FEBRUARY 2020 Violence against Women and Girls in Public Transport: Policy Recommendations for Mexico City VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY This work was led by Bianca Bianchi Alves, Karla Dominguez Gonzalez and Abel Lopez Dodero. Team members that contributed to this work included Blanca Domine Chust, Max Hamrick, Felipe Targa and Filiz Tamer. The document also includes inputs from the work carried out by the World Resources Institute (WRI Mexico), the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP-Mexico), and Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir. The team thanks the Umbrella Facilitation for Gender Equality (UFGE) for its financial support and guidance in the development of the different activities. 2 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Table of Contents Table of Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 II. Gender and Public Transport in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Women’s Institutions in Mexico. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Mexico City’s Transportation Services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 III. Framework for Analysis – Generalized Cost of Transport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 GCT and VAWG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 IV. Analysis of Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Measures to address in-vehicle costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Women-Only Cars/Cabins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 “Pink” Transport/Atenea Program. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Panic Buttons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Preventing and Responding to VAWG (Hazme el Paro, Phase I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Measures to address out-of-vehicle costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Police Officers in Stations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Communication Campaigns. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Rehabilitation of Public Spaces. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Information Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Response Protocol. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Improving Environmental Design for Violence Prevention (Hazme el Paro, Phase II). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 V. Analyzing VAWG in Trip Patterns in Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 VI. CDMX Diagnostic - Remaining Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Table of Acronyms BRT Bur Rapid Transit CAF Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles CETRAM Multimodal Transfer Centers (Centro de Transferencia Modal, in Spanish) EPADEQ Studies and Strategies for Development and Equality (Estudios y Estrategias para el Desarrollo y la Equidad, in Spanish) GCT Generalized Cost of Transport GDP Gross Domestic Product IADB Interamerican Development Bank ILO International Labor Organization InMujer National Institute of Women (Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres, in Spanish) InMujeres Women’s institute of Mexico City (Instituto de las Mujeres de la Ciudad de México, in Spanish) INEGI National Statistics Bureau (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, in Spanish) ITP Integrated Transport Planning LRT Light Rail Train NDP National Development Plan OD Origin-Destination survey (Origen-Destino, in Spanish) ONUMujeres United Nations Women (Organización de las Naciones Unidas Mujeres, in Spanish) ORT Transportation Regulatory Body (Órgano Regulador de Transporte, in Spanish) PCMB Community Program for Neighborhood Improvement (Programa Comunitario de Mejoramiento Barrial, in Spanish) PROEQUIDAD National Program for Equal Opportunity and Anti-Discrimination Against Women (Programa Nacional de Igualdad de Oportunidades y no Discriminación contra las Mujeres, in Spanish) RTP Passenger Transportation Network (Red de Transporte de Pasajeros, in Spanish) SDG Sustainable development goal SEMOVI Secretary of Mobility for Mexico City (Secretaría de Movilidad, in Spanish SEMUJERES Secretary of Women for Mexico City (Secretaría de Mujeres, in Spanish) SETRAVI Secretary of Transportation and Roads (Secretaría de Transportes y Vialidad, in Spanish), SOE State-Owned Enterprise STC Sistema de Transporte Colectivo STE Electric Transport Service of Mexico City (Servicio de Transportes Eléctricos del Distrito Federal, in Spanish) VAWG Violence Against Women and Girls VR Virtual Reality WBG World Bank Group WRI-Mexico World Resource Institute (Mexico City Office) 4 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS I. Introduction W omen face many barriers to using public transport services, despite representing the largest share of public transport users around the world. Transport and infrastructure-oriented barriers are related to constraints in its affordability, acceptability and availability, as well as to the physical access to public transport. There is also a recognition that there are other non-transport-related barriers that can constrain women’s mobility, such as social norms