JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA CASE STUDY Job Creation Potential of the Clean Energy Transition JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 1 JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA CASE STUDY Job Creation Potential of the Clean Energy Transition ABOUT ESMAP The Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP) is a partnership between the World Bank and over 20 partners to help low- and middle-income countries reduce poverty and boost growth through sus- tainable energy solutions. ESMAP’s analytical and advisory services are fully integrated within the World Bank’s country financing and policy dialogue in the energy sector. Through the World Bank, ESMAP works to acceler- ate the energy transition required to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 7 (SDG7), which ensures access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and modern energy for all. It helps shape World Bank strategies and pro- grams to achieve the World Bank’s Climate Change Action Plan targets. Learn more at: https://www.esmap.org. © November 2023 | International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org This work is a product of the World Bank, with contributions given by the staff and consultants listed in the acknowledgments. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of the World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of the World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. 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Contents Acknowledgments v About this Report vi Acronyms vii Key Findings viii 1. Introduction 1 2. Overview of the Rampur Hydropower Project 5 3. Overview of the Labor Market 13 4. Quantification of Jobs 17 5. Results 23 6. Conclusion 39 References 43 JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA iii List of Tables and Figures List of Tables  verview of Resettlement, Rehabilitation, and Community Development Table 1. O Initiatives 8  elected Indicators, Targets, and Achievement for Key Project Development Table 2. S Objectives of Rampur Hydropower Project 9 Table 3. Summary of Data Sources 19 Table 4. Direct Jobs Resulting from Rampur Hydropower Project 24 Table 5. Person-years of Employment by Type for Rampur Hydropower Project 32 List of Figures Figure 1. Theory of Change for Component 1 of the Rampur Hydropower Project 41 List of Boxes mprovements in Living Standards Attributable to the Resettlement and Box 1. I Community Development Activities 35 iv  ONTENTS C Acknowledgments This work was made possible by the Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP) with financial support from the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark. ESMAP is a partnership between the World Bank and 19 donors to help low- and middle-income countries reduce poverty and boost growth through sustainable energy solutions. The report was prepared by a team coordinated by Zuzana Dobrotková (Senior Energy Specialist) and comprising of Sheoli Pargal (Lead Energy Economist), Anna Aghababyan (Senior Operations Officer) and Anders Pedersen (Senior Energy Specialist). The work was initiated under the guidance of Rohit Khanna (Practice Manager, ESMAP) and completed under Gabriela Elizondo Azuela (Practice Manager, ESMAP), with overall strategic direction provided by Demetrios Papathanasiou (Global Director, Energy and Extractives Global Practice). A team from the consulting company Mathematica, consisting of Faraz Usmani, Duncan Chaplin, Patricia Costa, Sarah Leser, and Sara Bryk, collected background material and conducted upstream research for this case study. The team acknowledges the important inputs, insights and assistance received from Rohit Mittal (Senior Energy Specialist), and Sona Thakur (Senior External Affairs Officer) and World Bank consultants Stephanie Pinnington, Nicolas Fichaux and Kavita Rai. Editor: Fayre Makeig. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA v About this Report This report presents the findings and conclusions of a case study undertaken under a program of analytical work that investigates the impacts of the global transition to clean energy on the quantity and quality of jobs in low- and middle-income countries. Under the program, entitled “Estimating the Job Creation Potential of the Clean Energy Transition,” the World Bank’s Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP) undertook multiple streams of analysis: • A review of the literature and commonly used methodologies of investigation • Modeling of economywide job impacts of policies supporting the clean energy transition in selected countries in Sub-Saharan Africa • Case studies of the effects on employment of selected World Bank clean energy projects • Deep dives into the impact on jobs of closure of coal-fired power plants; of productive uses of electricity associated with mini grids in Nigeria; and of the Rusumo Falls Hydropower Project. Building on the above-mentioned steams of analysis, the program has also produced a high-level report summarizing its findings and conclusions “Jobs for a Livable Planet: Job Creation Potential of the Clean Energy Transition” and a discussion paper to support project design “Tracking Jobs in Projects Focused on Clean Energy and Productive Uses of Electricity”, providing strategies for tracking and enhancing job creation that can be used in the clean energy projects. The reports developed under this program together aim to support low- and middle-income countries in reaping greater socioeconomic benefits from the energy transition by supporting them in increasing the number and quality of local jobs generated while implementing clean energy projects. Realizing the benefits of the jobs created by clean energy interventions will depend on effective planning and preparation in the early stages of projects and sustained support during their implementation. The reports target multiple audiences, from policy makers to development practitioners and academics. They also aim to familiarize energy specialists with the effects of energy projects on jobs and give them tools that enable them to take account of—and, where possible, maximize—the socioeconomic benefits of the clean energy transition. The reports can be found at https://www.esmap.org/publications. vi  ABOUT THIS REPORT Acronyms BHEL Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited CITU Centre of Indian Trade Unions GDP gross domestic product GoI Government of India GW gigawatt ITI industrial training institute kV kilovolt LADC Local Area Development Committee MW megawatt O&M operation and maintenance PAF project-affected family RAP resettlement action plan RHP Rampur Hydropower Project SCSTs Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes SJVN Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam TOC theory of change All currency is in United States dollars (US$, USD), unless otherwise indicated. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA vii Key Findings The Rampur Hydropower Project generated direct, indirect, and induced employment opportunities, improved local infrastructure, and had economic impacts on the region. However, there were challenges, including limited women’s participation and issues with retaining unskilled workers after project completion. State requirements for local hiring were viewed as both beneficial for the local workforce but also as a potential barrier to staff mobility for future projects. Key findings from the case study were: Direct Job Creation: The project created direct jobs in design, construction, and operations and maintenance (O&M) roles, totaling 18,131 person-years between 2007 and 2014. An additional 15,084 person-years are projected for O&M during the project’s estimated 35-year lifespan. Skilled Workers: Skilled jobs, like engineers and managers, required certifications or diplomas and included both Indian and a few foreign experts. Semi-Skilled Workers: Semi-skilled positions, such as operators and technicians, had no formal education requirements, but technical certifications or experience were preferred. Some workers from project-affected communities were trained and employed. Unskilled Workers: Jobs like construction worker, cleaner, and security guard had no formal education requirements. The project encouraged hiring from the local area, but most unskilled workers were laid off after project completion, and local employment opportunities were limited. Limited Women’s Involvement: Women’s participation was minimal, primarily in roles like cleaners. Few women were employed on construction sites due to hazardous conditions and cultural barriers. Resettlement and Community Development Jobs: The project also created jobs related to community infrastructure enhancement, healthcare, water supply, and education/training. Income in affected communities increased significantly due to these efforts. Indirect Jobs: The demand for inputs for construction and O&M resulted in 18,530 estimated indirect domestic person-years of employment, with 95 percent of materials sourced locally. Induced and Replication Jobs: The study noted potential induced jobs from spending by direct and indirect workers, improved electricity access, and increased demand for similar projects in the region. These impacts led to sectoral shifts away from agriculture labor towards the services sector and wage labor. viii  KEY FINDINGS ONE INTRODUCTION This case study seeks to shed light on the employment impacts associated with the construction, operation, and maintenance of the 412 megawatt (MW) Rampur run-of-river hydroelectricity scheme as part of the Rampur Hydropower Project (RHP), which was approved by the World Bank in 2007 and closed in 2014. It also considers the job creation associated with complementary efforts to resettle and rehabilitate project-affected persons and communities, and foster community development. India’s rapid economic growth in the early 2000s—and the demands it placed on the country’s infrastructure—brought into focus the constraints imposed on the economy by the power sector (World Bank 2007). Although India ranked among the top five countries in terms of total energy consumption in 2006, its per capita energy use was low—ranking 151st internationally (Our World in Data 2021). This was in large part due to a stark rural-urban divide in access to modern energy services: over 40 percent of rural Indians lacked access to electricity in 2006, whereas only 7 percent of urban dwellers did. This disparity suggests that electricity supply in large swathes of the country was nonexistent, limiting opportunities for nonfarm employment (World Bank 2022a). Where electricity was available, supply was often erratic and unreliable, partly due to the large gap between installed grid connection generation capacity (132,000 MW) and the connected load (more than double that amount) (World Bank 2007). This limited both industrial and commercial expansion. In a 2006 World Bank survey of nearly 2,000 small and large retail stores across the nation, for example, electricity was reported as the “most serious” obstacle to current operations by nearly one-third of the establishments (World Bank 2013). In response to these challenges, the Government of India (GoI) launched the National Electricity Policy in 2005, which sought to provide electricity access to all households, eliminate power shortages, increase per capita electricity consumption, and foster commercial viability of the power sector by 2012 (World Bank 2007). This was supplemented in 2006 by the Integrated Energy Policy, and the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007–12), through which the GoI aimed to facilitate the addition of up to 70,000 MW of generation capacity, including approximately 16,000 MW of hydropower. The advantages of the focus on hydropower were twofold. First, hydropower capacity can be dispatched quicker and more flexibly than thermal power stations (e.g., coal-based electricity) to meet fluctuating electricity demand. This is because the reservoir created by a hydropower dam can be used to store energy, which can be released when needed. Expanding hydropower capacity thus presented an opportunity to make the grid more adaptive to changing conditions, as well as boost its ability to withstand disruptive events, and, if disrupted, recover faster. Second, expanding hydropower also aligned with the need to reduce the carbon intensity of the power sector, which accounted for nearly half of the country’s carbon emissions. In alignment with these goals, in 2007, the World Bank approved financing for the RHP, to be developed by the Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam (SJVN) across the River Sutlej in the state of Himachal Pradesh in India. The project aimed to (1) provide assistance for the long-term sustainable development of hydropower as a renewable resource in India; (2) assist the sector in consolidating recent improvements in sustainable hydropower development and JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 1 move toward international best practices; (3) strengthen the capacity of some of the agencies involved in planning, oversight, and implementation; and (4) provide support to a low-carbon growth strategy (World Bank 2007).1 The next section describes the RHP in more detail. The case study then describes relevant labor market conditions in India prior to the project’s launch, before presenting a summary of findings from a series of key informant interviews with the project’s stakeholders and beneficiaries. The last section summarizes the results of this case study. Endnote Additional information about the RHP is available at: https://projects.worldbank.org/en/ 1.  