gender gap in ID ownership will require many interventions on multiple scales, this concluding section focuses specifically on three things that NIDP can do in the short term to proactively include women in Fayda. Each recommendation is followed by the relevant key barriers identified in this report and suggested actions for addressing them. These recommendations would be complementary extensions of the efforts NIDP has already made to embody the Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development in Fayda. Recommendation 1: Promote the value of ID for women to the whole population. Barriers Actions Apply a gendered lens to use case development, prioritizing applications rele- Perception that women do not need ID è vant to women. Craft clear messaging on the benefits of ID for women. Publicize examples of (nationally or locally) prominent women using Fayda. Social structures that reinforce tradi- Engage religious leaders and agricultural extension workers in the design and è tional gender norms/roles delivery of a socialization campaign. Fear of losing privileges among some Ensure promotions are delivered to men as well as women, possibly in separate è men sessions, and that delivery includes time to field questions and concerns. 38 Conclusion and Key Recommendations Recommendation 2: Communicate details about Fayda directly with women. Barriers Actions Information about ID is usually shared Share information about Fayda through women’s existing social networks, in male-dominated settings, in which such as the Women Development Army and Iddir insurance groups. Use such è women are less likely to actively partici- sessions for consultation as well as to deliver information (that is, two-way pate even if they do attend communication). Women have less access to mobile Prioritize face-to-face information campaigns that target women at home or in è phones and the internet their social settings. Lower levels of education and literacy Offer dedicated registration assistance for women, provided by women. Have can make it harder for some women to è non-written delivery methods for key information and consent. navigate the process of obtaining ID Recommendation 3: Design registration to be accessible for women. Barriers Actions Use mobile registration campaigns to bring registration as close to the home as è possible. Partner with existing women’s networks (that is, cooperatives) and/or services è frequented by women (that is, health centers) to offer registration at locations Indirect travel and time costs of ID women already visit for other reasons. registration are disproportionately burdensome for women Consult with local CSOs when setting operating hours for fixed and mobile è registration sites to accommodate women’s schedules. Offer childcare services and meals at registration sites (if this is not feasible on è an ongoing basis, provide this feature at special registration events targeting women and advertise it). CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 39 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Bibliography AGIL (Africa Gender Innovation Lab). 2019. Ethiopia Gender Diagnostic Report: Priorities for Promoting Equity. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/31420 Demirgüç-Kunt, A., L. Klapper, D. Singer, and S. 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World Bank Group Gender Strategy (FY16-23): Gender Equality, Poverty Reduction and Inclusive Growth. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/23425 World Bank Group. 2024. DataBank: Ethiopia Profile. https://data.worldbank.org/country/ethiopia CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 41 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS APPENDIX 1: ID4D-Findex Questions FIN48. Do you personally have a kebele ID13? Barriers CIRCLE ONE RESPONSE: ROUTE: Yes 1 (Continue) No 2 (DK) 3 (Skip to FIN50/Text before WP19539) (Refused) 4 FIN49. Have you ever used your kebele ID to do any of the following? (Programmer: Randomly rotate FIN49A-FIN49D) Yes Yes No (DK) (Refused) FIN49A. To apply for a government service 1 2 3 4 FIN49B. To receive financial support from the government 1 2 3 4 FIN49C. To use financial services 1 2 3 4 (FIN49D. To apply for a SIM card/mobile phone service 1 2 3 4 13 This is the question text for Ethiopia; in each survey country the name of that country’s foundational ID or compara- ble equivalent was used. 42 Appendix 1: ID4D-Findex Questions FIN50. Please tell me whether each of the following is A REASON why you do not have a kebele ID? Is it because… (Programmer: Display FIN50A first and then randomly rotate FIN50B-FIN50D)? Yes Yes No (DK) (Refused) FIN50A. You have another form of identification 1 2 3 4 FIN50B. You don't need an ID for any purpose 1 2 3 4 FIN50C. It is too difficult to apply 1 