regarding gender and other more personal elements influencing women’s agency, such as self-efficacy and aspirations. Both internal and external barriers have a direct impact on women’s decision to travel using public transport in order to access better economic opportunities and services.1 1 Dominguez, Karla, A.L. Machado, B. Alves, V. Raffo, S. Guerrero and I. Portabales. (2020). What makes her move? A study of women’s mobility in Latin American cities. Washington D.C.: World Bank. 5 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Among acceptability-related constraints, violence against women and girls (VAWG), specifically sexual harassment and sexual violence, may have a direct impact on women’s mobility and access to economic opportunities and services. Living a life free of violence in all spheres is recognized as a human right; yet women around the globe still suffer from violence, including in public transport and related spaces. Approximately 80% of women around the world report that they are afraid of being harassed in public spaces.2 VAWG3 in public transport imposes severe limits to their mobility and access to jobs and services. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), “limited access to and safety of transportation is estimated to be the greatest obstacle to women’s participation in the labor market in developing countries, reducing their labor participation probability by 16.5 percentage points.”4 These limitations to women’s labor participation have serious consequences on economic growth. ILO estimates that global GDP could grow by an additional $5.8 trillion if the gender gap in labor force participation could be decreased by 25% by 2025.5 Besides the development argument, there may also be strong financial incentives for transport companies to invest in strategies that contribute to preventing and responding to cases of sexual harassment in public transport and enhance women’s safety. Operators face potential economic losses if women choose not to use a specific service due to fears of VAWG. Moreover, VAWG in public transport can bring other consequences upon individuals, such as an increased risk of depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.6 This policy note will focus specifically on the constraints that VAWG, specially sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport, may pose for women’s mobility and access to better economic opportunities. At the same time, cities around the world face the challenge of promoting sustainable and equitable public transport. As part of its sustainable development goals, specifically SDG-11, the United Nations has recognized the relevance of the transport sector for urban development and inclusiveness. Cities need to address the problems of equitable access arising from the current urban and transport model, which often detracts from the quality of life of their inhabitants. Public transport networks based on accessible, secure and well-integrated infrastructure and transport systems can offer: (i) affordable mobility options; (ii) reduced travel times and costs; and (iii) improved access conditions to opportunities and services in the city. This is true particularly if public transport networks favor inter-modality within different modes of transportation. This can be further complemented with the promotion of a safe and conveniently built environment linked to, and offering connectivity to, the public transport network.7 Public transport infrastructure and services development –and its associated built environment– has historically been largely gender-blind in design.8 Infrastructure development has not taken into account the differences in men’s and women’s mobility patterns associated to gender roles. Even though women and men have different mobility needs and patterns, most countries’ transportation systems and urban design as a whole, do not consider these differences. This has become an increasingly important issue as public transport systems have experienced an increase in the proportion of female users.9 In some modes of public transport, womven have become the dominant user population. Therefore, public transport systems are increasingly looking for strategies to incorporate a women’s perspective in the planning and provision of services. Concerns about crime and violence in public transport are growing amongst transit agencies and city authorities in recent years. Measures, such as the installation of cameras and lighting in public spaces, have been 2 Salek de Braun, Sofia and Paulo Humanves. (2018). A Safe City for Women and Girls is a Safe City for Everyone. Women’s Safety and Security: A Public Transport Priority. Paris: OECD. 3 The report will use indistinctively VAWG in public transport and “sexual harassment and sexual violence” as the latter are the main forms of violence perpetrated against women in public spaces. 4 ILO (2017). World Employment Social Outlook: Trends for Women 2017. Geneva, Switzerland: ILO. 5 Ibid. 6 Gennari, F., J. McCleary-Sills and N. Hidalgo. (2015). Introduction. Violence Against Women and Girls Resource Guide. Washington D.C.: World Bank; the Global Women’s Institute, Interamerican Development Bank. 7 Vichic, Vukan R. (1999). Transportation for Livable Cities. Rutgers Center for Human Policy Research. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 8 United Nations ESCAP. (2007). ‘Gender and Transport’. Transport and Communications Bulletin for Asia and the Pacific No. 76. New York: United Nations ESCAP; Gekoski, Anna, J. Gray, M. Jacqueline, J.R. Adler and M.A.H. Horvath. (2017). ‘The prevalence and nature of sexual harassment and assault against women and girls on public transport: an international review’. Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice, 3 (1). pp. 3-16. 9 Gonzalez Carvajal, Karla and Muneeza Mehmood Alam. ‘Transport is not Gender Neutral’. World Bank Blogs. January 24, 2018. See: https://blogs.worldbank.org/ transport/transport-not-gender-neutral 6 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY introduced worldwide in order to improve travelers’ safety, sense of security and confidence. More recently, growing public concerns about these issues associated with crime have been further exacerbated by the increased reporting of sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transportation. While cameras and lighting in public spaces have helped authorities to improve security, these measures may not necessarily alleviate the potential fears women have related to their safety while using public transport.10 Moreover, these measures may not necessarily be as effective when responding to the particular needs of different groups and in different settings if they are defined from a top down approach, instead of bringing users in to audit public spaces and identify specific points of concern and improve the characteristics and features of their design in order to improve security. Researchers have analyzed VAWG in public transportation from different perspectives. The approach that has largely been used by policymakers in the past is the ‘defensive space theory’, first proposed by Oscar Newman.11 This theory mentions that to reduce crime and fear in public spaces, users should feel that the space they occupy is their own and that they have the right to feel comfortable and safe in it. By drawing on this theory, one can suppose that assigning different types of users to different public spaces may increase such feeling amongst all users, especially the more vulnerable groups. Following this line of thinking, many cities have implemented strategies that address VAWG through this defensive space lens by creating separate spaces in public transport for women, particularly in mass transit systems.12 Gender-based separation of users in public transport vehicles has been implemented in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; Guangzhou, China; Shenzhen, China; Bogota, Colombia; Mumbai, India; Jakarta, Indonesia; Tokyo, Japan; Lahore, Pakistan; and Bangkok, Thailand through train and bus cars/cabins specifically reserved for women and children. These moves have been met with mixed reception and results. Other initiatives include the provision of vehicle services geared exclusively toward women as part of the overall collective and individual public transport offering.13 This report uses Mexico City as a case study to analyze different initiatives that have been introduced by the city to understand and address the barriers women face in public transport, specifically those related to safety. It includes a stocktaking of different initiatives to address women’s safety and personal security in public transport, including policies, programs or evaluated pilots that have been used by the city with the aim of identifying potential policy challenges and recommendations. Mexico City makes a great case study for this report for three main reasons. First, the city offers a uniquely diverse mix of transportation modes within its public transport network; each mode with its own issues and initiatives related to sexual harassment. Second, there has been a persistent and extreme level of VAWG in the city’s public transport systems despite extensive efforts to address it. Third, and as a result of such a high level of VAWG, the city has already been the subject of many studies and has often been at the forefront in the introduction of measures to address it. This report analyzes policies that address women’s access to public transport and VAWG within Mexico City and proposes a framework for this analysis. In the following sections, it introduces current trends to respond and prevent sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport in Mexico City. First, to provide some context, the report presents a snapshot of the institutions working on gender and transport in Mexico City and of the different available transport modes. The objective of this snapshot is to showcase the complexity of stakeholders involved on the matter and the evolution of policies related to VAWG in transport. Secondly, the report introduces an adaptation of a generalized cost of transport (GCT) model for assessing: (i) measures to address VAWG in different modes of public transport; (ii) the impact of those measures on the quality of service; and (iii) the institutional coordination to implement these measures. Finally, the report identifies gaps that exist in the city’s current framework for addressing VAWG that need to be taken care of, either through the introduction of a new initiative or the graduation (with some adjustments) of already existing initiatives into full programs. It also presents some recommendations for moving forward. 