projects-operations/project-detail/P095114. 2 Introduction TWO OVERVIEW OF THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT As noted above, India’s 2005 National Electricity Policy articulated the goals of achieving universal electricity access, eliminating power shortages, increasing electricity consumption, and enhancing the financial viability of the power sector (World Bank 2007). The World Bank’s approval of the RHP in 2007 aimed to contribute to these goals by supporting the development of the country’s power sector. Specifically, in parallel with the GoI’s plans, the World Bank aimed to help strengthen the institutional foundation by scaling up the development of India’s renewable hydropower potential by 2030. It also sought to support the GoI’s priorities of improving electricity services, expanding access, and optimizing the utilization of domestic resources such as water, while helping to slow India’s rate of growth in carbon emissions. The RHP had two main objectives (World Bank 2007): 1. Improve the reliability of India’s Northern Electricity Grid through the addition of renewable, low-carbon energy from the RHP; and 2. Support SJVN (a state-owned enterprise involved in hydroelectric power generation and transmission) to be more effective in preparing and implementing economically, environmentally, and socially sustainable hydropower projects. To achieve these objectives, the RHP was broken down into three components: 1. Construction ($365 million). This component supported the construction of the 412 MW Rampur run-of-river hydroelectricity scheme, which features a 15.2-kilometer-long head race tunnel delivering water to a powerhouse with six turbine generators.1 The hydroelectricity scheme, which is located in the Shimla and Kullu districts of Himachal Pradesh, is immediately downstream of the 1,500 MW Nathpa Jhakri hydroelectric project, which was financed by the World Bank in 1989. The Rampur hydroelectricity scheme’s capacity (412 MW) is relatively large for a run-of-river hydropower project, but it was only about 1 percent of the size of the Northern Electricity Grid (37.5 gigawatts [GW]) (Ministry of Power 2007) at the time the project was approved. 2. Investment support ($30 million). This component provided investment support to implement measures to ensure greater availability of the existing upstream Nathpa Jhakri hydropower project, including investment support to minimize the impact of abrasive silt and reduce days of outages. 3. Technical assistance ($5 million). This component fostered institutional reform and capacity building to assist the borrower, SJVN, in moving toward international best practices in hydropower development and operation, and improve its project preparation standards for future projects. Technical assistance for SJVN also included planning for and managing environmental and social issues. Following the start of project implementation, the RHP was restructured as follows in October 2011 based on a request from SJVN (World Bank 2011): • Extension of the loan closing date from March 31, 2013, to December 31, 2014, on account of delays in the implementation of Component 1 (i.e., construction of the 412 MW Rampur run-of-river hydroelectric scheme) due to poor geology being encountered in the head race tunnel excavation. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 5 • Reappropriation of funds under Component 2 to Component 1 considering the investment measures originally envisaged under this component to ensure greater availability of the existing upstream Nathpa Jhakri hydropower project had been implemented by SJVN using its own resources, resulting in an increase in the funds allocated for Component 1 from $365 million to $395 million. • Change in the implementation responsibility for planned community development measures (described in additional detail in the following subsection) to include the state of Himachal Pradesh (in addition to SJVN), in line with the Government of Himachal Pradesh’s request that the project authorities, as per provisions of the state’s hydropower policy, should deposit the funds for local area development with the Local Area Development Committee (LADC), which will sanction, execute, and monitor these schemes (against the earlier arrangement of only SJVN implementing these works). This case study focuses on the investments made under Component 1 of the RHP, which was fully commissioned in 2014. Specifically, it aims to assess job creation associated with investments in the construction, operation, and maintenance of the run-of-river hydroelectricity scheme. The case study also considers the job impacts associated with a series of resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives undertaken by the project to compensate families and communities affected adversely by project-related activities. These initiatives are described in detail next. Resettlement, Rehabilitation, and Community Development The RHP required 80 hectares of land for construction, of which 30 hectares were private land acquired from 167 landowners across four villages. Specifically, an estimated 29 families were identified as displaced due to the project’s implementation, and a total of 139 families lived in project-affected areas. Accordingly, the World Bank also mandated that SJVN develop and implement a resettlement action plan (RAP) outlining resettlement activities for those displaced along with community development initiatives for everyone in the affected area. The RAP was designed in line with the World Bank’s environmental and social safeguards policies in place at the time. It also outlined activities mandated by existing national and state-level hydropower legislation, as well as those outlined in a memorandum of understanding between SJVN and the Government of Himachal Pradesh (including a provision for the award of small project contracts to project-affected persons, community development measures such as grants to local schools, and annuity payments for long-term residents of project-affected communities). Specifically, the following initiatives were undertaken under the RHP, in line with the goal of appropriately compensating project-affected families (PAFs) and communities (World Bank 2015a): 1. Resettlement and rehabilitation. SJVN’s approach to resettlement and rehabilitation aimed to provide suitable relocation options to families that had been displaced due to 6 Overview of the Rampur Hydropower Project the project’s implementation, along with compensating them for lost land. PAFs rendered landless after land acquisition were provided rehabilitation grants along with counseling on productive investment, in recognition of the fact that agricultural land is a key economic asset whose loss must be compensated. These families were also given resettlement options and assisted with covering their construction and relocation expenses. In addition, investments were made to provide improved infrastructure to newly resettled areas lacking sufficient access to public services (including piped water and sewage treatment, street lighting, and internal paths and approach roads). 2. Income enhancement measures. To shield PAFs from adverse economic impacts during the long construction phase, the RHP offered income enhancement opportunities to those living in the project-affected areas. This included prioritizing the awarding of contracts (below Rs 1,000,000) for services such as housekeeping, gardening, and masonry to PAFs, residents of project-affected areas, and other local people; employing PAFs and local people in various project roles (e.g., clerks and data entry operators); and initiating a scheme whereby light vehicles needed for the project would be rented from local people, resulting in supplementary income. 3. Community development measures. The Himachal Pradesh State Hydropower Policy mandated hydropower developers to earmark 1.5 percent of project cost toward local development. Funds were supposed to be deposited with the LADC, which implements and manages projects. In the case of the RHP, the LADC committed these funds to providing or enhancing community infrastructure (such as the construction of roads, schools, water and sanitation services, and community centers), operating mobile health vans and medical camps, and providing grants to local schools to enhance the quality of student infrastructure (such as desks, chairs, and sports equipment). Funds were also used to support technical education for local youth by providing them opportunities to undergo vocational training at industrial training institutes (ITIs) (including reimbursement of tuition expenses and a monthly stipend for eligible candidates in PAFs). This was subsequently supplemented with an apprenticeship scheme, whereby technically qualified youth in the project-affected areas were given an opportunity to work for one year in the RHP and gain relevant skills and experience. In addition, SJVN organized agriculture and horticulture training sessions to enhance the knowledge of the local people in caring for fruits, crops, and livestock. 4. Electricity and annuity payments provided to affected communities. The project was required to provide 100 units of free electricity to each PAF per month for 10 years, in line with the GoI’s hydroelectricity policy.2 In addition, long-term residents in affected villages were supposed to receive annuity payments as cash transfers in their bank accounts. These payments were supposed to be equivalent to 1 percent of power sales from the RHP. This was designed to ensure sustainable support for local communities beyond the project’s implementation. This is a state-level policy that entered into force about the time the project closed. Table 1 provides an overview of the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives undertaken under the RHP. It also indicates relevant World Bank or national/subnational policies under which these initiatives were mandated. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 7 TABLE 1 Overview of Resettlement, Rehabilitation, and Community Development Initiatives INITIATIVE DESCRIPTION COVERED UNDER Resettlement and rehabilitation Land acquisition at mutually agreeable • World Bank Environmental and Social compensation rates Framework • Memorandum of Understanding between Relocation grants for displaced families the Government of Himachal Pradesh and SJVN Rehabilitation grants for PAFs rendered landless due to land acquisition Income enhancement measures Income generation scheme • Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Himachal Pradesh Community development measures Merit scholarship scheme for PAF youth and SJVN • Government of Himachal Pradesh Technical education scheme for local youth Hydropower Policy (2006) • Government of India Hydropower Policy (2008) Assistance for schools Support services for agricultural/horticultural activities Mobile health van Miscellaneous infrastructure development (e.g., roads, street lighting, community centers) Schemes for drinking water supply (e.g., restoration of depleted water resources) Protection of culturally important sites in the project’s vicinity Promotion of sports events Field visits for PAFs Electricity and annuity payments 100 units of free electricity to PAFs per provided to affected communities month for 10 years 1 percent of the RHP’s power sales as annuity payments to long-term residents of affected villages Source: SJVN 2007; World Bank 2015a. Note: PAF = project-affected family; RHP = Rampur Hydropower Project; SJVN = Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam. 8 Overview of the Rampur Hydropower Project Relevant Indicators and Targets As noted above, this case study focuses on investments made under Component 1 of the RHP. Table 2 highlights the targets and achievements for selected indicators considered by the project that are the most closely related to this component. As shown in the table, the RHP aimed to increase power availability to off-takers in the northern part of the state by producing the targeted 1,770 gigawatt-hours (GWh) of power annually by project completion. At completion, the RHP had achieved its intended outcome for improved availability and reliability of power supplied to India’s Northern Electricity Grid. Specifically, it had produced 1,957 GWh of power in the year of project completion, which was above the indicator target of 1,770 GWh. Its construction and operation were also associated with an improvement of the Northern Electricity Grid’s frequency performance, with grid frequency staying within the Indian Electricity Grid Code’s operating band, or approximately 79 percent (at baseline) to nearly 99 percent of the time.3 TABLE 2 Selected Indicators, Targets, and Achievement for Key Project Development Objectives of Rampur Hydropower Project OVERALL OBJECTIVE INDICATOR FOR FOCUS TARGET (2007) ACHIEVEMENT COMPONENT (2014) Improve the reliability of India’s 1.  Increased power availability to 1,770 1,957* Northern Electricity Grid through the Northern region off-takers (GWh addition of renewable, low-carbon equivalent per annum) energy from the RHP Improve SJVN’s efficacy in preparing 2.  Percentage of time that the Northern 90.3 98.9 and implementing economically, Electricity Grid is within the operating environmentally, and socially sustainable band of the Indian Electricity Grid Code hydropower projects Implementation of the RAP and a Improvements demonstrated in social “Strong evidence” of “Strong evidence” of community development plan development surveys** an upward trend in an upward trend in well-being indicators well-being indicators Percentage of landowners receiving full 100 100 entitlements** Percentage of PAFs with increased 90 99 income and/or assets** Amount spent on small infrastructure Rs 200 million Rs 337 million in project-affected villages and local contracts awarded to PAFs and local villagers** Source: World Bank 2015b. Note: GWh = gigawatt-hours; PAF = project-affected family; RHP = Rampur Hydropower Project; SJVN = Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam. *Achievement of this target is measured as of 2015. ** Relevant for PAFs. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 9 Table 2 also highlights indicators and targets relevant for the implementation of the RAP and a community development plan. Resettlement and compensation of PAFs had been satisfactorily completed at project completion (World Bank 2015b). In addition, a final impact assessment of the RAP by Vaidya and Singh (2015) pointed to an increase in income/assets, literacy, permanent housing, and size of dwellings among PAFs. Endnotes Construction of new power transmission lines was not included in the RHP. Power was 1.  expected to be evacuated by connecting the RHP to a nearby existing high-voltage line. The Power Grid Corporation of India (PowerGrid), a public sector firm engaged in the transmission of bulk power across Indian states, was responsible for constructing and operating this line. The GoI Hydropower Policy (2008) was not in place at the time the RHP was approved. 2.  Grid frequency refers to the change in the direction of current flow in an alternating 3.  current system. In the United States, for instance, the grid frequency is 60 cycles per second or hertz (Hz). In India, Europe, and several other regions, the frequency is 50 Hz. The RHP is one of many GoI-implemented projects potentially responsible for an improvement in reliability. 10 Overview of the Rampur Hydropower Project THREE OVERVIEW OF THE LABOR MARKET In the mid-2000s—shortly before the RHP’s launch—India’s estimated labor force stood at approximately 450 million people (World Bank 2022b). Based on data collected as part of the 61st round of India’s National Sample Survey (conducted between July 2004 and June 2005), rural men and women in India had labor force participation rates (the number of people in the labor force as a share of the working-age population) of 56 and 33 percent, respectively. The corresponding figures for urban areas were 57 and 18 percent (NSSO 2006).1 In Himachal Pradesh, the location of the RHP, the labor force participation rate for males broadly corresponded to the national average, but those of both rural and urban women (52 and 27 percent, respectively) were considerably higher than the corresponding national averages. India’s worker-population ratio (the number of people employed as a share of the population) was approximately 42 percent (NSSO 2006). This figure, however, masked considerable gender disparities. The worker-population ratio for both rural and urban males, for instance, was approximately 55 percent. The corresponding figures for rural and urban women were 33 and 17 percent, respectively—less than the figures for males by 40–70 percent. Of employed workers, approximately 58 percent were self-employed, 9 percent held salaried positions receiving a regular wage, and 33 percent were casual laborers (NSSO 2006).2 India’s rural labor force was overwhelmingly engaged in agriculture, with approximately 67 percent of male workers and 83 percent of female workers working in the sector. Prominent sectors in urban India included the trade, hotel, and restaurant sector; the manufacturing sector; and the services sector. They engaged approximately 28, 24, and 21 percent of male workers, respectively. By contrast, the services sector accounted for the largest proportion (36 percent) of female workers, followed by manufacturing (28 percent) and agriculture (18 percent) (NSSO 2006). Nationally, the average daily wage for unskilled laborers engaged in public works ranged from Rs 49 (approximately $1.12 in 2005 US dollars) for women to Rs 65 ($1.49) for men (NSSO 2006). The unemployment rate in rural India was approximately 1.7 percent in 2004–05, and it was 4.5 percent in urban areas. Between 1999–2000 and 2004–05, unemployment increased for both urban and rural females. By contrast, unemployment declined substantially for urban males (from 4.5 to 3.8 percent) and marginally for rural males (from 1.7 to 1.6 percent) over the same period. In terms of age groups, the highest rate of unemployment was for urban female youth ages 15–29 (approximately 15 percent). In Himachal Pradesh, rural unemployment rates broadly mirrored national statistics. Urban unemployment trends, however, exhibited larger gender disparity: the unemployment rate for urban males in Himachal Pradesh was 1.7 percent (compared with 3.8 percent nationally), while the corresponding figure for urban females was over 10 percent (compared with approximately 7 percent nationally) (NSSO 2006). Given the high share of the overall labor force engaged in agriculture, job creation associated with investments in the RHP’s Component 1, especially in relatively rural project-affected areas, had the potential to shift the labor force into nonagricultural income-generating sectors. This could have happened because jobs were linked directly to the project (e.g., opportunities for local people to engage in construction work), as well as due to increased JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 13 economic activity in the project-affected areas (resulting in the creation of new enterprises and associated jobs to serve the growing demand for a wider range of goods and services). In addition, the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives carried out under the RHP, especially those providing vocational training, aimed to further increase the employability potential among remote, rural populations (World Bank 2015a). Endnotes The figures cited in this section are based on the “usual status (ps+ss)” approach, which 1.  is the method most commonly used to estimate labor force statistics in India. It combines (1) the principal status (ps) labor force, that is, people who worked or were available to work for a relatively long part of the 365 days before the labor force survey, and (2) the subsidiary status (ss) labor force, that is, members of the remaining population who worked for at least 30 days during the 365 days before the labor force survey (Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation 2020). In the Indian context, “self-employed workers” included (1) own account workers, who 2.  run their own establishments/enterprises (with or without a partner) without hiring additional workers; (2) employers, who run an establishment/enterprise by hiring workers; and (3) unpaid helpers, who assist household members in running their enterprises but do not receive a regular wage. Own account workers comprise the largest share of this group. 14 Overview of the labor market FOUR QUANTIFICATION OF JOBS Objectives and Overall Methodology This case study relies on insights from a series of qualitative interviews with stakeholders involved in the construction and oversight of the RHP; project-specific monitoring data provided by the World Bank; and a World Bank report and a companion study on the project’s resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development measures (World Bank 2015a; Vaidya and Singh 2015). The interviews shed light on background information on the various types of employment generated by the project. Employment data from the World Bank covered employment by project subcontractors. The report and the companion study further summarize employment outcomes associated with the project’s resettlement activities. Specifically, the case study focuses on the following job types: • Direct jobs. These are jobs that are needed for the design, construction, operation, and maintenance of the RHP. SJVN was the primary developer for the project, and was responsible for the project’s management and design, as well as for the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development activities to support PAFs. Tunneling and all other civil engineering work was subcontracted to two main firms: Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering. Electromechanical work was done by Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited (BHEL). These companies employed a variety of workers, including engineers, electricians, technicians, operators, construction workers, and cleaners, in direct jobs.1 Professionals from SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering were interviewed to assess direct job results. Additional information on total direct employment by subcontractors was obtained from a World Bank monitoring report.2 It is likely that almost all direct jobs were located within India. However, it is possible that a few of the higher-level