73013 Regional Development: Lessons from International Experience Applicable for Kazakhstan Sebnem Akkaya, World Bank Country Manager for Kazakhstan For over a century, countries around the globe have been attempting to influence the location of economic development within their territories. Some of these efforts are aimed at slowing migration to rapidly growing cities; others at stimulating growth in lagging regions or responding to tensions in regions with minority populations. The World Bank has acquired considerable experience in the course of advising governments on these issues. This has yielded three overall findings. The first concerns the objective of regional development. International experience and the vast literature on economic geography suggest that as Kazakhstan transforms itself from a middle income country to a high income country, the spatial distribution of economic activity will continue to be uneven. Growth will be concentrated in a few leading cities and regions, as firms take advantage of agglomeration economies and workers migrate seeking higher wages. As a result, attempting to slow the growth of cities or steer economic growth to lagging regions could jeopardize economic growth. The objective of regional policy is therefore not to equalize levels of economic activity throughout the national territory but rather to ensure the free flow of labor and capital to regions where it is most productive. This does not mean that lagging regions should be ignored. The Government needs to ensure that people in poor regions—as well as rich ones--have the education and skills necessary to acquire productive jobs, either at home or elsewhere. To this end, the Government may need to increase spending on education and active labor market policies in lagging regions. The Government may also need to provide an adequate social safety net for people in lagging regions who are too old (or young) to migrate. Thus the Government will need to continue to fund pensions for the elderly in lagging regions. And the Government needs to ensure that economic potential of lagging regions is fully exploited, as I will discuss in a moment. But the Government should not attempt to make every village another Silicon Valley. The second finding concerns the instruments of regional policy. Much of the discussion of regional policies focuses on the use of geographically-targeted subsidies or financing aimed at encouraging investment in lagging regions. But the World Bank’s experience shows that this emphasis is too narrow. The most important policies that affect the growth of a region may not be those that are geographically targeted. Instead they may be policies that have no explicit geographical objective at all. These can include national tariff policies, which can favor or hamper sectors in which particular regions have a comparative advantage. They can include the investment priorities of national sectoral ministries—particularly the agencies responsible for transport investments. They may include the system of intergovernmental transfers, which critically affects the ability of subnational governments—oblasts, cities, towns, and rayons--to provide social services—particularly education--in poor regions. The third finding concerns the design of regional development financing mechanisms. While regional development grants play, at best, an ancillary role in the economic development of lagging regions, they can be an important source of financing. Such mechanisms can take a variety of forms. Central government sectoral ministries may operate grant programs for subnational governments in their respective sectors. Special discretionary funds may be available through the office of the national executive. Some governments create separate multi- sectoral investment funds for subnational local government investments. The World Bank has 1 financed large numbers of this last type of instrument, chiefly in the form of municipal development funds—MDFs. These typically create a pool of funds to be on-lent or granted to local jurisdictions for projects that meet specific criteria. Often, access to these funds also requires broader institutional reforms on the part of the recipient local government. What have we learned? First, we have learned that the project selection process is key. Project funding decisions are always vulnerable to political pressures. To counter this pressure, project selection criteria have to be precise. In World Bank-financed MDFs, funding is often limited to a short ‘positive list’ of sectors: local road improvements, water supply and sewerage systems, classroom construction, and so forth. Within each of these sectors, criteria for evaluation are clearly spelled out, often in a manual. Economic, as well as engineering and financial evaluations are required. This ensures that funds are directed toward projects with high economic returns; for example toward paving the most congested segments of the secondary road network or expanding the schools that have double or triple sessions. Second, access to less rigorous sources of financing has to be restrained. An MDF will not be the only source of potential funding for local investments. As I mentioned earlier, there may be programs financed by central government sectoral ministries. There might be other municipal infrastructure programs—either donor-financed or government-financed. If these funds are available on less rigorous terms, the demand for funding from the new MDF will be limited. The creation of a new form of financing for subnational investments may therefore require reforms in the old ones as well. Finally, the World Bank has learned that MDFs may require reforms at the local level. Local governments vary in their capacity to prepare ‘bankable’ projects. Larger, richer local governments have experience doing so—or can hire consultants to do it for them. Smaller, poorer jurisdictions cannot. As a result, the Government will need to provide technical assistance to the jurisdictions that require it. But broader institutional reforms may also be required. Corruption can be a threat in some environments. Procedures for handling money and tying disbursements to physical progress have to be in place. But some World Bank projects have been too ambitious in linking access to funds to broader institutional or procedural reforms. They required not only good projects and sound financial controls, but also a ‘municipal development strategy’ or a long term financial plan. Sometimes the only result has been a flurry of work for consultants, who produce reports that are rarely used. Therefore, it is important to tailor the ambitions of a municipal development fund to match the capacity of the clients. 2