2 3 4 FIN50D. You don't have the necessary documents 1 2 3 4 FIN48. Have you ever NOT been able to do any of the following because you did NOT have the necessary identification documents? (Programmer: Randomly rotate FIN48A-FIN48D) Yes Yes No (DK) (Refused) FIN48A. Apply for a government service 1 2 3 4 FIN48B. Receive financial support from the government 1 2 3 4 FIN48C. Use financial services 1 2 3 4 FIN48D. Apply for a SIM card/mobile phone service 1 2 3 4 CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 43 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS APPENDIX 2: ID4D-Findex 2021-2022 Results Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Respondent Has a Kebele ID has_id survey-weighted survey-weighted logistic normal (1) (2) Female −1.454*** −0.139*** (0.295) (0.025) Bottom 40% of income −0.683*** −0.073** (0.248) (0.029) Out of workforce −0.441* −0.053 (0.267) (0.034) Primary school or less −0.655** −0.047** (0.318) (0.023) Below median age −0.511** −0.053* (0.258) (0.032) Unmarried 0.199 0.028 (0.281) (0.031) Rural 0.019 0.001 (0.278) (0.029) Constant 3.951*** 1.028*** (0.445) (0.024) Observations 918 918 Log Likelihood −328.651 −382.489 Akaike Inf. Crit. 673.303 780.979 Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01 Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Source: ID4D Findex Data (2022). 44 Appendix 2: ID4D-Findex 2021-2022 Results Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Respondent Has a Kebele ID has_id (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) -0.177 women:rural (0.653) 0.385 women:poor40 (0.603) women:emp_outwork- 0.291 force (0.630) -1.925*** women:edu_prim (0.650) 0.347 women:under25 (0.649) 1.594** women:unmarried (0.642) -1.677*** -1.563*** 0.178 -1.557*** -2.043*** -1.400*** women (0.446) (0.365) (0.554) (0.382) (0.419) (0.346) -0.984* -0.679*** -0.706*** -0.676*** -0.660*** -0.683*** poor40 (0.519) (0.249) (0.248) (0.251) (0.249) (0.248) -0.438* -0.671 -0.458* -0.438 -0.440 -0.441* emp_outworkforce (0.266) (0.568) (0.270) (0.268) (0.268) (0.267) -0.643** -0.647** 0.533 -0.648** -0.642** -0.657** edu_prim (0.313) (0.318) (0.516) (0.322) (0.315) (0.316) -0.499* -0.505* -0.538** -0.782 -0.368 -0.504* under25 (0.262) (0.260) (0.260) (0.559) (0.268) (0.259) 0.200 0.201 0.207 0.228 -0.996* 0.196 unmarried (0.280) (0.282) (0.282) (0.290) (0.551) (0.284) 0.023 0.021 -0.001 0.006 0.027 0.149 rural (0.277) (0.276) (0.281) (0.278) (0.285) (0.553) 4.114*** 4.022*** 3.026*** 4.017*** 4.375*** 3.908*** Constant (0.563) (0.469) (0.446) (0.432) (0.471) (0.483) Observations 918 918 918 918 918 918 Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01 Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Source: ID4D Findex Data (2022). CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 45 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS APPENDIX 3: ID4D-Findex 2017 Results 46 Appendix 3: ID4D-Findex 2017 Results CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 47 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Respondent Has a Kebele ID has_id survey-weighted survey-weighted logistic normal (1) (2) -0.872*** -0.178*** Female (0.204) (0.039) -0.667*** -0.144*** Bottom 40% of income (0.190) (0.040) -0.556** -0.119** Out of workforce (0.236) (0.048) -1.070*** -0.172*** Primary school or less (0.272) (0.041) -0.325 -0.070* Below median age (0.203) (0.041) -0.275 -0.046 Unmarried (0.221) (0.043) -2.115*** -0.273*** Rural (0.429) (0.037) 4.697*** 1.269*** Constant (0.575) (0.057) Observations 931 931 Log Likelihood -529.829 -652.265 Akaike Inf. Crit. 1,075.658 1,320.529 Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01 Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Source: ID4D Findex Data (2017). 48 Appendix 3: ID4D-Findex 2017 Results Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Respondent Has a Kebele ID has_id (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) -1.589* women:rural (0.832) -0.194 women:poor40 (0.385) 1.504*** women:emp_outworkforce (0.562) -0.596 women:edu_prim (0.494) 1.082*** women:under25 (0.416) 1.478*** women:unmarried (0.448) -0.778*** -1.100*** -0.335 -1.603*** -1.304*** 0.677 women (0.273) (0.218) (0.453) (0.371) (0.242) (0.817) -0.559* -0.648*** -0.672*** -0.690*** -0.700*** -0.672*** poor40 (0.311) (0.191) (0.191) (0.194) (0.194) (0.192) -0.562** -1.702*** -0.544** -0.548** -0.476** -0.554** emp_outworkforce (0.237) (0.510) (0.237) (0.241) (0.236) (0.237) -1.074*** -1.153*** -0.777* -1.033*** -1.108*** -1.083*** edu_prim (0.271) (0.276) (0.396) (0.268) (0.273) (0.271) -0.322 -0.360* -0.320 -0.905*** -0.127 -0.323 under25 (0.203) (0.204) (0.203) (0.344) (0.208) (0.203) -0.272 -0.241 -0.268 -0.114 -1.128*** -0.285 unmarried (0.222) (0.225) (0.223) (0.221) (0.369) (0.224) -2.104*** -2.142*** -2.104*** -2.156*** -2.024*** -1.021 