69162 SOCIETAL DYNAMICS & FRAGILITY: Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situations © 2012 The World Bank Group 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org/socialdevelopment E-mail: asksocial@worldbank.org All rights reserved. This paper has not undergone the review accorded to official World Bank publications. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The World Bank Group encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to repro- duce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Dan- vers, MA 01923, USA; telephone 978-750-8400; fax 978-750-4470; Internet: www.copy- right.com. Cover photo credits: TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................................................................4 II. STUDY METHOD & APPROACH ..................................................................................................................................6 III. KEY FINDINGS ..................................................................................................................................................................7 Building social cohesion is crucial for reducing fragility ...............................................................................7 Perceptions of injustice across groups can undermine social cohesion .................................................9 Improving the quality of interactions between institutions can strengthen social cohesion........13 Rigid relationships in society that cannot adapt to rapid social change are a source of fragmentation in society ..............................................................................................................................................17 Researching Societal Dynamics ................................................................................................................................19 IV. Strategic Recommendations .......................................................................................................................................19 Addressing Perceptions of Injustice across Groups .........................................................................................20 Improving the Quality of Interactions across Institutions ............................................................................24 V. LOOKING FORWARD: Placing society at the center ...........................................................................................30 Works Cited ...............................................................................................................................................................................31 4 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility I. INTRODUCTION has been state-building – increasing the capac- at least a quarter of the world’s people. In ity of the state to fulfill core functions. Extreme fragile situations are now home to the worst cases - where fragility has given way to open violence - people are more than twice as likely to be malnourished, more than three This study views fragility as not only a prob- times as likely to be unable to send their chil- ships in society. That is, while some elements lem of state capacity, but also of relation- dren to school, twice as likely to see their chil- of fragility emanate from the state, others are dren die before age five, and more than twice deeply rooted in societal dynamics – the way as likely to lack clean water. It is unsurprising individuals and groups interact and the rela- that not a single low-income country in these tionships that form out of these interactions. circumstances has been able to achieve even one Millennium Development Goal (World Bank Fragility is not a static condition, nor is it an all- 2011). In addition, many fragile situations gen- or-nothing experience. Fragility can best be erate spillover effects such as trafficking in il- understood as a continuum: societies can ex- legal goods and persons, and corruption, which perience extreme state failure and violent con- threaten the stability of neighboring countries flict at one end, and varying degrees of fragility (OECD 2005, 2010). other points in the continuum. The continuum does not imply a linear process, as societies can jump around to different points as societal dy- range of contexts, from conflict-affected coun- namics shift. The label “fragile� is applied to a diverse tries such as Afghanistan and Somalia, to weak institutional settings like Haiti and Guatemala. There is also a growing recognition that pockets Where a society falls on the fragility con- of fragility can exist even where overall state ca- tinuum is directly influenced by its degree of pacity is solid, such as informal settlements in quality of relationships across groups. More social cohesion – understood as the overall middle-income countries, or in sub-national re- cohesive societies enjoy higher levels of trust gions experiencing violent conflict (OECD 2008, and collaboration, which provide the frame- DFID 2010, World Bank 2011). work for groups to interact constructively on common goals, and avoid or move away from There is no consensus on a specific definition the lower end of the fragility continuum. of fragility; nor is there an agreed-upon list of fragile states or situations. Generally speaking, most donors define fragility as a problem of liver basic services (OECD 2010, DFID 2010, weak state capacity, legitimacy or will to de- USAID 2005). Seeing fragility in this way, the dominant policy response to fragile situations Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 5 II. STUDY METHOD & APPROACH This work is the product of collaboration among experts on fragility, violence, and social dynam- SOCIAL COHESION ics. There were three phases. First, the study team convoked a variety of practitioners, aca- Social Cohesion describes the nature demics and donors to assess the state of research and quality of relationships across and policy, and to develop lines of inquiry. Next, people and groups in society, including the team commissioned five background papers the state. The constituency of social on relevant themes, to understand the relation- cohesion is complex, but at its essence ship between particular societal dynamics and social cohesion implies a convergence fragility. across groups in society that provides a framework within which groups can, at a minimum, coexist peacefully. In this The analytical phase was followed by in- way, social cohesion offers a measure country work in five sites: Liberia, Central of predictability to interactions across and Haiti. These countries were selected to African Republic, Yemen, Indonesia (Aceh) people and groups, which in turn provides reflect varying degrees and experiences of fra- incentives for collective action. gility, and to provide regional balance. A politi- cal economy analysis was conducted for each key informant interviews were conducted in se- country in order to examine the different soci- lected communities to explore how different dy- etal dynamics at play, and design the fieldwork. namics played out on the ground, and to under- In each country, a national-level workshop was stand grassroots perspectives on the dynamics held with different experts on the topic as well that were considered most relevant. as the country context. Finally, focus groups and 6 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility III. KEY FINDINGS Building social cohesion is crucial for FRAGILITY reducing fragility Viewing fragility as partly a result of dysfunc- Fragility can be understood as a tional relationships in society changes the way problem not only of state capacity, the role of the state is envisioned in fragile situ- but also of dysfunctional relationships ations. The state is clearly a primary actor in all across groups in society, including the contexts, including those that are fragile, but it relationship of different groups with the is not the only actor, and may not always be the state. Rather than a static condition, most powerful actor. The state is formed by in- fragility is better conceptualized as teractions with members of society, who bring a dynamic continuum, along which their own ideas, meanings, cultures, interpreta- societies can experience extreme state tions and priorities to the state. When the state failure and violent conflict at one end, is seen as embedded within society, it becomes and a more cohesive society moving evident that to address fragility, one not only up continuum. The continuum need has to look at the state and its capacities, but not imply a linear process, as societies at the relationships between groups in society. can move around the continuum as they respond to different shocks or Addressing fragility therefore means put- opportunities. ting social cohesion at the center of develop- ment efforts. Social cohesion is understood in this study There are varying definitions of social cohe- ultimately have more incentive to collaborate. as a convergence across groups in a society. sion, but all coincide on the idea that it has to Convergence across groups thus serves as an do with the quality and nature of connections essential element for collective action. between people and groups. At its essence, so- cial cohesion embodies a convergence across groups, which provides an overarching struc- quires certain conditions. For groups to con- Building a convergence across groups re- ture for collective life that helps ensure predict- verge, they need to believe that it is better to ability and certainty, even if it does not guaran- collaborate than to confront each other. They tee that all groups will agree on all issues. At a need to trust in the fundamentals of the system minimum, convergence across groups offers the in which they operate, even if they still distrust incentive for groups to coexist. As the degree the motivations of other groups. Convergence of convergence builds and groups see their in- across groups