staff may have worked overseas. In addition, a number of workers came from neighboring Nepal (as described in section 5). Thus, the direct employment numbers include both foreign and domestic staff. Further, insofar as possible, the case study distinguishes between skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled direct jobs. Skilled jobs require a certificate from an ITI or a diploma in civil, mechanical, or electrical engineering for engineering positions. Semiskilled jobs (such as operators and technicians for drilling and blasting) require a technical license and/or some years of experience handling heavy-duty machinery. Unskilled work (such as construction, cleaning, and security work) generally does not require technical training or certification or much experience. • Indirect jobs. Indirect jobs result from the demand for the inputs required for constructing, operating, and maintaining the hydropower plant. SJVN awarded subcontracts to a number of companies located in the state of Madhya Pradesh, including BHEL. BHEL manufactured and supplied 80 percent of the components used, such as turbines and other electromechanical equipment. Other materials (such as spare parts) were procured from local shops. Finally, some materials (such as hydraulic gates) were procured internationally. To estimate total indirect jobs (foreign and domestic), the case study first multiplies the total direct person- years by 0.53 (the ratio of indirect to direct domestic person-years for hydropower projects in India as estimated by Pollin and Chakraborty [2015])3 and then divides the product by 0.95 (the fraction of inputs that were domestic in the analyses of Pollin and Chakraborty [2015]).4 JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 17 • Induced jobs. Induced jobs include jobs that are created due to an increase in demand from direct and indirect workers (e.g., food stands), “productive use of electricity” jobs (resulting from improved access to electricity, where applicable), and replication jobs (resulting from an increased demand for projects such as the one being studied, where applicable). This case study draws on insights from interviews to describe the pathways through which induced jobs associated with the RHP were created locally (in the project areas), regionally (in Himachal Pradesh), and nationally (within India). It complements these insights with findings from Vaidya and Singh (2015), who shed light on key employment and socioeconomic indicators in the project-affected areas. Specifically, the case study uses these findings in combination with data on population growth in the local area to highlight sectoral shifts in employment associated with the project’s construction and operation. • Jobs created due to resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development activities. As described in section 2, resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives were carried out as part of the RHP to compensate households and communities adversely affected by the project and bring their standards of living at least to the level they had before it. These jobs include workers hired for construction projects to enhance community infrastructure not needed for the RHP (e.g., construction of a new secondary school). These jobs are direct jobs of the overall project, but they are not related to the construction of the RHP plant, or to its operation and maintenance (O&M). However, they are essential to successfully and sustainably implement the project.5 Estimates of the number of jobs created due to resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development activities come from World Bank’s report “Rampur Hydropower Project: Land Acquisition, Resettlement, Community Development Practices” (World Bank 2015a). Data Collection Approach Data for stakeholders and implementers were collected using a “cascade approach,” whereby former officers of the project were interviewed first. These respondents, in turn, helped identify staff from SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering. Interviews were also conducted with a labor union representative as well as one project-affected person. It was difficult to obtain data on direct jobs for this project. Many respondents could not provide precise jobs estimates because data were collected over a period of five years after the project’s closing date. For example, many companies appeared unable or unwilling to share written employment records, which might have included detailed quantitative data on employment by job type. In addition, numerous levels of subcontracting also made it difficult to parse out numbers. The case study, therefore, also relies on different secondary information sources to triangulate findings. Table 3 summarizes the key data sources used. 18 QUANTIFICATION OF JOBS TABLE 3 Summary of data sources SOURCE DIRECT INDIRECT INDUCED JOBS CREATED DUE JOBS JOBS JOBS TO RESETTLEMENT, REHABILITATION, AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES Entities interviewed (number of interviews) World Bank lead (1)    Project Management Unit (2)    Power grid   Hydropower operator (1)    Subcontracting construction firms (2)   Labor union representative (1)   Project-affected person (1)   Reports and secondary data Impact Evaluation of Resettlement Action Plan (Vaidya    and Singh 2015) World Bank monitoring report  Rampur Hydropower Project: Land Acquisition, Resettlement,    Community Development Practices report (World Bank 2015a) Peer-reviewed literature  Source: Original compilation. Endnotes In some cases, these companies may have also subcontracted work to other smaller 1.  vendors, who then hired additional laborers directly. Those firms did not participate in the interviews. It was not possible to interview a representative from BHEL. 2.  Pollin and Chakraborty (2015) use input-output analyses to estimate the number of 3.  direct and indirect domestic jobs based on assumptions relating to the fraction of inputs from each sector that went into the direct jobs. The method used to estimate indirect domestic jobs combines data on domestic spending (by sector) from firms with data on employment (by sector) from households. In the data from firms, the spending of resident workers’ salaries is given similar treatment as nonresident workers’ salaries, provided the workers are employed domestically. By contrast, the data from households JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 19 primarily cover permanent residents of the country, since very few temporary residents are likely to participate in a household survey. An implicit assumption is that the results based on firm-level data would be similar if nonresident workers were excluded. This ratio was obtained directly from one of the authors of Pollin and Chakraborty 4.  (2015). This last step is not standard in this literature and assumes the same indirect- direct job ratio for both domestic and foreign workers. The resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives associated with 5.  the RHP were integral to the project’s success as they increased the project’s acceptance among local community members and helped to build trust (World Bank 2015a). However, as shown in table 1, in many cases, the activities carried out as part of these initiatives were unrelated to the project’s main energy-related objective, which aimed to make India’s Northern Electricity Grid more reliable through addition of renewable, low-carbon energy. For this reason, this case study considers the jobs associated with this unique aspect of the RHP separately. Jobs related to resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives that contributed to meeting the project’s objectives (e.g., hiring of PAFs to serve as data entry operators for the project) are included under direct jobs. 20 QUANTIFICATION OF JOBS FIVE RESULTS Direct Jobs SJVN was the primary developer for the RHP. It was responsible for the project’s management and design, as well as for the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development activities to support PAFs. Tunneling and all other civil engineering work was subcontracted to two main firms: Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering, which employed engineers, electricians, technicians, operators, and construction workers in direct jobs. They also employed drivers, security guards, and cleaners to carry out the work for the project. Additionally, before the project began, roads were reportedly in poor condition, and it was difficult to access the construction sites. Gammon India Limited employed workers to construct, maintain, and spray roads so they could be used to transport goods to carry out construction work. While this was not a contractual obligation, it was necessary to facilitate the construction work on the project. Patel Engineering reported employing approximately 3,000 workers across the scope of the project. The respondents from Gammon India Limited and SJVN could not provide specific numbers of workers hired to carry out the project. Table 4 details the attributes of direct jobs that were reported by interviewees. Skilled workers. SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering hired skilled workers (including managers, designers, and engineers). Many of them were permanent employees who moved from one project to another within their organizations. As part of their contracts with SJVN, Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering were required to employ qualified workers (e.g., those who had relevant diplomas in civil, mechanical, or electrical engineering). Semiskilled workers. Semiskilled workers include operators, technicians, and mechanics who were hired by Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering on a project-specific basis. Operators and technicians were often selected from a database of workers who had been engaged in an upstream hydropower project. It was not difficult to find trained workers, given the large number of hydropower projects in the region. There was also no formal higher education requirement specifically for operators and technicians. However, they typically needed to show technical certifications from ITIs or demonstrate at least five years of experience handling heavy-duty machinery (e.g., via a letter of referral from a former employer describing their expertise). Their competence and knowledge were tested during the recruitment process. SJVN also employed semiskilled workers to serve as project managers, data entry personnel, and clerks for the firm. Most semiskilled workers were laid off once the project was completed. Some of those who performed well were retained for subsequent projects in other areas, as detailed further below. Project-affected persons could also be hired as apprentices and trained by more experienced workers for operations and technical roles. India’s Apprentices Act mandates one year of training for such workers, even though the interviewee indicated that workers who showed improvement and were skilled to handle equipment independently were promoted accordingly. There was no formal structure to guide the training process and no legal requirement that JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 23 24 TABLE 4 RESULTS Direct jobs resulting from Rampur Hydropower Project COMPANY/ QUANTIFYING JOB TYPES JOB QUALITY AND BENEFITS LOCATION JOB TYPE NEW VERSUS % FOREIGN/ % FEMALE AND CONTRACT/ QUALIFICATIONS WAGES BENEFITSA EXISTING DOMESTIC DISADVANTAGED PIECE-RATE (RS PER MONTH) EMPLOYEES POPULATIONS WORKERS SJVN Skilled • Some existing staff and • State Several women Contract Engineers: Technical • 15,000–30,000 Sick leave, casual new employees requirement that certifications and (depending on leave, maternity • Project managers, at least 70% of diplomas experience) benefits, health designers, workers come benefits engineers from Himachal Pradesh Semiskilled • Some existing staff — Contract — • Clerks, data • Rs 3,000 per • Unskilled foreign entry personnel: year for uniform • Clerks, data workers reported 3,000–8,000 expenses entry