10 Dunckel-Graglia, Amy. (2013). Women-Only Transportation: How “Pink” Transportation Challenges Public Perception of Women’s Mobility. Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 16, No. 2, June 2013. 11 Tudela, A., A. Lopez Dodero, S. R. Mehndiratta, B. Bianchi and E. Deakin. (2013). ‘Reducing Gender-Based Violence in Public Transportation: Strategy Design for Mexico City, Mexico’. Journal of the Transportation Research Board. Vol 2531, Issue 1. January 2015; Newman, O. (1973). Defensible Space: People and Design in the Violent City. London: Architectural Press; Newman, O. (1972). Defensible Space – Crime Prevention through Urban Design. New York: The McMillan Company. 12 This includes rail systems and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems. 13 This includes both conventional bus systems and taxis. 7 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: FERNANDO MACIAS ROMO/SHUTTERSTOCK II. Gender and Public Transport in Mexico M exico City has often been ranked as having one the most dangerous public transportation systems for women among all the major metropolitan areas in the world. According to a 2017 study from the National Statistics Bureau (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, INEGI, in Spanish), of the total trips made using public transport, it is estimated that approximately 49% are made by women.14 Past studies have indicated that at least 65% of women reported that they have suffered from sexual harassment in public transport vehicles and/or in transport-related public spaces. Depending on the methodology, other studies have shown that this figure may be closer to 80%.15 More recently, a 2018 study conducted by United Nations Women (ONUMujeres, in Spanish) and Studies and Strategies for Development and Equality (EPADEQ, in Spanish) found that 88% of the 3,214 women interviewed indicated that they had experienced violence in either the city’s public transport system or in public spaces. The study also found that the Metro was the transport mode where these incidences were reported to occur the most, followed closely by public streets. According to another official report carried out by INEGI, approximately 20% of all sexual harassment incidents in the city occur inside/during public transportation.16 14 INEGI. Origen-Destino survey, 2017. 15 The difference between these figures lays in methodological disparities; however, the conclusion is consistent and clear: a high level of gender-based violence is present in Mexico City’s public transport network. 16 ENVIPE, 2019. 8 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY The threat of VAWG has significant negative effects on women and is one of the principal limitations to their mobility in Mexico City. A 2016 report from INEGI indicates that 85.7% of women felt insecure in public spaces in Mexico City, and that 71% of Mexican women felt insecure when using public transportation.17 The same 2018 ONUMujeres and EPADEQ study indicated that women modify their behavior through a number of methods to reduce their insecurity. These include: (i) making sure they are accompanied by someone else when using public transportation, (ii) not going out at night or very early in the morning, (iii) not walking alone in the streets, (iv) constantly changing travel routes, (v) using women and children-only train cars/bus cabins, and (vi) using public transport as little as possible. Even if Mexico City possesses a legal framework to respond and prevent VAWG, introducing measures on women’s safety is a challenge in such a large metropolitan area. The wide range of modes of transport in the city, that run the gamut from concessioned mass rapid transit systems, to publicly-operated buses and informal privately- operated bus services, makes it difficult to design and implement high-quality policies to prevent and respond to sexual harassment in public transport across the entire network. Women’s mobility patterns add to this challenging environment given that the mostly intermodal nature of their travel makes them more vulnerable to overlapping issues throughout the transport system, including transfer points. In this context, the process of formalization could be an entry point to address women’s safety issues by incorporating into the transport concession agreements some binding measures to prevent VAWG; but a broader approach must come from the policy and regulatory framework of the city’s Secretary of Mobility (SEMOVI, in Spanish). Women’s Institutions in Mexico The institutionalization of policies to address gender issues and specifically gender-based violence has a long history in Mexico.18 Specifically, public consciousness about VAWG began increasing in tandem with the activism of the late 1960’s and 1970’s.19 A mix of feminist