also needs to persist over time: terests mesh with those of other groups, they although groups may converge in the short become more connected to these groups, and term, for example when fighting a war or over- Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 7 YEMEN: Convergence around a tradition of dialogue An important part of Yemeni identity, rooted in tribal traditions, is a culture of dialogue. This tradition of dialogue is a shared intersubjective meaning, in that it provides a point of common reference and a spirit of dialogue and solidarity. The practice of daily qat chewing, in particular, creates a space where ideas can be debated and discussed. This spirit is also present in other “mini-publics,� such as those associated with mosque sermons and lessons, newspapers, radio broadcasts or television, constituting, “lively communities of argument, distinct modes of democratic being and acting in which participants often orient their addresses to and receive information as part of a broader public of anonymous citizens� (Warner 2002 quoted in Wedeen 2008: 3). This deep tradition of dialogue, as part of a unified national identity, has perhaps been enough to keep the country from falling into full civil war. However, it has not been sufficient to move the society away from fragility. This symbolic national identity, while strong, has not been strong enough to supersede regional loyalties, which remain the most relevant for most Yemenis. Even during times of crisis, the national identity has not been strong enough for people to abandon local identities. As Wedeen (2008:47) notes, “Yemeni nationalists often espoused and continue to create new, more encompassing identifications without abandoning their local interests, their divergent political allegiances (as royalists, republicans, and socialists) or their sense of place.� Photo: Scott Wallace/The World Bank 8 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility throwing a dictator, this type of short-term con- vergence does not automatically result in social in the past, compared to other groups. These fair, or that they have not been treated fairly cohesion. A convergence also needs to include a perceptions of injustice are a critical factor in broad range of groups in society. A convergence the success or failure of development interven- that is not ‘inclusive enough’ may create griev- tions. A project or policy outcome may result ances that cause those who are excluded to re- in equal distribution of resources by objective act, potentially generating more fragility. Finally, measures, yet still be perceived as unfair by dif- convergence needs to be based on some com- ferent groups. This is, in part, because groups mon understanding of the (often subconscious) differ in their conceptions of fairness. That is, rules that determine how a society functions the same development outcome can be per- – what this study refers to as inter-subjective ceived as fair, or not, by different groups be- meanings. If the points of convergence include cause of the criteria they use to assess fairness. various, qualitatively different, or competing These perceptions of unjust treatment may cor- concepts, the convergence is unlikely to last. respond with measureable inequalities, such as income inequality, but not always. Some particular societal dynamics are es- convergence. These dynamics undermine so- pecially prone to derailing the potential for The work for this study indicates that it is cial cohesion by creating a climate of insecurity how people perceive the inequalities they and unpredictability. They include, first, perva- experience– as unjust treatment of their sive distrust, which generates unpredictability group, or not, and how hard it is to effect by encouraging self-interested behavior instead situation will be disruptive for society. The change – that seems to affect whether the of cooperation. Second, chronic violence im- sense that one’s group has been mistreated can pedes convergence by eroding social networks motivate an individual to act even when that in- and isolating people from each other. dividual would not otherwise have taken action, and even if that person does not suffer injustice Many times, measures that are expected to in- directly. The fieldwork for the study suggests directly work toward convergence – for exam- certain contextual factors that can exacerbate ple those geared toward increasing economic perceptions of injustice: the rigidity of group growth - can actually undermine convergence. identity boundaries, the potential for power It is often assumed that interventions to reduce groups to manipulate boundaries between poverty and generate economic growth will groups, historical legacies of social divisions, strengthen social cohesion. There are plenty of and the perpetuation of trauma. examples where this has indeed happened, but at least as many examples where it has failed. In truth, the impacts of these interventions can Rigid boundaries around group member- be positive or negative depending on how they relative to other groups. This rigidity deter- ship can exacerbate perceptions of injustice interact in a particular context. mines how easily people can move from one group to another. If individuals who are part of a disadvantaged group are not able to affiliate with a different group associated with a more advantageous social or economic position, their Perceptions of injustice across groups perception that they are being treated unjustly can undermine social cohesion can intensify. Some social orders have actively enforced these group boundaries – for example A key finding of this work is that social co- racial slavery in the United States, or the Apar- hesion is greatly weakened when groups in a society perceive that their situation is un- Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 9 HAITI: Hardening of group boundaries over time In Haiti, marked divisions between groups remain an important obstacle to building a convergence in society. These divisions have their roots in the post-independence period. The most obvious division that exists in Haitian society today is between blacks and mulattos (lighter skinned progeny of white plantation owners in colonized Haiti and their slaves). This division is, in the words of one of Haiti’s ablest thinkers (Jenkins, 2002), Alcius Charmant “the supreme evil of our Republic and virus that ravages it, and the road to its ruin (quoted in Jenkins, 2002). The mulattos from the colonial period were part of the elite – a notch above the black – economically Photo: Romel Simon / World Bank well-off and better educated as compared to the blacks, as the plantation owners usually educated their progeny and often signed over land titles to them. Therefore, in spite of institutional discrimination against them, many mulattos became wealthy landowners, establishing themselves as a viable class. Consequently, after independence, mulattos established themselves as well-off urban-based traders in export commodities while blacks became self-reliant horticulturalists who took up residence in the mountains (Fick, 1990). Over time, these distinctions originally based on phenotype became firmly enshrined in the Haitian economic and social order. In today’s Haiti, the elite class is separated from the poor majority by language, culture, religion and economic status. Creole remains the dominant language among the majority, while French is viewed as the language of the Haitian elite. With out-migration, English is also gaining prominence among the Diaspora. Similarly, the division across religion also runs along the line of class and color. Voodoo – an amalgam of the animist cults of West Africa infused with Catholic ritual – is the dominant system of belief in Haiti. The elite, however, proclaim their adherence to Christianity (Jenkins, 2002). Consequently, Haiti has become divided into lighter-skinned, urban, economically well-off, educated, French-speaking, dominantly Christian class and black, rural, poor, Creole speaking class who predominantly believe in Voodoo. These divisions between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ were further reinforced by external intervention (specifically the American Occupation’s favoring of lighter-skinned elite in Haitian politics) and by Haitian political actors who have either mobilized popular resentment among the majority (black) population, or served to preserve power among the lighter-skinned elite. Given the rigidity of the Haitian social order, it is virtually impossible for a person born into the poorer group to fathom joining the elite. As recently as 1990, the Haitian civil registry was still issuing two distinct birth certificates designating citizens as either paysan (peasant) or citadin (urban-dweller/ elite). This rigidity remains a serious source of social fragmentation, particularly among youth. 