personnel, being hired • Access to project technicians, from Nepal, facilities electricians, and also ~12 plumbers skilled engineers reported being Unskilled hired from Women given Contract — • Cleaners: 10,000 Western Europe preferential hiring • Drivers, security and South Korea for cleaning guards, cleaners for the project positions Gammon India Skilled • Hired out of university Several women Contract Engineers: Technical — Off-site training Limited certifications and through industrial • Managers, • Previous employment diplomas training institute designers, with the company engineers Semiskilled • Hired on a project- • License or • Hydro allowance • Two to three specific basis; some five years of and tunneling days of training • Operators, staff retained experience allowance and regional technicians, • Workers selected from operating heavy- workshops mechanics, a database of people duty vehicles (mechanics) electricians who had worked in • No formal • On-the-job a previous upstream higher education training hydropower project requirements • Paid overtime (continues) COMPANY/ QUANTIFYING JOB TYPES JOB QUALITY AND BENEFITS LOCATION JOB TYPE NEW VERSUS % FOREIGN/ % FEMALE AND CONTRACT/ QUALIFICATIONS WAGES BENEFITSA EXISTING DOMESTIC DISADVANTAGED PIECE-RATE (RS PER MONTH) EMPLOYEES POPULATIONS WORKERS Semiskilled — Individuals of Piece ratec Relevant prior 18,000 (including — Scheduled Castes experience regular overtime • Drilling/blasting and Scheduled payments) workers Tribesb employed Unskilled — Individuals of Contract — 12,000 + overtime Paid overtime Scheduled Castes Access to project • Construction and Scheduled facilities workers Tribesb employed Patel Engineering Skilled • Existing staff Several women Contract Engineers: Technical certifications and • Managers, diplomas designers, JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA engineers Semiskilled • Hired on a project- — Contract • License or • Operators: 45,000 Paid overtime specific basis; some five years of • Hydro allowance • Operators, staff retained experience and tunneling technicians, • Workers selected from operating heavy- allowance mechanics, a database of people duty vehicles electricians who had worked in • No formal a previous upstream higher education hydropower project requirements Semiskilled • Recruitment decided Individuals of Piece ratec Relevant experience — — with local panchayat Scheduled Castes • Drilling/ blasting and Scheduled workers Tribesb employed Unskilled — Individuals of Contract — 12,000 + overtime • Paid overtime Scheduled Castes • Access to project • Construction and Scheduled facilities workers Tribesb employed Source: Interviews conducted with firms’ representatives. a. All workers represented by the Centre of Indian Trade Unions received sick leave, earned leave, severance compensation, provident fund (a type of pension fund and benefits), maternity leave, gratuity, and bonus, among other benefits. b. “Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes” refers to the official designation for various socioeconomically disadvantaged groups recognized by the Government of India as such. 25 c. A “piece rate” refers to payment per unit of work rather than per unit of time. — indicates no response by respondent. workers be hired after their apprenticeship was complete. Approximately 30 people received training each year, and the respondent reported that most workers were hired subsequently. In addition, as part of SJVN’s community development efforts, the firm encouraged youth from local areas to attend ITIs, helped them get apprenticeships, and provided them with scholarships for their studies. After receiving their qualifications, they were eligible for employment as well. By 2015, SJVN had sponsored 195 candidates to ITIs (including 31 females). About 89 percent of the candidates had completed their courses and 55 percent obtained jobs with contractors (including 13 females). Fifty-seven candidates (including 8 females) completed on-the-job training through apprenticeships. Finally, 89 candidates (including 26 females) had received merit scholarships to pursue higher education (World Bank 2015a). Unskilled workers. Unskilled workers primarily include construction workers as well as workers hired for specific tasks on project sites (e.g., cleaners, gardeners, and security guards). These jobs did not have formal education requirements. Further, most unskilled workers were laid off once the project was completed. Local workers. The project encouraged the recruitment of local workers from its vicinity. This is because these workers were believed to be more familiar with the region, language, and culture, and their recruitment is mandated by state law. One respondent believed, for instance, that there was not much cultural conflict among employees because most were local to the area. The respondent stated that among local hires, people from PAFs were usually given preference, followed by workers from the state at large. Further, the respondent noted that a state law in Himachal Pradesh mandates hiring at least 70 percent of employees from the state, and that all three companies abided by this law. At Gammon India Limited, one respondent noted that most people in the core team and mid-level management were from Himachal Pradesh, and that preference was given to hiring local people – particularly engineers. Another respondent, however, reported facing initial difficulties in finding skilled workers near the implementation sites, given that most educated and highly skilled individuals live in large cities, such as New Delhi and the surrounding suburban areas. The region also has few universities and engineering institutes. Workers from other states, such as Jharkhand, Odisha, Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, and Assam therefore reportedly accounted for approximately 15–20 percent of the labor force. When recruiting nationally, it was not difficult for companies to find skilled workers with relevant experience and training, given the countrywide proliferation of hydroelectric projects. Unskilled migrant workers. In Himachal Pradesh, locals were interested in being hired as electricians, general operators, supervisors, clerks, drivers, and in other similar roles. Other jobs, especially those that required labor-intensive work, tended to be less desirable. These jobs were filled by domestic migrant laborers (who move from one state to another in search of jobs) as well as by unskilled laborers from Nepal.1 Respondents reported that native preferences for certain types of jobs made it difficult for contractors to abide by the hiring percentage agreement while still recruiting suitable workers for available roles. Skilled foreign workers. SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering reported having occasionally needed to hire engineers from abroad. About a dozen experts from foreign countries 26 RESULTS were also involved, primarily through contractors. An engineer from Switzerland, for instance, was engaged to provide other engineers and staff members with training on project management skills and other international best practices on par with their peers in Europe. Two smaller subcontractors (Donga, a South Korean firm, and ATB Riva, an Italian firm) were also hired for the project. The former employed two foreign workers, whereas the latter employed 10. Employment Sustainability Efforts to retain staff. SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering hired permanent employees, that is, workers who move from one project to the next with the company. They included skilled executive-level workers, including engineers, managers, and human resources experts. SJVN also has permanent contracts with approximately 2,000 workers who are engaged in regular O&M associated with all its projects. Although other semiskilled and unskilled roles were considered “temporary,” SJVN, Patel Engineering, and Gammon India Limited did try to retain their workers whenever possible. For example, Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering retained some of the operators, technicians, and mechanics who performed well in their respective roles. They were transferred to subsequent projects and were given opportunities to advance within the firms. Nevertheless, considering many states have laws that require companies to hire a minimum percentage of employees (sometimes as high as 70 percent) from within a state, the firms could not move their entire workforce from one project to another. Specifically, they faced “stiff resistance” from local people, who objected to outside competition. Those who were not offered continued employment were formally laid off and given a settlement package. This agreement was negotiated by the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), the labor union. O&M training is highly desirable in the region, and trained workers had employment opportunities after the project-related construction was completed. As hydropower continues to expand in India and the demand for trained workers grows, people with marketable skills (e.g., plant operators involved in day-to-day operations and routine maintenance) have increased opportunities for continued employment in their regions. One respondent believed that, given the demand for plant operators in India, these workers would always have job security once they develop O&M skills. Similarly, those who develop drilling and blasting skills (often workers paid piece-rate wages) could be contracted by states’ public works department after they learn the trade. As such, some workers preferred to be laid off following the end of construction. They received a settlement package and could then find subsequent employment with other companies that were working on projects closer to home. This let them reside closer to their families. Others preferred to start their own businesses after the project’s completion. Considering the surrounding area was more developed than it had previously been, there were increased opportunities for different types of self-employment. Some workers, for example, reported opening small businesses, such as machinery repair and maintenance, or small grocery stores. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 27 Many unskilled workers, such as security guards, cleaners, janitors, and low-skilled construction workers, had difficulty finding employment after the project ended. They were all contractual workers with employment linked to project construction, which terminated after the project ended. Unlike others who received training or education, these workers were not adequately equipped for pursuing further opportunities. Many reportedly returned to farming or were “sitting idle in their villages,” suggesting that employment opportunities in the local area were limited. Job Formality and Wages Instead of a broad focus on the differences between “formal” and “informal” workers, this case study distinguishes between piece-rate workers and contractual workers. This distinction helps shed light on a dimension of job formality relevant for the RHP. Piece-rate workers. A “piece rate” refers to payment per unit of work rather than per unit of time. For example, piece-rate apple pickers are paid based on the baskets of apples they have collected rather than the number of hours they worked collecting apples. Some unskilled and semiskilled workers, for example, those who worked in drilling and blasting, or in construction, were paid piece-rate wages and received a fixed rate, irrespective of the hours worked, to complete an assigned task.2 The specific piece-rate agreements likely vary between different types of workers with distinct responsibilities/expertise (e.g., drilling, blasting, carrying bricks). Many of the piece-rate agreements were arranged by local vendors who were subcontractors of the construction firms. Information on these specific job arrangements or benefits are hence unavailable. Contractual workers. In contrast to piece-rate workers, contractual workers were paid daily and received standard benefits, as detailed