activism, international pressure20 and increasing democratization eventually led to the establishment of permanent institutions with the goal of addressing gender-related issues starting in the 1990s.21 Further on, the 2000-2006 National Development Plan (NDP) called for the creation of national and state level Women’s Institutes to lead the policies addressing women’s rights.22 By 2005, each state had established its own Women’s Institute. The NDP also led to the establishment of the National Institute of Women (InMujer, in Spanish) and the National Program for Equal Opportunity and Anti-Discrimination Against Women (PROEQUIDAD, in Spanish), which was a program aimed at developing projects to address women’s rights and gender equality.23 In Mexico City, the state-level Women’s Institute (InMujeres, in Spanish) was established by Law in 2001 and launched in 2002.24 InMujeres was an independent public body within the Government of Mexico City in charge of developing initiatives to promote women’s rights and gender equality in the city, including the development of programs to address sexual violence in public transport. A flagship program designed by InMujeres to address VAWG in public transport is the “Travelling Safe in Public Transport” Program (Viajemos Seguras en el Transporte Público, in Spanish). Launched in 2008, it was initiated by InMujeres, but implemented by the authorities of the various transport systems (Metro, Bus Rapid Transit –BRT–, Trolley and the state operated bus system), as well as 17 INMUJERES (2017). CDMX: Ciudad Segura y Amigable para Mujeres y Niñas; ENVIPE, 2017. 18 Tarres, Maria Luisa. (2010). ‘New Challenges in Feminist Practice: The Women’s Institutes in Mexico’. Women’s Activism in Latin America and the Caribbean. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, pp. 236-254; Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4). pp. 511-537. 19 Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4). pp. 511-537. 20 Specifically, the Regional Action Program for Women in Latin America and the Caribbean (Programa de Acción Regional para las Mujeres de América Latina y el Caribe, in Spanish), established during the 4th United Nations Conference on Women in 1996, provided a guide for the region on the issue of gender equality 21 For instance, the Program for Equitable Participation of Women (Programa para la Participación Equitativa de la Mujer, PROMUJER, in Spanish), which was launched under the city’s first democratically elected Head of Government in 1998. This program later evolved into InMujeres. 22 CEPAL (1994). Programa de Acción Regional para las Mujeres de América Latina y el Caribe. 6ta. Conferencia Regional sobre la Integración de la Mujer en el Desarrollo Económico y Social de América Latina y el Caribe. Mar del Plata, Argentina. September 1994. 23 Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4). pp. 511-537. 24 INMUJERES. https://web.archive.org/web/20181019041158/https://www.inmujeres.cdmx.gob.mx/instituto/acerca-de 9 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY by the police authorities that served those systems (namely the Transit Police Department). The program includes various activities aimed at addressing sexual violence in public transport, mainly in mass transit systems. Some of the implemented initiatives include: (i) women and children-only cars/cabins in public transport and gender-based segregation of vehicles; (ii) a communication campaign against violence; (iii) the installation of survivor assistance kiosks in Metro stations; and (iv) a telephone line providing 24-hour assistance to victims. In 2018, InMujeres was dissolved and the Secretary of Women for Mexico City (SEMUJERES, in Spanish) was established.25 The Secretary continues the mission of InMujeres with expanded authority as a full secretariat within the Government of Mexico City. Mexico City’s Transportation Services Mexico City is the most populated metropolitan area in North America, with an approximate population of 20.9 million people.26 The metropolitan area consists of the Mexico City proper, organized into 16 boroughs, as well as 59 municipalities in the State of Mexico, which surrounds three sides of the city, and one in the state of Hidalgo. The city has an extensive public transportation network that serves approximately 45% of the 34.6 million daily trips made in the metropolitan area. This network encompasses different forms of transport, operated by both public and private entities. They range in size and sophistication from mass transit systems, such as Metro and BRT, to small, informal busing operations and taxis. The variety of systems that operate in the city’s network make it difficult to address sexual harassment and sexual violence within a single program or legislation, as the type of risk and operational management varies significantly from system to system. Furthermore, issues related to intramodality are very important as women, in particular, often need to transfer between different modes of transport during a single trip. Currently, Mexico City’s public transport network includes the following systems: Metro – The first and largest mass transit system introduced in Mexico City was the Metro.27 It was launched in 1969 and now consists of 12 lines of rapid transit trains. As of 2016, these lines had an extension of over 226.5 km servicing the city, as well as some municipalities in the State of Mexico. The Metro system provided service to approximately 4.5 million daily passengers in 2018.28 The Metro is operated by Sistema de Transporte Colectivo (STC), a State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) established by the Government of Mexico City.29 STC oversees the entire system and is in charge of operations within each of the 195 stations that comprise the system. Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) – Metrobus is the SOE that operates Mexico City’s Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system. Line 1, serving the Av. Insurgentes corridor, opened in 2005.30 It currently consists of 7 lines and carried about 1 million daily passengers in 2018.31 In the State of Mexico, Mexibus provides BRT services and offers connectivity between municipalities in the state and with the Metro in Mexico City.32 Mexibus currently operates 4 lines. 25 Gaceta Oficial de la Ciudad de México. December 13, 2018. Available at: https://semujeres.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/uploaded-files/Decreto_ administracion_publica.pdf 26 INEGI. Origen-Destino survey, 2017. 27 STC. (2018). Plan Maestro del Metro 2018-2030. September 2018. Available at: https://metro.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/Metro%20Acerca%20de/ Mas%20informacion/planmaestro18_30.pdf 28 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530 29 Gobierno de CDMX - Sistema de Transporte Colectivo Metro: https://www.metro.cdmx.gob.mx/organismo/acerca-de; STC. (2018). Plan Maestro del Metro 2018- 2030. September 2018. Available at: https://metro.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/Metro%20Acerca%20de/Mas%20informacion/planmaestro18_30.pdf 30 Cosme, Manuel. ‘Línea 1 del Metrobús saturada; se intensifica la sustitución de unidades por biarticulados’. El Sol de México. April 17, 2018; Retrieved from: https:// www.elsoldemexico.com.mx/metropoli/linea-1-del-metrobus-saturada-se-intensifica-la-sustitucion-de-unidades-por-biarticulados-1619736.html; Gobierno de CDMX - Metrobus: https://www.metrobus.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de 31 INEGI. See:: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530 32 Gobierno de CDMX - Mexibus: http://sitramytem.edomex.gob.mx/mexibus 10 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Electric Transport Service – The Electric Transport Service (STE, in Spanish) was a SOE created in 1947.33 It consists of 8 trolley bus lines (Trolebús, in Spanish) with an operating length of about 204 kilometers.34 It also operates a single, 13-km, 16-station, electrized light rail train (LRT) line35 that serves the far south of the city. In 2018, the LRT carried about 93,000 daily passengers, while Trolebús carried about 133,000.36 STE also operates a small fleet of electric taxis.37 Publicly-Operated Bus Service – The Passenger Transportation Network (RTP, in Spanish) is the independent agency operating a network of 94 public bus routes in Mexico City since 2000.38 Besides conventional bus services, it also operates express services, eco-friendly buses, women-only buses, and special night service. In 2018, they collectively carried almost 399,000 daily passengers.39 Privately-operated bus services (Peseros/Colectivos/Microbuses/Combis/etc.) – Also known as hombre-camión (roughly translated as “a man and his bus”), these bus services are operated under lax oversight by individual concessionaires who are granted a permit by the Government of Mexico City to carry passengers in one vehicle. The hombres-camión often join co-ops to gain access to profitable service corridors, but largely remain as independent business units. These services began as formally sanctioned privately-operated bus routes in the 1980’s, but quickly spawned into many unofficial variations. The official tracking of privately-operated bus routes is challenging as these are only semi-regular. While locals often know where each route goes, mapping them is very difficult. Regulating these operations is similarly complicated due to their informality. Approximately, more than 70% of daily trips in Mexico City’s public transport network are made on this type of bus services. Hombres-camión also operate metropolitan services connecting neighboring municipalities in the State of Mexico, and are also the most popular mode of transportation in that state. Bus Corridors concessioned to private operators – There are approximately 20 bus routes operated by bus companies that are granted a concession to provide the service in specific corridors. This service does not include BRT features such as the use of dedicated lanes or a fare collection system. They are better organized than privately-operated bus services, with a formal structure that oversees that the service is provided according to an operational plan and that bus drivers respond to operational and service protocols. Taxis – Mexico City has an extensive taxi