10 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility heid system of South Africa. In other cases, this as ethnicity, religion and race, which define the is not systematic, but more subtle, as in the case boundaries between identity groups. These of the Roma in Eastern and Central Europe. boundaries also evolve through interactions be- tween groups. This process is illustrated by the Rigid boundaries around group identity case of Haiti (see text box). stigma. Groups that have suffered discrimina- often contribute to the internalization of tion and deprivation over time may come to ac- The dynamism of group identity boundar- cept this injustice as inevitable and unchange- ies implies that both the process of group able. It often takes an external trigger event to group from others can be manipulated. This formation and the markers that divide the provoke a rethinking of this kind of systematic manipulation usually touches on some feeling discrimination. For example, the Indian caste of injustice toward other groups or toward the system was internalized for centuries by most state. History is thick with accounts of power of society. Social cohesion was strong among elites drawing on inter-group tensions to fo- lower castes, even as they were marginalized ment resentment against particular groups, from broader society. Increased contact with usually in an effort to gain or hold on to political other cultures with globalization, however, has power. sparked some questioning of the caste system, which has threatened social cohesion between different classes. As inter-group tensions rise, any action by other groups that is perceived as an infringe- ment on group identity has the tendency to that group. These infringements only add fuel The perception that one’s group has suffered add to the sense of injustice in members of to the fire for political actors hoping to capi- unjust treatment by others may create more have positive and negative outcomes. This talize on the hardening of group boundaries. social cohesion within the group, which can process tends to reduce competition within the Threats to a group’s language, religious beliefs group, and often means that members are more or culture can be especially destructive for so- likely to make personal sacrifices for the group. cial cohesion. The case of Aceh illustrates this in When they see their primary possibilities for the accompanying text box. social or economic advancement to be linked to the advancement of the group as a whole, they may be more likely to engage in collective ac- Events in history, and specifically incidents tion toward these ends. This can take non-vio- that have caused trauma, seem to have a par- lent forms, such as the Civil Rights movement in injustice. Colonization, for example, has shaped ticularly important effect on perceptions of the United States, or the Indian independence the relationship among citizens and between movement. However, if groups increasingly de- citizens and the state in a large number of coun- fine themselves in opposition to other groups tries around the world. In other countries, a – that is, if the identity built on the perception history of state oppression has made it very dif- of injustice becomes a factor that isolates them ficult for certain groups of citizens to trust the from other groups – the outcomes are more state. likely to be social fragmentation and violence. The experience of trauma by groups, if left The markers that differentiate groups, which unaddressed, is a powerful vehicle for deep- Trauma deepens divisions in society in several become the impetus for perceptions of injus- ening perceptions of injustice across groups. time. It is not only the ‘natural’ markers, such ways. First, it impacts trust by transforming the tice by identifying an out-group, evolve over Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 11 ACEH: Infringements on group identity fueled conflict The Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebellion began in 1976, aiming to secure the territory’s independence from Indonesia. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), signed by representatives of GAM and the Government of Indonesia in August 2005 brought an end to the GAM’s separatist rebellion. Under the MoU, extensive autonomy was granted to Aceh and supporters of the former guerilla movement were able to run for local government office. A vast literature on the Aceh conflict agrees that the swell of support for the Free Aceh Movement that drove the conflict came from the feelings of injustice that Acehnese felt against the Indonesian government primarily relating to economic discrimination. As Photo: Curt Carnemark / World Bank the conflict progressed, the behavior employed by the state to curb unrest in the area reinforced these feelings of injustice, creating a strong perception, “among many Acehnese that they have repeatedly been treated unjustly, betrayed and deceived by the Indonesian state� (Aspinall, 2010: 17). Violence committed by security forces against movement supporters served only to further reinforce the movement’s cohesion. The prior history of conflict in Aceh, the stock of historical myths and hardened identities that this history provided reinforced these perceptions of injustices, and in turn reinforced the identities themselves. These feelings of antagonism against the state were evident Photo: Ray Witlin / World Bank from the field work that was conducted for this report. An female ex-combatant in a focus group in Piddie – an area that experienced massive violence during the conflict -- expressed her feeling of injustice, which led her to participate in the conflict, as follows, “The issue of injustice was an important cause of tensions between Aceh and Jakarta. Jakarta did not keep most of its promises, which triggered the disappointment among Acehenese.� During an interview, a leader of the Free Aceh Movement also expressed this issue of injustice and reiterated that injustice toward the Acehnese by the Indonesian government was one of the main drivers of conflict. He also stated that the Helsinki MoU and subsequent peace settlement has acknowledged these injustices, and is therefore a first step toward peaceful coexistence. Photo: Ray Witlin / World Bank 12 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility relationships both in the public sphere (between have a cumulative effect in reinforcing divisions groups, between society and the state and with- between different groups in society. in communities) as well as the private sphere (within families, between generations). Trauma can also contribute to the increase of harmful In Aceh, the study documented the percep- behavioral patterns, such as rape, domestic vio- tion that formal and customary institutions lence and the general normalization of violence, teract constructively most of the time. These have integrated their functions so as to in- as people re-enact the traumatic events. constructive interactions hold great potential to reinforce convergence across groups. Custom- ary institutions (adat) in Aceh play an impor- tant role in coordinating communities’ social Trauma can deepen perceptions of injus- between “us� and “them.� These perceptions life. In the post-Suharto era, a series of laws tice, hardening the distinctions groups draw become embedded in the way traumatic events were passed that granted special autonomy are remembered. Narratives can be construct- to Aceh. In this context, adat institutions were ed around traumatic events that paint them revived and recognized by the state. This rec- as attacks against group identity, and mobilize ognition implied the state paying the leaders a deep sense of injustice against the enemy of adat a stipend, providing them with equip- group. These narratives may be used to justify ment (for example, motor bikes) and formal- revenge against other groups in order to restore izing their role in dispute resolution. Perceived the group’s honor or dignity. In some cases, positive effects associated with these changes master narratives of violence are entwined in included an increase in the flow of resources to nation-building processes and become central communities, and a broadening of the jurisdic- to national identity. Such processes serve to re- tions for customary institutions. For example, inforce inter-group cohesion, but they also cre- the formalization of the customary role of the ate deep divisions with those who are excluded Sea Commander was perceived to have a posi- from the narrative. Trauma can thus be both a tive aspect on the community life. The Sea Com- source of cohesion as well as fragility. mander can now resolve disputes in which the conflicting parties belong to other villages with the help of state authorities. Improving the quality of interactions between institutions can strengthen At the same time, there were tradeoffs in the loss of discretion in decision-making when social cohesion Much attention has been devoted in develop- in Aceh. It was perceived that much of the specif- customary laws were codified into formal law ment policy and research to the strength and ic context would be lost in this process, because effectiveness of institutions. The study probed formal law would need to apply standardized this issue, and found that, in general, people rules for particular offenses, instead of allowing for considerations such as the relationship be- tween the parties in a dispute, or the harm done were less affected by the effectiveness of in- quality of interactions between them. This to the community by a particular action. dividual institutions than they were by the was particularly the case regarding interactions between customary and state institutions. In many cases a particular institution may be quite In the other four field sites, more problemat- effective in serving its particular function, yet and customary institutions. In Liberia, the ic interactions were observed between state be unable to interact constructively with the existence of two parallel systems of customary state system. These unconstructive interactions and state law provoked confusion about which Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 13 Forum Shopping in Liberia At the time of Liberia’s founding two different sets of systems of laws were recognized in the constitution – statutory law that was to govern ‘civilized’ Americo-Liberians and missionaries, and customary laws to govern ‘natives,’ non-Christian, indigenous Africans. The natives could not access statutory law and, conversely, village chiefs could not adjudicate a dispute to which an Americo-Liberian was a party. Although the constitution, statutory laws and common law of the formal legal system now apply to all Liberians, the customary Rules and Regulations Governing the Hinterland still refer to the adjudication of cases for ‘civilized people’ and ‘natives’ (International Crisis Group, 2006: 7). The dual nature of the legal system is recognized within current statutory law. The fieldwork for this study revealed that the