below. At SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering, contractual workers included skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled roles, including engineers, electricians, technicians, operators, cleaners, and gardeners. Contractors followed internal company standards as well as the minimum wage requirements set by the state government. It is important to note that there is no single minimum wage in India. Rather, the minimum wage varies by skill level (Government of Himachal Pradesh 2017).3 Given that SJVN is a federal government organization, regular employees were paid as per the establishment’s structure. Their salary was fixed and revised by the board of directors. Payments were checked regularly by governmental bodies and other labor bureaus. Unskilled workers at SJVN were typically paid per the Central Minimum Wages Act, and they received Rs 400 for an eight-hour shift, or Rs 12,000 per month (including overtime wages), which is higher than the average national wage rate for unskilled laborers engaged in public works (NSSO 2006). After one year of employment, workers who show improvement could earn a raise of 5–10 percent. In contrast to construction work, one respondent reported that workers employed in unskilled jobs (such as sweeping, cleaning, or gardening) earned lower incomes than they 28 RESULTS would selling apples from their home orchards. The respondent further noted that these laborers receive a minimum starting salary of approximately Rs 10,000 per month. These roles were generally filled by women. Gammon India Limited and Patel Engineering followed the Himachal Pradesh state government’s minimum wage requirement of Rs 250 per day for unskilled workers, including cleaners, security guards, and gardeners. A few months after the project began, CITU, the workers’ union, requested an additional project allowance for the workers of SJVN. This allowance was then applied to all the contractors as well. Wages increased by about 18 percent for the majority of workers thereafter. Further, as per a state directive implemented after the project’s commencement, a hydro allowance and a tunneling allowance were paid to those employed on hydro and underground work. Workers also supplemented their income by working longer shifts to receive overtime pay, which was provided at double the regular rate. Workers were able to receive an additional four hours of overtime per day. These opportunities for supplementary pay led to many workers engaged by the project making approximately Rs 20,000 per month. One respondent noted that wages in the hydropower sector are 35–40 percent higher than what is typical for comparable work in the region.4 Both SJVN and Patel Engineering reported paying higher wages to avoid attrition and competition from other firms. Skilled workers at SJVN could receive wages between Rs 15,000 and Rs 30,000 per month depending on their experience. Similarly, Patel Engineering increased the wages of semiskilled operators, who were hired to operate highly specialized machinery and were, thus, often in high demand in the region, from Rs 30,000 to Rs 45,000 per month. Benefits The labor union, CITU, played a major, positive role in negotiating benefits and fair wages for workers employed on the project. At the project’s onset, local workers went on strike, demanding increased opportunities to earn supplementary income through project allowances. CITU intervened on behalf of the workers, and work progressed again once SJVN met the demands. A CITU representative reported that all workers represented by the union (i.e., those employed by all three companies) were entitled to benefits, such as sick leave, earned leave, severance compensation, provident fund, maternity leave, gratuity, and bonuses. These benefits did not necessarily apply to piece-rate workers or informal workers. While unions can organize the piece-rate workers or informal workers, it is challenging for them to do so because workers are decentralized and are often wary of organizing for fear of going without pay. JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 29 Vulnerable Populations: Women Women’s involvement in the project was overall minimal, and none of the companies had formal initiatives to recruit women. However, certain unskilled jobs (such as cleaning, sweeping, housekeeping, and gardening) were informally reserved for women, considering they were looked at as roles typically performed by women and culturally appropriate. This was reportedly done to improve the gender balance at the worksite. These roles had no educational or certification requirements, and women could thus be hired reasonably quickly and easily. Representatives from SJVN also reported that women were more hardworking than men. For these reasons, insofar as possible, SJVN prioritized hiring women from nearby areas for these positions. Few women were hired to work on construction sites, reportedly due to the hazardous conditions. A respondent also believed that “cultural factors” prevented women from engaging in these roles. They noted that women preferred working in offices or schools, given the better working hours and expectations around caring for the household. Further, due to shortage of workers’ accommodations, separate living quarters for women were not made available. In terms of skilled work at the managerial level, SJVN, Gammon India Limited, and Patel Engineering hired several women as engineers, architects, and accountants. A few were also engaged in planning, monitoring, and contracts management. There was a small hospital on site to treat minor injuries, and some women from PAFs were trained to be pharmacists and nurses, and employed at this hospital. In addition, a local women’s organization, Mahila Mandal, was also active in the area. This organization typically promotes social causes, for example, protecting women against domestic violence and promoting education among girls. One respondent noted that, with respect to the RHP, the Mahila Mandal made demands (primarily related to safer working conditions for women) that SJVN agreed to within a week. Vulnerable Populations: Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Approximately 37 percent of the region’s population belongs to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCSTs), which are marginalized groups that have received official recognition from the Indian government as such (Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner 2011). The firms did not request caste status from workers so as to avoid discrimination. Therefore, employment numbers cannot be disaggregated by caste. However, considering SCSTs constitute a substantial share of the local area’s population, and that contractors partly prioritized local hires, it is likely that SCSTs were employed on the project, specifically in unskilled roles, given 30 RESULTS existing caste-based educational and skills disparities in India (Paliwal 2021). Further, even though jobs were awarded based on merit, many trades are passed down through generations or learned through apprenticeships. This siloes employment opportunities by caste. Estimating Total Direct Jobs The companies that participated in interviews were unable or unwilling to provide specifics on the number of people hired by employee type. The respondent for Patel Engineering did mention that the company was managing approximately 3,000 workers as part of the project, although the respondent did not provide estimates of hours worked per worker or number of workers hired by worker type. No other company provided any quantitative information. Because the interview respondents provided limited information on the number of direct jobs, the case study uses information from monitoring reports collected by the World Bank during the project. These reports showed a total of 2,094,149 person-days of employment for non-Himachalis and another 2,438,546 for Himachalis who worked on contracts related to the RHP between 2007 and 2014. This translates to a total of 18,131 person-years for the contracted workers.5 For comparison, Pollin and Chakraborty (2015) estimate a ratio of 144.8 domestic person-years per million US dollars, which implies that $395 million spent on hydropower projects in India would generate approximately 57,196 direct domestic person-years of employment. There are three reasons why this case study’s estimate for the RHP is lower than that of Pollin and Chakraborty (2015). First, the case study estimate excludes people directly employed by SJVN to implement the project, since it only covers their subcontractors. Second, the RHP was a relatively large hydropower project, whereas the estimates of Pollin and Chakraborty (2015) were derived based on hydropower projects of smaller scales, which are likely more labor intensive. Third, it is possible that the person-days data provided in the World Bank monitoring reports included days with overtime hours, whereas Pollin and Chakraborty (2015) based their estimates on total hours worked rather than days worked. Additional direct jobs were created due to O&M activities. Respondents reported that SJVN employs about 2,000 workers for O&M across all projects that it oversees. Those projects cover a total of approximately 1,912 MW (Business Standard 2022). Assuming hours of work for O&M are proportional to megawatts suggests that a total of 431 workers would be needed for the project’s O&M.6 Assuming a 35-year life span for this project, that figure translates to another 15,084 full-time equivalents for a total of approximately 33,215 total direct person-years of employment (table 5). Respondents suggested that the project may have hired more direct workers than needed. For example, companies may also have employed more workers to fulfill their commitment to hire 70 percent of their employees locally (from Himachal Pradesh). JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 31 TABLE 5 Person-Years Of Employment by Type for Rampur Hydropower Project DIRECT (DESIGN, MANAGEMENT, DIRECT (OPERATION TOTAL DIRECT INDIRECT TOTAL AND CONSTRUCTION) AND MAINTENANCE) Person-years 18,131 15,084 33,215 18,530 51,745 Note: Direct person-year estimates use data from monitoring reports collected by the World Bank over the course of the project along the total number of workers reported being engaged in O&M at SJVN by respondents. Indirect person-year estimation relies on the ratio of direct-to-indirect person-years of employment as estimated by Pollin and Chakraborty (2015). This includes both foreign and domestic person-years. Moreover, some operators on the project were recruited to primarily operate highly specialized machinery. They were thus engaged only during the hours when specialized equipment was used and did not have work for the rest of the day. Indirect Jobs Indirect jobs resulted from the production of the materials needed for the hydropower plant. As noted earlier, SJVN awarded subcontracts to companies that produced these materials (such as BHEL). Jobs created at these firms likely included engineers, project managers, workers, and supervisory staff. Some spare parts and construction materials were also purchased from nearby communities. A representative of one of the subcontracting companies mentioned that this purchasing led to additional local businesses and employment. For example, numerous shops opened to sell spare parts to construction companies. However, given the lack of ongoing development in the region, there was minimal use for these shops once the construction work was completed. According to a representative of Patel Engineering, the company did not purchase goods from external markets if the necessary materials were available in the country. However, companies turned to foreign manufacturers if locally produced materials did not meet the project’s necessary technical specifications. Italy-based ATB Riva, for instance, was contracted to supply hydraulic gates and other specialized equipment for the project. These findings suggest the creation of an estimated 18,530 indirect person-years of employment. This estimate is based on the indirect-direct domestic person-years ratio of 0.53 for hydropower projects and 95 percent of inputs being domestic, as estimated by Pollin and Chakraborty (2015), and the estimated direct person-years based on the World Bank monitoring reports, as described above.7 This implies a total of approximately 51,745 direct and indirect person-years of employment (table 5). 