rural (0.429) (0.415) (0.432) (0.441) (0.419) (0.671) 4.630*** 4.919*** 4.421*** 5.044*** 4.755*** 3.640*** Constant (0.597) (0.562) (0.641) (0.616) (0.556) (0.739) Observations 931 931 931 931 931 931 Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01 Logit (1) and OLS (2) models using survey weights and design-based standard errors. Source: ID4D Findex Data (2017). CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 49 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS APPENDIX 4: Key Informant Interview Sample Organization Type Center for Accelerated Women’s Economic Empowerment (CAWEE) Trade promotion organization for women-owned export SMEs. Private sector association https://cawee-ethiopia.com/ Enat Bank Commercial bank that caters to all income levels with a special focus on women and removing barriers to credit. Bank 64% of the 17,000 shareholders are women and women hold most leadership positions. https://www.enatbanksc.com/ Ethiopian Women Exporters Association (EWEA) Trade promotion organization for grassroots-level women-owned small enterprises seeking to export. Private sector association (No website) Good Samaritan Association (GSA) NGO that runs a rehabilitation shelter for returning migrant workers in Gulele district, Addis Ababa. NGO https://gsaethiopia.org/ New Millennium Women Empowerment Organization (NMWEO) NGO that runs women’s cooperatives (4,780 members) and girls’ clubs (12 total) in both urban and rural areas in several regions. Holistic programs that address environmental issues, gender-based violence (GBV), economic NGO empowerment. http://nmweo.org/ Tarkanfi Sustainable Development (TSD) NGO that runs education/support programs for 900+ women and 200+ girls in Special Zone Finfinne (disadvan- NGO taged area immediately outside Addis Ababa), including IDPs. https://tsdethiopia.org/ Union of Ethiopian Women and Children Associations (UEWCA) Consortium of 70 CSOs aiming for socioeconomic empowerment and reduction of cultural and traditional barri- CSO association ers for the improvement of the living situation of women/girls. https://uewca.org/ 50 Appendix 4: Key Informant Interview Sample APPENDIX 5: Focus Group Discussion Sampling Context and Method During the Fayda registration pilot for PSNP beneficiaries, the data collection firm Laterite was com- missioned to conduct a short survey of a random sample of the registrants as they exited the registra- tion site (as well as a survey of the registration officers working at the site). A complementary qualitative study based on a set of focus group discussions (FGDs) was implemented with a small sample of people who were part of the pilot and registered for the ID, successfully or not (referred as ‘registrants’ in the rest of the document). Eight of these FGDs focused specifically on gender, with all-men or all- women groups and some gender-specific questions. The individuals invited to participate in the FGDs completed either a registrant survey or an FGD recruitment survey at the registration site and agreed to be contacted about participation in the FGDs. Participants of the FGD sessions were selected from a list created with data from the FGD recruitment survey and the registrant exit survey. To ensure that we were capturing the experiences of people from different kebeles, we had no FGDs with participants from the same kebele, with the exception of the pilot FGD and the first regular FGD organized in Ancha Chefa kebele, Boricha woreda in Sidama. The remaining FGDs were conducted with registrants and/or residents from different kebeles. The data collection process for the FGDs started with contacting kebele development agents (DAs)14 and discussing with them the list of potential participants (that was drawn from registrant survey and FGD recruitment form data). We then conducted appointment calls for those potential participants who own a mobile phone or met with kebele leaders or kebele leader-designated guides to find and arrange interviews with the target individuals. We conducted one FGD session per day at a central location in each kebele. 14 DAs are trained experts who work closely with farmers in their kebele and facilitate the implementation of agricul- tural packages/activities through training and follow up. CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ID OWNERSHIP IN ETHIOPIA 51 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Distribution Number of FGD Number of Region Woreda Kebele Type of Group Sessions participants Hanja Chefa 1 8 All-Men Sidama Boricha Kunture Chefa 1 8 All-Women Awash Bishola 1 9 All-Women Dodota Tadacha Guracha 1 7 All-Men Dilfekar 1 8 All-Women Oromia Dibi Qalo 1 8 All-Women Adama Zurya Qalbo Maryam 1 8 All-Men Gadamsa Kurfa 1 8 All-Women Total 8 64 52 Appendix 5: Focus Group Discussion Sampling