competing existence of these two forms of law has resulted in a great deal of legal ambiguity about the role of the customary legal system and its place in Liberia’s overall justice sector. The fieldwork for this study documented similar dynamics. People in the communities recognize that there are two types of laws. However, many Liberians do not understand formal statutory law. Seminar participants stressed that the parallel existence of customary and formal institutions allows the powerful to choose the system that best serves their interest for a given issue, while others have fewer alternatives. Liberian customary land tenure is based on three fundamental concepts. The first concept is that customary group connection to specific land areas in Liberia is based on the idea of early and later arrivals. The distinction between groups (including their descendents) who arrived first in certain areas of the country, and the chronology of the founding of particular settlements versus those who arrived later, is a primary customary land concept that serves as a foundation for other customary legal arbitration in relation to land. Such descent laws are then used to exclude outsiders or restrict in certain ways their rights to land. First-comers in this context are believed to have almost ultimate legitimacy in a customary sense, to rights to land. In many cases this concept provides the basis for those in the first-comer group to make laws affecting the transfer of land, inclusion and exclusion of others, and what rights various segments of local inhabitants have and do not have; such as the right to build houses, farm, plant trees and bury the dead. The second postulate that sets customary belief apart from formal institutions is that land cannot be subdivided or inherited privately, and that lineage lands belong to the dead, living and unborn. Under this arrangement, land rights are vested in communities and are prohibited from sale. Statutory law does not recognize these principles. For example, the ownership of land by a group or clan is not recognized by the state just because that group had settled on that land. The provisions in statutory law claimed that land that was owned by ‘native’ Liberians according to customary institutions actually belonged to the state, when land had clearly been occupied and used for a long time under customary law. Therefore, the land was ‘public’ or ‘non-private.’ According to the statutory law, therefore, this land could be sold by the state for various purposes. The inherent conflicts between the two systems have created deep and volatile animosity between people who prefer or refer to different systems of law. The parallel existence of different forms of law also created ambiguity, which in turn allowed opportunism, manipulation, and expropriation through conversion of ‘non-private’ holdings into private holdings. 14 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility system to use, and reinforced the disadvantag- from such [state] institutions, rather than to es of marginalized groups who did not clearly approach them either as putative service pro- understand the workings of the formal system. viders or good-faith arbiters in everyday af- The problem of ‘forum shopping’ was also ob- fairs,� (INURED 2011: 19). The idea that the served, as people chose to take a dispute to the state is something one must guard against system they had best access to, or that was most comes from a historical role of the state as an likely to rule in their favor, often resulting in outsider, and as an extractive presence. competing rulings. The accompanying text box describes this in more detail. The avoidance of the state by many Hai- state presence. Contact between many Hai- tians is rooted in a legacy of a predatory tians and the state in the past was limited to In Yemen, problems of the loss of account- the presence of the military, as an instrument ability were observed, resulting from the mal state system. In this case, tribal sheiks were of control and surveillance, and government cooptation of customary leaders into the for- brought into the formal system and awarded tax collectors. Both were understandably un- stipends, access to land and other privileges in popular. These functionaries have since been exchange for their loyalty to the central govern- replaced by local, elected representatives, ment. The sheiks were effectively converted into and there is a perception that things have representatives of the state to their communities, improved as a result. However, even with whereas previously, their power had derived ex- these improvements, the average Haitian clusively from the support of their constituents. perceives little benefit in terms of resource This dynamic had the effect of isolating the sheiks distribution, as the proceeds from decentral- from their communities, and reinforcing divides ization are quite small, or may be siphoned between the state and social groups. off for uses other than the intended ones. In addition, there is a sense that new political processes intended to increase popular par- ticipation have instead simply replicated the Finally, the collapse of both customary and top-down approaches of the past. The scarce state institutions was observed in CAR and presence of the national police in many ru- Haiti, leaving people without recourse for and other needs. In both cases the weakness ral areas is sometimes perceived as evidence resolving disputes, obtaining basic services of state institutions stemmed from the legacy of of the limited and strained interactions with slavery and a history of a predatory, extractive state institutions (INURED 2011). state presence in much of the country. In CAR, the resurgence of the use of witchcraft was seen as a consequence of weak formal institutions Civil society institutions potentially have an and declining informal institutions, such as the important role to play in fragile situations, Nganga, that previously had been able to keep tween customary and state institutions. Civil by improving the quality of interactions be- the predatory use of witchcraft in check. society is a very heterogeneous category and will reflect a diversity of views, motivations and capabilities in a particular context. They occupy a middle ground between customary and state In Haiti, a general avoidance and distrust of protect themselves. As in CAR, Haitians have institutions. In the best case scenario, they can the state was observed as people sought to over time developed a strong distrust and bring people together around interests, pur- skepticism toward the state. Generally speak- poses and values, thus creating links among in- ing, “average citizens from all walks of life dividuals and groups across social and cultural are more likely to seek to protect themselves cleavages. In fragile situations, this important Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 15 Institutional breakdown in CAR In CAR the state and the customary institutions are both weak, leaving large gaps in service delivery, conflict resolution and mechanisms for collective action. The state has a long history of predation, reaching back to the 17th and 18th centuries, with the slave trading kingdoms situated in present day CAR and nearby regions, and continuing through a particularly oppressive colonial order. For much of its history, the main state presence in CAR has been in the form of armed men representing central authority at the local level - rendering justice, resolving disputes and being paid and fed in exchange. The population learned how to handle this presence over time, by escaping, or by negotiating a variety of arrangements with authority that looked like anything but a social contract. In these circumstances the interaction between the customary systems and the state today is extremely weak. The state has made some attempts to expand its reach by formalizing the local chieftaincy system, but in practice the system works in a very imperfect fashion. To a certain extent, both the state and the customary systems are too weak, especially in rural areas, to interact efficiently, leaving many local problems unresolved. One manifestation of the weakness of both customary and state systems to resolve local problems in a constructive manner is the increasing use of witchcraft. In the fieldwork, there was sense that this resurgence of witchcraft –itself a product of a deep institutional void - was overwhelming the capacity of customary institutions to deal with its negative effects. In the past, witchcraft had been used, but there were informal systems in place to handle allegations of witchcraft and resolve the underlying conflicts. People complained that, now, the traditional chiefs had disappeared and were replaced by people with much less legitimacy and ability to resolve the problems of the community. There was a sense that the traditional healers, the Nganga, were no longer able to effectively address witchcraft and other social problems because they themselves had lost their knowledge. This lack of social regulation of witchcraft allows people to prey on each other and made some groups particularly vulnerable, especially women and children. role is often de-prioritized because of the need to employ civil society organizations to help de- emerging issues can affect relationships be- liver essential services. ing social cohesion. Rapid change seems to tween groups, potentially negatively impact- impact certain types of relationships more than others. For example, rapid change is often also linked to migration, whether it be forced mi- Rigid relationships in society that gration/displacement, or economic migration. cannot adapt to rapid social change Migration itself changes the societal dynamics are a source of fragmentation in in a context, putting groups of individuals to- gether that may have not interacted in the past. society Globalization, urbanization, and technological innovations are just a few of the