32 RESULTS Induced jobs Businesses (such as grocery stores, produce markets, restaurants, and small eateries) reportedly opened in the project’s vicinity to provide services to the workers employed on it. One respondent noted that such establishments also had longer operating hours. For example, restaurants in the project’s vicinity stayed open until 22:00 hours to serve workers who were finishing late-night shifts. Further, given the demand for bottled water from foreigners, who were wary of tap water, bottled water sales became a popular business venture for locals. As noted earlier, some of these businesses were started by workers formerly employed on the project. They opened these businesses considering the increased opportunities for different types of self-employment due to the project. The purchase of basic project inputs (such as spare parts and construction materials) from nearby communities reportedly had similar effects on business creation in the area more broadly. The reports of these respondents are also broadly consistent with the results of Vaidya and Singh (2015), who use survey data to shed light on the trends in socioeconomic outcomes in the project-affected areas before and after the RHP. They show, for instance, that average monthly household income from shops (e.g., general stores “With this project a lot of and auto repair shops) increased significantly people here received between 2005 and 2014 for the sample of project- employment. The medical affected households. In several cases (e.g., medical facilities have improved, stores and clothing shops), project-affected there has been greater households had reported no income from these [farming] in this area, sources in 2005. [and] people have received different kinds of Extrapolating the employment results reported by benefits. So, the project Vaidya and Singh (2015) to the districts of Shimla and has been beneficial for Kullu, where the RHP is located, provides illustrative the people. SJVN has also estimates for the magnitude of induced job creation constructed schools and associated with the project. Specifically, Vaidya and improved infrastructure Singh (2015) report two main findings: First, they show wherever there was a that the overall worker-population ratio was largely gap. They also help with unchanged in the project-affect areas before and after renovations. People are the RHP, declining slightly from 59.55 percent in 2005 happy with SJVN.” to 59.53 percent in 2014. Second, they highlight large shifts in the labor force’s sectoral composition in the project-affected areas over the same period. Specifically, the share of workers engaged in service-oriented “The money should go professions and those working in a business increased, straight from us [SJVN], to respectively, 25 percent and 60 percent between 2005 the bank accounts of the and 2014, whereas no worker was reported to be people.” engaged in agricultural labor in 2014 (approximately JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 33 3 percent of workers were employed as agricultural laborers in 2005). Assuming these employment patterns in the project-affected areas reflect those in Shimla and Kullu districts more broadly, taken together, these results suggest that while the RHP was not associated with net induced job creation in the region, the economic activity its construction and operation generated was linked to large shifts out of agriculture labor and into the services sector and wage labor linked to businesses.8 Jobs Related to Resettlement, Rehabilitation, and Community Development The RHP included resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development activities in Himachal Pradesh, which were carried out by SJVN. Some of these activities were specifically targeted at PAFs, whereas others aimed to develop the region more generally. SJVN engaged in income-generating activities for PAFs. Specifically, it sponsored project- affected youth to attend ITIs for vocational training, provided merit scholarships for higher education, and initiated an apprenticeship training program to provide opportunities for skill development for PAFs. There were also efforts to empower women by providing them with education, training, and employment. For example, women received training on different productive activities that could be performed from home, for example, tailoring and beauty services. Following these training sessions, many women opened small businesses in the area. Women were also sponsored for technical education, and provided scholarships and apprentice training (World Bank 2015a). Complementary efforts aimed to provide improved health care and services for women. Accordingly, some workers were trained to be pharmacists and nurses, and employed in the newly constructed or renovated hospitals. In addition, antenatal and postnatal services were made available to women from households below the poverty line. Efforts were also made to improve piped water supply to reduce the burden of fetching water from distant sources—a burden that is typically borne by women. According to this same report, these efforts increased the number of people from PAFs who were involved in businesses and wage labor, and led to an overall improvement in living standards (box 1). For example, the average income for PAFs increased by over 50 percent relative to the baseline incomes reported (World Bank 2015a). Perceptions of these community development activities were mixed. Recall that community development efforts carried out on behalf of the project were supposed to be commensurate with 1 percent of the revenue generated, and PAFs were supposed to be provided free electricity. As of August 2022, these initiatives were ongoing (SJVN 2022).9 Some respondents spoke positively about the resettlement work and the jobs that resulted. Others believed the resettlement activities were not fulfilled as promised, and suggested recommendations for improvement. 34 RESULTS BOX 1 IMPROVEMENTS IN LIVING STANDARDS ATTRIBUTABLE TO THE RESETTLEMENT AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES The end-term impact evaluation of the resettlement and community development activities found the following improvements in living standards: • The average income of project-affected families has increased by more than 50 percent in real terms over baseline incomes and is 86 percent more than the average income of the control set of population. • More than 50 percent of the affected people have added additional household assets or immovable assets such as land or house from the compensation amounts received by them. • The proportion of people working in salaried jobs with fixed incomes has increased by about 25 percent from the baseline. • The housing conditions of affected people have substantially improved. For example, the average house is now 70 percent bigger than the baseline average size and more than double the size of the control set population’s houses. • Compensation amounts have been used productively—about 20 percent invested compensation for land purchase and about 60 households made investments in the form of bank fixed deposits or mutual funds. Source: Vaidya and Singh 2015. Endnotes Given the cultural similarities between the two areas, the open international border, 1.  and the fact that citizens of Nepal can live and work freely in India, natives of Himachal Pradesh often do not consider Nepalis “foreigners.” Nepalis generally came to Himachal Pradesh to work on the apple farms, and subsequently became involved in construction work (Mandal 2020). Note that according to ILO (2022), “In developing countries, workers relying on piece-rate 2.  wages often constitute a vulnerable section of workers, with many working in the informal economy. Large numbers are women. Piece-rate pay is also frequent in the textile, garment, footwear and leather industries, and in global supply chains.” JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 35 Minimum wage requirements in Himachal Pradesh are available at: https://himachal.nic.in/ 3.  showfile.php?lang=1&dpt_id=14&level=2&lid=16065&sublinkid=15715. As a benchmark, road workers typically receive approximately Rs 8,000 per month. 4.  This is based on an assumption of 50 weeks worked per year and five days worked per week. 5.  This suggests that only about 54 percent of the employment was local (for Himachalis). There is one possible explanation for employment being lower than the 70 percent local employment threshold set by state laws: Many of the Himachalis were hired for relatively short-term jobs (i.e., even though they were on least 70 percent of the jobs, this constituted only about 54 percent of the person-days of employment). 431 workers = 2,000 workers × (412 MW/1,912 MW). 6.  Pollin and Chakraborty (2015) estimated that 95 percent of the content was domestic 7.  for the hydropower projects they analyzed in India. This appears plausible for the Rampur project given what the firms reported. Based on the respective rounds of the Population Census, the combined population 8.  of the Shimla and Kullu districts grew from 1,104,073 in 2001 to 1,251,913 in 2011. Assuming this growth rate remained unchanged and that the worker-population ratio in the two districts matched that in the project-affected areas, Shimla and Kullu would have had a total population of 1,300,011 in 2014, including 773,507 (i.e., 59.5 percent) workers. According to Vaidya and Singh (2015), the shares of workers engaged in service-oriented professions and those working in a business increased, respectively, 3.83 and 3.36 percentage points between 2005 and 2014. This suggests that the period coinciding with the construction of the RHP was associated with a growth in jobs by 3.83 + 3.36 approximately 55,615 (i.e., × 773,507) in these sectors. At the same time, 100  however, the total population living in these project-affected areas declined by about 30 percent between 2005 and 2014. Other factors may thus have been driving this observed sectoral shift in employment outcomes over time. It is worth noting that respondent interviews suggested that not all respondents were 9.  aware of the implementation of these post-commissioning support initiatives. For example, one respondent noted that allocation of revenue and free electricity for project-affected people had “not been implemented to date.” 36 RESULTS SIX CONCLUSION Summary of Findings Direct and Indirect Jobs Outcomes This case study sought to assess the employment outcomes associated with the RHP through key informant interviews with key project stakeholders complemented by insights from documentary sources and administrative data sets. The World Bank allocated a total of $395 million for Component 1 of the RHP (World Bank 2007). Insights from the data collected as part of this case study suggest that the project resulted in approximately 51,745 direct and indirect person-years of employment (including for O&M and foreign and domestic workers). A key lesson from this case study is that it may be very difficult to obtain reliable employment- related information—even for relatively large projects—long after they have been completed. In this case, data were collected over five years after the project ended, and many companies that played central roles in the project’s implementation appeared unable or unwilling to share quantitative data on employment. Multiple layers of subcontracting compounded this information gap. Indeed, even the available direct jobs estimates often differed considerably from those produced using alternative approaches. This suggested substantial uncertainty and imprecision regarding actual values. Other findings from this case study relate to methods to help improve local employment outcomes. Specifically, there was a policy that mandated hiring 70 percent of the labor for the hydropower plant’s construction from the state of Himachal Pradesh. While this requirement may have improved short-term employment outcomes for the people of this state, it may not have generated sustainable employment. This is because many other states adopted similar legislation. Thus, workers trained to implement the RHP were not eligible for similar jobs in other states that also had such requirements in place. Impacts of Jobs Related to Resettlement, Rehabilitation, and Community Development This case study also sheds light on how complementary investments (e.g., in community development or skills training) can be included as part of clean energy projects. Specifically, direct assistance to affected communities may improve outcomes in ways that may not be captured by employment rates. The RHP, for instance, displaced several families. These families and their communities were provided different forms of compensation as part of resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives undertaken as part of the project. An evaluation of these initiatives by Vaidya and Singh (2015) suggested no change in the share of PAFs employed, but substantial improvements in other important outcomes (e.g., household income). In particular, assistance to PAFs included annuity payments, a fixed amount of free electricity each month for 10 years, preferential employment, JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA 39 and opportunities for vocational training and technical education. Additional assistance was provided for local schools, health facilities, and entertainment activities (Vaidya and Singh 2015). These types of support may be more compelling to stakeholders than promises of potential construction or other unskilled jobs on the project. Indeed, direct assistance like this may serve as a more tangible reason to accept the presence of a large, potentially disruptive project in local areas than the relatively more abstract suggestion that the project might eventually create local jobs. This is especially true considering that many local people already have jobs, many project jobs often involve tasks that community members are unwilling to do, and there is substantial uncertainty surrounding the final employment impacts, in part due to issues with data collection encountered in this case study. These types of complementary interventions may also be designed to enhance the job creation associated with clean energy infrastructure. For example, investments to enhance and better enforce job safety standards as part of clean energy projects may increase project-related employment among women, who were reportedly less likely to be engaged in construction-related roles due to hazardous conditions. Theory of Change Figure 1 presents a theory of change (TOC) for Component 1 of the RHP. The TOC delineates the causal pathways between the activities undertaken as part of the project’s design, management, construction, O&M, and related local development investments, and the impacts on the final employment outcomes. It does so by drawing on the findings of this case study as well as the key objectives of the RHP, as outlined in its Project Appraisal Document (World Bank 2007).1 The TOC indicates that World Bank financing for the RHP supported two key sets of activities: (1) construction activities associated with the project; and (2) resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives targeted toward project-affected persons and communities. Among the employment categories listed as part of labor inputs into these two sets of activities, the TOC also highlights those categories where increased opportunities for marginalized populations (namely, females and marginalized SCST populations) were also observed. As can be seen in figure 1, the interviews conducted as part of this study provide evidence that female workers and individuals of SCSTs largely benefited from employment opportunities as unskilled/semiskilled workers during the project’s construction phase, with females also benefitting from some limited skilled opportunities. Following the completion of construction, labor inputs in the form of skilled and semiskilled jobs to carry out O&M activities were also needed on an ongoing basis. While carrying out these activities, workers also gained skills relevant to hydropower projects. Assuming hydropower projects continue to receive investments in the future (likely to be the case in Himachal Pradesh, which is abundant in hydroelectric resources), this increases the employability potential for these workers, resulting in induced jobs in the future. 40 conclusion FIGURE 1 Theory of Change for Component 1 of the Rampur Hydropower Project Activities Outputs Outcomes Long-term outcomes Low-cost and reliable energy provided to Northern Regional Grid Construction of the 412 MW RHP • Increased power availability Enhanced reliability • Increased compliance with Indian of Northern Continued operation and maintenance of RHP Electricity Grid Code operating Regional Grid band requirements Presence of local labor with suitable skills, training, and/or experience (given legal Direct and indirect jobs F V requirement to hire 70% of workers locally) Skilled/semiskilled/ Subsequent hydropower Skilled jobs Semiskilled/ unskilled jobs construction projects (e.g., unskilled jobs design, (i.e., jobs created occur (e.g., construction engineering) among suppliers of PAPs and locals hired as employees and work, technicians) project inputs) operations/technical apprentices and Continued employment trainees opportunities for workers New cadre of trained workers available for other hydropower projects with skills relevant to hydropower Resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives Income enhancement measures in the area or for subsequent projects with the same firms JOBS GENERATED BY THE RAMPUR HYDROPOWER PROJECT IN INDIA • Residents of project areas awarded petty contracts and hired by project • Light vehicles needed for project rented from locals PAPs received vocational training (e.g., PAPs and locals obtain new mechanic, tailoring, beautician) (including jobs and start new Community development measures - 1.5% of project cost New/expanded business opportunities for women) businesses (e.g., tailor, deposited with local area development committee Demand for new types of services exists and new jobs due to beauty salon) (LADC), which devoted funds to: increased potential for • productive uses of Community infrastructure unrelated to hydropower scheme electricity (e.g., water and sanitation) Improved human capital (e.g., • higher secondary education Mobile health vans completion rates) in project areas • Contracts awarded by SJVN for Vocational training and apprenticeship scheme for PAFs and infrastructure improvements unrelated to New/expanded local youth hydropower scheme (e.g., construction of businesses and new • jobs in response to Agriculture/horticulture training schools/community centers, sewage treatment, approach/internal roads) Increased travel/trade to Rampur higher demand (e.g., shops, restaurants) Resettlement and rehabilitation No other binding • Resettlement of 29 displaced families constraint for • Construction of improved infrastructure (e.g., sewage Labor inputs business creation treatment) in newly resettled areas (e.g., access to Skilled/semiskilled/unskilled jobs finance) Higher supplementary (e.g., design, engineering, construction) Electricity and annuity payments provided to affected income in project- communities affected areas • 100 free units of electricity provided to PAFs per month for 10 years Electricity and annuity payments (proceeds • Annuity payments from proceeds of power generation from power generation) provided to PAPs provided to long-term residents of project-affected areas Jobs related to resettlement, rehabilitation Legend Direct Jobs Indirect Jobs Induced jobs and community development V = SCSTs employed F = females employed WB-supported activity Assumptions Source: Assessment based on case study findings and World Bank (2007). 41 Note: MW = megawatt; O&M = operation and maintenance; PAF = project-affected family; PAP = project-affected person; RHP = Rampur Hydropower Project; SCST = Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe; SJVN = Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam; WB = World Bank. The integral nature of the second set of activities (i.e., the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives undertaken as part of the RHP) is worth highlighting. These initiatives were broadly designed to compensate PAFs and communities displaced and/or adversely affected by the project. As such, they were necessary for the overall success of the project, since they increased the project’s acceptance among local community members and helped to build trust (World Bank 2015a). At the same time, however, key activities carried out as part of these initiatives closely complemented those being undertaken as part of construction, and supported the project’s energy-related development objectives. For example, as shown in figure 1, vocational training provided to PAFs and other locals resulted in the creation of new jobs and businesses in line with different types of skills training programs (e.g., tailor, beauty salon). However, the provision of vocational training also led to the creation of a cadre of semiskilled workers with relevant skills (such as mechanics and technicians) who could be hired to carry out key project-related activities as direct workers permanently or as apprentices. Similarly, prioritization of PAFs and other locals for petty contracts or for hiring of light vehicles not only provided the residents of project-affected areas with supplementary income, but also facilitated ready access to local resources to carry out the necessary project-related activities. In this regard, the resettlement, rehabilitation, and community development initiatives undertaken as part of the RHP offer unique lessons for the design of future clean energy projects. Specifically, in addition to fostering local buy-in for large, potentially disruptive infrastructure projects, these initiatives have the potential to significantly enhance the local job creation associated with such investments—both directly (through training and hiring of residents of project-affected areas) and indirectly (by enabling the creation of new jobs and businesses through activities unrelated to the project). Financing to support additional training opportunities, apprenticeships, and internships for the residents of project- affected areas or to support infrastructure that improves local human capital (e.g., schools, or water and sanitation services) can not only complement the overall objectives of clean energy projects, but also support sustained economic activity and the creation of new jobs and businesses over the longer term. Endnote The Project Appraisal Document for the RHP did not contain a formal TOC for the 1.  project. 42 conclusion References Business Standard. 2022. “SJVN Ltd.: Company History.” https://www.business-standard.com/ company/sjvn-12076/information/company-history. Government of Himachal Pradesh. 2017. “Department of Labour & Employment Notification No. Shram (A)4-8/2006-Part-III.” https://himachal.nic.in/showfile.php?lang=1&dpt_id= 14&level=2&lid=16065&sublinkid=15715. ILO (International Labour Organization). 2022. “Piece Rate Pay.” https://www.ilo.org/global/ topics/wages/minimum-wages/definition/WCMS_439067/lang—en/index.htm. Mandal, Chandan Kumar. 2020 “Supreme Court Asks Government Why Nepalis Working in India Are Not Considered to Be in ‘Foreign Employment’.” The Kathmandu Post, July 12, 2020. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2020/07/12/supreme-court-asks-government-why- nepalis-working-in-india-are-not-considered-to-be-in-foreign-employment. Ministry of Power. 2007. 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