factors creat- As groups start to interact, they may or may ing rapid changes in contexts around the world. not share common understandings or ideas of The speed of change caused by some of these where their community should be headed, or 16 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility about the rights and responsibilities of people come from exposure to other systems of gender living in a specific place. These new interactions norms, as people travel more and are exposed can (at least initially) create perceptions of in- to other cultures through the expansion of glob- justice or unfairness as local populations expect al communication technologies. things to remain as they were and new popula- tions have different expectations. The interac- tion between these different groups can also These challenges to gender roles create im- create demands that existing institutions may portant opportunities, but also leave men not meet, either because of a lack of capacity or The growing economic empowerment and in- and women vulnerable, in different ways. because of a lack of mechanisms for these insti- dependence of women can be a huge achieve- tutions to serve the needs of different popula- ment for families and societies. In many cases tions. families adapt smoothly to the shifting power dynamics. However, if women’s economic and social empowerment is perceived to come at the between youth and elders. In traditional expense of men’s economic and social status, it Rapid changes also affect the relationship settings, especially, roles and expectations of can provoke a sense of injustice by men against people in different age groups are largely pre- women, and potentially fuel a backlash. defined. Socialization processes can be rigid and based on local norms. As a context changes and exposure to outside influences increases, how- ever, youth may also change their expectations and may want different roles in their communi- ties. This can create rifts between young people and elders, as elders believe that the young still have to “pay their dues� and follow the rules, while young people demand change and may even decide to take action to make those chang- es possible. It is particularly problematic when youth decide to participate in alternative forms of socialization that are problematic. Young people, for example, sometimes join gangs or other armed groups in an effort to transition to adulthood in alternative ways. Just as with generational power relationships, rapid social changes often deliver power- ics. In many fragile situations, the structures ful shocks to existing gender power dynam- governing gender norms are too rigid to adapt effectively to rapid social change. In these con- texts, the rules that regulate how men and women interact are in flux or are directly chal- lenged, which can be very disruptive for society. In some cases this is because the economic role of men as providers is challenged by shifts in the global economy. In others, the challenges Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 17 IV. Strategic Recommendations Viewing the problem of fragility from the per- environments is understandably challenging, spective of societal dynamics opens up many given unreliability of data and other difficulties. possibilities for programming in fragile situa- tions. In particular, this approach calls for Understanding the dynamics at play will re- quire asking a different set of questions than mentals of how a society ‘works.’ This means targeting interventions beyond the state, to are normally asked, to focus on the funda- in society. This is, perhaps, more easily said asking questions about the elements that divide address fragile relationships across groups than done. The dominant approach to fragile or bring people together in society, and the his- situations – that of building core state capaci- torical factors that have created or worsened ties – is well-established among donors and these relationships. It requires looking at the policymakers. The tools available to practitio- state as one actor among many in the society, in- ners are designed to work with the state as the stead of using the state as a point of departure. central actor in fragile situations. Expanding the focus to give more attention to societal dynam- ics will require adapting these tools where pos- section of political and social analysis. Politi- A society-centered approach sits at the inter- sible, and developing new ones. cal economy analysis is increasingly being seen as a very relevant analytical tool in fragile en- vironments to capture the interactions between political and economic processes, especially the This study advocates for an approach to frag- distribution of power and wealth between dif- ile situations that recognizes social cohesion Resumption of growth and reducing poverty ferent groups, and their impacts on fragile (and as a clear objective of development policies. are important but not sufficient, and policies to non-fragile) situations. In fragile environments, support growth and poverty reduction will not however, the nature of societal dynamics is succeed if they also do not contribute to social complex and multi-layered, which necessitates cohesion. Working towards improved social co- going beyond political economy analysis to in- hesion requires ensuring that perceptions of in- clude social analysis as well. Ideally, both types justice and unfairness are addressed, and also of analysis should be carried out together, in or- creating space to facilitate constructive connec- der to inform one another. tions between institutions, especially custom- ary and traditional structures, as well as civil society institutions. Some research tools may be particularly useful, in order to get at the layers of dynam- In some cases participatory methods may be ics that are at play in a particular society. useful in getting people to articulate their own perceptions and place them in historical con- Researching Societal Dynamics The focus on societal dynamics needs to be text. Depending on cultural context, people may based on solid research. Research in fragile prefer to speak in groups or as individuals, and 18 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility this needs to be assessed in each environment. lies, and redress mechanisms may focus more In some cases the composition of interview or on addressing the particular harm done than focus groups will need to reflect divisions in on punishment. Inserting other conceptions of society (for example by gender, or age, or eth- justice into dispute resolution mechanisms - for nicity) while in others it may be more useful example, those based on individual litigation or possible for groups to mix. Regardless of the - may be ineffective at best. At worst it can in- specific tools used, it will be important to com- crease dissatisfaction and prolong conflicts. bine different methods and triangulate them in the analysis in order to capture the different dy- namics at play. Accommodating different ideas of what is fair means engaging the most helpful ele- lution practices. This will necessarily involve ments of different justice and conflict reso- engaging customary dispute resolution mecha- nisms, where they are important for people. Addressing Perceptions of Injustice Some groups will prefer to approach state insti- across Groups tutions to resolve conflict, and others will seek out customary mechanisms. It can be helpful to Taking measures to address perceptions clearly articulate the type of matters that are of injustice of some groups relative to oth- When groups perceive they are being treated expected to be resolved via the formal legal sys- ers is important in building social cohesion. unfairly, they may feel little incentive to build tem, and the accompanying procedures, and to relationships with other groups. These percep- clearly define the relationship of customary au- tions may correspond to measurable inequali- thorities with state structures. Rather than ap- ties across groups, such as income inequality, plying a set of reforms at once, it can be useful to but not always. Perceptions of injustice can also strategically engage some aspects of customary be related to feelings of being disrespected by structures—at least in the initial stages of the other groups, whether for their culture, their engagement. This incremental approach, which race or other differences. These feelings of be- respects customary traditions and incorporates ing treated unjustly and/or disrespected can be both punitive and restorative aspects in its ar- immensely socially disruptive for society over- ticulation, can provide the necessary legitima- all. It is equally important for practitioners to cy to the reform effort, and open the door for be aware that they bring their own biases and broader engagement. perceptions about what is fair and just to their work, and these may not align with the percep- tions of the communities where they work. It is also important to address the percep- economic environment. Perceptions of injus- tions people have of the overall social and tice often arise from the sense that the disad- vantages groups face are structural in nature. In Perceptions of injustice can be more effec- contexts of high social inequality, people from tively addressed when people have access to disadvantaged groups come to feel that no mat- means of resolving conflict that are in line In contrast to the Western conception of jus- ter what they do as individuals, they will not be with how they assess fairness and justice. tice based on individual rights, most traditional able to surmount the structural obstacles their justice mechanisms are driven by the need to group faces. Even those individuals who are maintain social order and the continuity of life able to achieve some social and economic mobil- in the community. The scope of the resolution ity may still identify strongly with the disadvan- of a conflict usually extends beyond individual taged group and be motivated to act on its behalf. perpetrators and victims to include their fami- Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 19 dress past injustices. For example, in a post- conflict situation, governments and donors often begin reconstruction by targeting the areas that suffered the most direct damage to The NGO Association Des Femmes infrastructure and services. However, it may Juristes in CAR also be worthwhile to include some programs that benefit groups that incurred less damage, The association is a group of women with if these actions can help to address perceptions training in law who assist poor and often of injustice. illiterate women in obtaining a fair trial. They help mediate between various systems of justice, provide access to the formal system if possible, and if not, ensure that women Employing participatory processes in ser- have a fair trial through local mechanisms. By vice delivery can go a long way toward strik- ness. Participation mechanisms help in giving mediating between the formal justice system ing a balance between effectiveness and fair- a stronger sense of participation in the broader and traditional mechanisms for conflict society by marginalized groups. There are many resolution, this NGO helps provide more reasons why providing top-down services with- culturally appropriate and accessible means out the participation of the local population of addressing conflicts. In effect, the NGO threatens to reduce the effectiveness of services creates a space for woman as individuals or and the population’s sense of fairness. With- as groups to voice their concerns and help out participation, there is less opportunity and them navigate various systems of conflict means to adapt the services to the needs of the resolution. beneficiaries, and to reflect the cultural and so- cial particularities of the group. Accommodating diverse identities can go a tions of injustice. Steps can be taken to devel- Directed action to address inequalities long way in addressing group-based percep- op the necessary social infrastructure that can across groups can send a strong signal to the are going to change. The type of actions to be accommodate diversity and promote tolerance affected groups and other groups that things taken will depend on the causes of the percep- in society. Often, these start with building more tions that need to be addressed. Many times this inclusive language and education policy. Proj- will involve improving service delivery to popu- ects that support an inclusive view of history in lations that have not had adequate coverage in the education system, that encourage teachers the past. In other cases, it may involve building to teach in a way that respects various minority more inclusive systems to increase tolerance for cultures, can go a long way to reduce fragility. languages or cultures that have historically been This means not to reinvent the past, but to de- excluded. Whatever the measures to be taken, scribe the past in a balanced way, for example it is important to accompany such actions with by trying to explain various groups’ positions, public campaigns or consultations in which the avoiding stereotypes in teaching history, and state can explain the rationale behind the poli- training teachers in inclusive curricula. cies, and get feedback on potential unintended consequences. Many countries have also found it useful to build monuments, museums, cultural cen- Taking action to address perceptions of in- ters, and generate official dialogue that justice may mean preferential treatment of acknowledges the contribution of certain a particular group in the short term, to ad- 20 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility groups to the nation. This approach has been with each other, or connect in antagonistic actively used in the United States to support relationships that undermine effectiveness. inclusion of the African-American population, for instance. In cases in which minorities have A key function of state institutions is to fa- been oppressed, or even massacred, integrat- cilitate dialogue across groups in society, ing various groups’ history into education and those interactions. There are plenty of exam- and provide an overarching framework for official documentation is a very important step ples where states have deepened divides in so- toward greater cohesion. ciety by not playing this role well, for example through capture of grass-roots organizations by political actors, withholding information as a ing perceptions of injustice. Many times, means of maintaining power, or by playing dif- Healing trauma is also necessary in address- perceptions of injustice are deeply rooted in ferent institutions against each other, to name trauma experienced by groups. Trauma can be a few. However, where states do play this role a powerful source of division in society, and in- well, it can help synchronize the efforts of dif- terventions to heal trauma across groups can go ferent institutions so that they don’t work at a long way in building social cohesion. Healing cross purposes. Of course, the state cannot do trauma must necessarily begin with establish- this alone. Civil society organizations play a key ing a minimum of security for affected groups. role as well, as do customary institutions and the private sector. Restoring livelihoods can also be a key part across groups. In many cases, the loss of live- of healing trauma and mending divisions lihood often associated with traumatic events, especially violence, becomes part of the expe- Multicultural Education Reform in Papua rienced trauma. This is particularly strong for New Guinea displaced populations, who lose part of their identity as they are forced to leave their place In 1993, the Department of Education of of residence, but also lose access to their means Papua New Guinea implemented educational of making a living. They may find themselves reforms that introduced native language in new environments that are hostile to them, instruction for the first year of school. By and where they lack the needed skills or social 2001, 369 indigenous languages were networks to enter the job market. Some proj- introduced in the program, and a third of ects have had successful outcomes in looking elementary school children began education for ways to address the needs of the larger com- in their native tongues. Although the success munity within which the affected group is locat- of the program in improving overall education ed, so as not to be seen as favoring an affected levels in PNG is largely anecdotal at this point, group. Such initiatives can also be more effec- it has demonstrably increased educational tive if they mobilize affected groups in ways that access and resulted in lower drop-out integrate them into the broader community and particularly among female students. Lower society. secondary school enrollments doubled., and upper secondary numbers quadrupled over the decade following the introduction of the reform (Litteral 2004). The reform Improving the Quality of Interactions has the potential to improve social cohesion across Institutions One of the defining features of fragile set- by providing a sense of belonging to the tings is that institutions connect only weakly multitude of tribal groups making up the country. Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 21 Improving overall security to address trauma in Aceh Three decades of civil war in Aceh, Indonesia, claimed up to 30,000 lives and resulted in US$ 10.7 billion of economic damages and losses (MSR 2010). The impacts of violence on communities’ mental well being is shown by two comprehensive studies conducted by IOM and Harvard Medical School shortly after a peace agreement brought the war to an end in 2005 (Good et al 2006). The studies show just how profound the effects of the conflict were on civilians in Aceh. The first assessment randomly sampled 596 adult respondents in 30 villages in three high conflict districts. Seventy-eight percent of the sample reported having lived through combat experiences, 38 percent had had to flee from burning buildings in their community, 41 percent reported that a family member or friend had been killed, and 45 percent reported having their property confiscated or destroyed. Twenty-five percent of men and 11 percent of women reported being tortured, and 36 percent of men (14 percent of women) were attacked by a gun or knife. These experiences led to massive levels of psychosocial trauma of a similar level to that observed in post-conflict Bosnia or Afghanistan. There was a highly significant relationship between the number of traumatic events experienced and both depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. The youngest (17-29) and oldest (54 and above) were at the highest risk. The second study, conducted six months later in July 2006, extended the research to another eleven districts in Aceh. It found that even in ‘lower conflict’ areas, experience of traumatic events was very high. A comparison between the two studies also shows the impact of increased security on psychological symptoms. In February 2006, the first study indicated that 47% of respondents reported seeing perpetrators of crime and violence (pelaku kejahatan) as a continuing stressor, and 30% reported experiencing physical or psychological attacks or threats (penyerangan) and 21% robbery (perampokan) since the peace agreement. Despite the cessation of formal conflict, continued insecurity remained a challenge to recovery of individuals and communities (Good et al 2006). The second study, conducted in July 2006, after security had drastically improved, suggested that with increased security and reduced levels of current stressors, general psychological symptoms and collective anxiety were reduced significantly. This did not mean that signs of trauma related to past experiences of trauma had disappeared but individuals were able to start moving forward (DelVecchio et al 2007). Source: Pouligny (2010) Photo: Curt Carnemark / World Bank 22 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility and their representatives too disconnected from local realities to be able to create the basic Institutions, especially well-functioning trust to establish a sense of rights and responsi- state institutions, play an important role in Mediation is understood as providing spaces, bilities in relation to the state. Community Driv- mediating across different groups in society. mechanisms or, more broadly, institutions that en Development (CDD) operations can play an allow for different groups to address their dif- important role in improving local governance, ferences peacefully and to build convergence. when they are designed based on a vision for This role includes conflict resolution, but is not local governance and when they help establish limited to it. It will undoubtedly look different a framework for local institutions to grow and in different contexts, because it involves bridg- establish bridges in a way that is inclusive and ing different inter-subjective meanings, differ- responds to the real needs of the population. ent values and views of the world, as well as po- An example is the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation litical interests and power competitions. Fund (see text box). There are some very practical operational CDD programs need to start by understand- Building on the existing spaces where mediation approaches that can support mediation. ing and addressing the most pressing needs happens in a particular context is fundamental. vice delivery (as is often assumed). Of course of communities, which may not always be ser- For example, in many places, markets for selling some of these needs will focus on getting clean food and other goods are an extremely impor- water, having access to health centers and send- tant space for mediation. Other options involve ing children to schools. But other issues have to creating spaces for dialogue and mediation as do with identity and social networks, and thus permanent features of local and central gov- involve less tangible, but no less important, proj- ernment structures in the form of consultative ect goals and outcomes. The fieldwork for this councils, permanent mechanisms for citizen’s study showed that resolving local conflicts, es- consultation, or support for activities that in- pecially disputes over land and conflict within volve various socio-cultural groups in discuss- families were important priorities. Basic secu- ing public policy issues. Mediators can be NGOs, rity – feeling safe within one’s neighborhood or local leaders or people working for local gov- community – was another important need. ernment agencies, but ideally will be people or organizations that are cognizant of the various inter-subjective meaning systems at play and Embedding conflict resolution into CDD de- can help bridge from one to the other (such me- en relationships in communities. In the more sign and implementation can help strength- diators are used in Afghanistan’s National Soli- successful CDD projects, mediators/facilitators darity Program, for example). These mediators are often in the community to facilitate interac- can be indispensible in helping project manag- tions between groups and institutions. Specific ers engage internal societal dynamics, and en- redress mechanisms to handle disputes that sure that some sub-groups that might not have occur over project implementation appear to voice have a way to express themselves. be fundamental in building confidence and in- creasing ownership over the interventions. Local governance interventions have a cen- tral role to play in building trust between Creating positive interactions between insti- sures. First, it requires that spaces be created state and society, creating a sense of justice tutions requires a variety of different mea- tween institutions. In fragile environments, for mediation and voice. The space should allow and fairness, and improving connections be- the central state system is usually too far away for various institutions to connect positively Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 23 Community Mobilization and Institution Building - The Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund Launched in 1999, the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund (PPAF) is an autonomous, private sector organization with a mandate from the Government of Pakistan to alleviate poverty in the country. PPAF is designed to reduce poverty and empower the rural and urban poor in Pakistan through the provision of resources and services to the poor, especially women. This is being achieved through an integrated approach that includes building institutions of the poor and then providing them with micro- credit loans, grants for small scale infrastructure projects, training and skill development and social sector interventions. The PPAF has already provided 1.9 million micro-credit loans; 16,000 grant supported community infrastructure schemes and provided capacity building for 232,000 individuals in skill development and managerial training. The PPAF has established strong outreach mechanisms at the village level by building partnerships with more than 70 partner organizations that have in turn organized over 92,000 community organizations in 32,000 villages/rural and urban settlements in 112 districts of the country. The PPAF has a strong focus on engagement and empowerment of the most vulnerable and marginalized. Partner organizations are given the responsibility to ensure that every community they work with also develops human and institutional capacity through the creation of community organizations that are led and managed by members. Organizations work with community leaders, tribal leaders, sadars, and landlords to reach the ultra poor households in their communities. Communities are also required to support the formation and subsequent activities of women’s groups as well as youth related projects and activities. The PPAF continues to sensitize its partner organizations and encourage them to facilitate linkages between community organizations and the various tiers of local government. Synergies developed between the community organizations and public sector programs are expected to help efforts to alleviate poverty. The PPAF and its partner organizations are positioning community organizations to further leverage resources from local government programs. Sources: Project Appraisal Document on the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund Project III; http://go.worldbank.org/ I0Q8EAFMC0; and the letter from CEO of PPAF, Qazi Azmat Isa Photo: Curt Carnemark / World Bank Photo: Curt Carnemark / World Bank 24 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility and in a way that leads to positive collective ac- tion. Opening space for mediation is not easy, Civil society organizations should be en- and requires time and imagination. Rethink- couraged to play the most important role of ing approaches to local governance and CDD so connecting individual and group across the that it contributes directly to an improved con- state. For donors to prioritize this role for civil fractures that exist in society and with the nection between various types of institutions society presents potential tradeoffs in terms of is central. Many CDD operations are based on service delivery, but promises a much more en- principles that do not support the essential role abling environment for service delivery in the of strengthening local institutions and creat- long run. Donors can support this important ing spaces for mediations. This would require role through specific measures, such as building focusing less on delivery of services and much communications infrastructure, strengthening more on strengthening local governance and the capacity of civil society to use media such supporting the local level institutions than mat- as radio stations and newspapers, and even ter for the people on conflict management, lo- improving transportation infrastructure. Other cal decision-making and other issues. Finally, it supportive interventions could include pushing requires supporting civil society, as it plays an for greater accountability of the state through essential role in strengthening a sense of citi- participatory budgeting, transparency in re- zenship and improving the state-society rela- source allocation, and similar measures. tionship. Improving the quality of interactions be- Civil society has a central role to play in con- tween institutions also includes building the with groups in society. In much of the donor necting people to the state, and supporting capacity of the state to engage productively ations. In fragile situations, civil society orga- emphasis on state building in fragile settings, this role should be prioritized in fragile situ- nizations are often the only – and/or the most this capacity is often given less attention. Yet effective - actors that can connect to commu- the evidence from this study and others shows nities in fragile situations. In some cases their over and over that this capacity is fundamental human resources and infrastructure rival that to building the kind of relationships in society of the government, and their relationships with that can support an effective state. communities are often closer. In the name of ef- ficiency, donors often capitalize on this capacity by contracting civil society organizations to de- Fragile relationships between society and liver services to communities. Yet over the long the state are exacerbated in places where term, this tendency can stretch the limited re- ened social divisions historically. Where the state has acted in ways that have deep- sources of such organizations and hinder them states have engaged in predatory behavior, au- from playing their larger role in connecting the thoritarian policies, pitting different groups state with its citizens. Local experts from civil against each other, exclusion of certain groups, society organizations may be trained by donors and other divisive measures, trust needs to be in vital tasks for this role, only to be lured away rebuilt. In many conflicts the state is one of the to work for international organizations with main perpetrators of violence, and the associ- higher salaries, causing a brain drain from local ated trauma from this can cause divisions that civil society. In addition, with few human and fi- span generations, even centuries. The state nancial resources at their disposal, civil society might be captured by some social dynamics, organizations in fragile situations are often vul- operating according to rules of a specific group. nerable to co-optation by power elites. It can be highly influenced by some customary institutions such as secret societies in Africa Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 25 Colombia’s Victims Law: Reaffirming the Social Contract between State and Citizens One of the main constraints for economic growth, development, and inclusion in Colombia is the protracted armed conflict that has affected the country for several decades. Some of the most vulnerable are the estimated 3.7 million internally displaced, people.1 Colombia ranks second worldwide for the number of IDPs after Sudan. Most IDPs live in extreme poverty, having been forced to migrate to large cities after losing their land, savings, assets, sources of livelihoods, and socioeconomic networks. To address this issue, the Administration of President Santos has passed a new Victims Law (2011) that addresses the restitution of IDPs assets, primarily land. This represents a major departure from past administrations’ approach by asserting the role of the state as the provider of justice to the victims of conflict and on addressing land rights as one of the main triggers of past and current violence. The law also introduces the concept of collective reparation and recognizes the relevance of increasing provision of social services and livelihoods Photo: Charlotte Kesl / World Bank rehabilitation in areas of return/ integration of displaced people. The Colombian government has also prepared an ambitious rural development plan to promote formalization of property rights (among other things) in rural areas (to be presented to parliament over the summer) as an essential complement to the implementation of the Victim’s Law. Through this law, the Colombian government aims to go beyond merely addressing the humanitarian needs of IDPs, to restore and strengthen the social contract with citizens, and to reestablish the state presence as a guarantor of the rights of citizens. The law also sends a message that justice will be provided to victims of displacement, and that land seizures will not be tolerated. The World Bank has played an important role in developing institutional capacities that will now support the implementation of the Victims Law, including the Protection of Patrimonial Assets of IDPs Project, funded through the State and Peace Building Fund. During the first phase of the project, methodologies, procedures, and tools for the protection of land of displaced people were designed and tested in five violence-affected regions of the country. 1 Colombian Presidential Agency for Social Action and International Cooperation (Acción Social) 26 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility or clan organizations in the Middle East. Un- ety. Such reforms are more effective when they less the state strives to operate by rules that are engage citizens very closely, giving them own- more neutral to different groups, it will not be ership of the changes. Greater engagement with able to establish a relationship with society that citizens will not only provide them with more will be legitimate. ownership but allow for the better incorpora- tion of local values and norms. This necessar- ily involves a more horizontal process, where several points are important. First, state insti- governance tasks are distributed across groups In building state capacity to engage society, tutions tend to respond positively to high expec- in society, including non-governmental groups, tations. If people expect state entities to deliver and where citizens are more empowered to par- public goods effectively, those state enterprises ticipate in governance and accountability mea- tend to do a better job. It is important to signal a sures. clear departure from the previous way of doing things, especially when the credibility of public Finally, it is important to design participatory organizations may have suffered due to poor mechanisms with a good understanding of the performance. For this purpose, it may be useful power dynamics and belief systems in a par- to locate public sector reforms within a broader ticular community. If ignored, these structures framework of governance reforms that has the could perpetuate inequalities and exclusion. support of the highest level of government. For example, in communities where displaced individuals are not considered ‘citizens’, they are unlikely to even be mapped as community members, preventing their inclusion in the par- Delegation of authority through some form of ticipatory decision-making process. decentralization is a crucial part of strength- ening states’ ability to engage groups in soci- Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 27 Examples of Positive State and Society Engagement Mark Robinson (2007) attributes the success of municipal reforms in Bangalore (Bangalore Agenda Task Force—BATF) to its close engagement with local NGOs and the private sector from the very early stages of the reform effort. The reform process also allowed for broader public participation through publicity campaigns, consumer surveys, and other participatory mechanisms. The reforms were successful leading to improved operations, greater public accountability, and improved taxation and budgetary controls within municipal agencies. Robinson attributes most of the success to the accountability and transparency mechanisms put in place through active citizen engagement. Similarly, he finds a scheme to provide better access to credit for rural women in Karnataka (Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas—DWCRA) benefiting from the close engagement with members of civil society and local communities. He argues that both the BATF program and DWCRA scheme managed to mobilize the civil society and the private sector to influence public opinion, politics and the policy process. In addition to directly contributing towards specific reform goals, positive engagement with society can also contribute towards improving state- society relations. Michele Bruni‘s (2008) examination of Nicaragua’s public sector reform experience demonstrates how citizen engagement could improve the overall public perception Photo: Scott Wallace / World Bank of government. Though the reforms themselves were not widely successful (due to “the failure to engage the legislative branch in the process�), the author found the participatory and consultative aspects of citizen engagement helping “foster a broader definition of the concept of the state and of the public administration beyond the concept of government� (Bruni 2008, 348). In fact, despite limited success of the reforms themselves, the author found the efforts at consensus building through a participatory and transparent process, improving people’s perception of the level of corruption in the state administration and improving their expectation of better economic prospects. “The main impact of the campaigns was to change the public’s perception of a fragmented public administration, to increase public expectations for a better personal economic situation in the future by 7.6 percent, and to change the attitude of the media towards Nicaragua’s public life, thus decreasing the level of conflict and focusing more on development goals� (Bruni 2008, 347). 28 | Societal Dynamics & Fragility LOOKING FORWARD: Placing society at the center This study has aimed to produce a more com- important. Designing these operations is by no prehensive understanding of the problematic of means simple, and will require existing tools fragility, by taking society as the point of depar- to be adapted and new ones to be developed. ture. It has presented the problem of fragility as However, the human costs of neglecting societal one not only of state capacity, but also of trou- dynamics in fragile situations are already too bled relationships in society that do not support high. Placing society at the center of develop- an effective state. Seen in this way, it becomes ment practice is essential to tackling the urgent clear that all societies contain elements of fra- problem of fragility. gility, even where the state is functional overall. Finally, it is important that the focus on societal Building state capacity to deliver services in dynamics be taken up by governments and civil fragile situations is only one aspect of a broad- society, and not remain a conversation among er range of needed interventions. Measures to donors. Governments and other national and lo- build social cohesion, particularly by address- cal actors will need to take the agenda forward ing perceptions of injustice across groups and in order to develop context-specific solutions to by improving the way different institutions in- their different problems. teract and connect with each other, are equally Photo: Scott Wallace / World Bank Engaging Societies in Responding to Fragile Situatioins | 29 WORKS CITED Aspinall, Edward. (2010) Political Economy Analysis: Aceh, Indonesia. Background Paper for this Re- port. Bruni, Michele. (2008). Participation, Transparency, and Consensus Building in Support of Public Sec- tor Reform: The Case of Nicaragua. 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