system consisting of approximately 140,000 vehicles.40 The city’s Secretary of Mobility (SEMOVI, in Spanish) awards licenses to private operators and regulates the service.41 Each taxi has a distinct, pink and white color scheme. Almost 500,000 taxi trips are made daily in Mexico City.42 Tren Suburbano – Introduced in 2008, the Suburban Train (Tren Suburbano, in Spanish) is a commuter rail line providing service from Cuautitlán in the State of Mexico to the Buenavista Station (Cuauhtémoc delegation) in the center of Mexico City, where it connects with the Metro.43 It is operated by Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles (CAF), a private train company from Spain. It carries 180,000 daily passengers. There are plans for other lines to be added. A commuter line from Toluca in the State of Mexico to the Observatorio Metro station and bus terminal (in the west of the city) is expected to be completed in 2022.44 33 Gobierno de CDMX - Servicio de Transportes Eléctricos (STE): https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de 34 ICLEI, 2019. Mexico City: The role of public transport in tackling air pollution and accessibility. ICLEI Case Study No. 212. March 2019. Mexico City; Gobierno de CDMX - Trolebus: https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/red-de-servicio/lineas-de-trolebus 35 Gobierno de CDMX - Tren Ligero: https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/tren-ligero 36 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530 37 ICLEI, 2019. Mexico City: The role of public transport in tackling air pollution and accessibility. ICLEI Case Study No. 212. March 2019. Mexico City. 38 Gobierno de CDMX - Red de Transporte de Pasajeros (RTP): https://www.rtp.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de; INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/ sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530 39 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530 40 Valdez, Ilich. ‘Pintan de rosa a los taxis del DF’. Milenio. August 26, 2014. Retrieved from: https://www.milenio.com/estados/pintan-de-rosa-a-los-taxis-del-df 41 Gobierno CDMX – Secretaría de Movilidad (SEMOVI). https://www.semovi.cdmx.gob.mx/tramites-y-servicios/taxis 42 Pérez-Satadelman, Cristina. ‘Taxis preferentes, un transporte digno para la discapacidad. El Universal. November 15, 2014. Retrieved from: https://archivo.eluniversal. com.mx/nacion-mexico/2014/impreso/taxis-preferentes-un-transporte-digno-para-la-discapacidad-220348.html 43 Ferrocarriles Suburbanos. http://fsuburbanos.com/secciones/la_empresa/proyecto.php 44 Notimex. ‘Tren México-Toluca iniciará operaciones en su totalidad en el 2022’. El Economista. July 15, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.eleconomista.com.mx/ estados/Tren-Mexico-Toluca-iniciara-operaciones-en-su-totalidad-en-el-2022-SCT-20190715-0084.html 11 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Cablebus – The first mass transit cable car system in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area was introduced in 2016, in the State of Mexico. It currently consists of one line serving the San Andrés de la Cañada region.45 This system was estimated to serve up to 30,000 daily passengers46 and connects to the Mexibus BRT services. In 2019, the Government of Mexico City announced its intentions to introduce its own cable car system, Cablebus, with the first two lines being fully operational by 2020. One line will serve the Gustavo A. Madero area in the far north of the city and will end at the Indios Verdes Metro station, providing connectivity to Metro Line 3 and Metrobus Line 1 (which is located nearby). It is expected to carry over 54,000 daily passengers. The other line will operate in the Iztapalapa area, in the far southeast of the city. Cablebus is being managed by the Transportation Regulatory Body (ORT, in Spanish) a SOE that operates within SEMOVI and also manages the CETRAMs (see below). Modal Transfer Centers – Multimodal Transfer Centers (CETRAM, in Spanish) connect Metro stations to other forms of public transport, including RTP buses, privately-operated buses and taxis. They were introduced in 1969 with the opening of the Metro system and were Initially administered by the STC itself. Starting in 1993, CETRAMs were subsequently administered by different departments and ministries within Mexico City’s government. Currently, the ORT manages the city’s 39 CETRAMs. Table 1: Summary of the Public Transport modes in Mexico City System Year Modes Size Daily Operated by Other organizations Introduced Ridership47,48 involved Metro/STC 1969 Rapid Train 12 Lines 4.5 million STC Police, SEMOVI, InMujeres Metrobus 2006 BRT 6 Lines 1 million Metrobus Police, SEMOVI, InMujeres STE 1947 Electric Transport 9 Lines (8 trolley 225,000 STE Police, SEMOVI, (Trolley bus and LRT) buses and 1 LRT) InMujeres RTP 2000 Publicly- operated 94 Routes 399,000 RTP Police, SEMOVI, buses InMujeres, CETRAM Privately-operated 1980’s Privately-operated Unknown 11.5 million49 Private SEMOVI, CETRAM bus services buses Concessionaires Taxis 191650 Taxis 140,000 Vehicles 492,000 Private SEMOVI Concessionaires Tren Suburbano 2008 Commuter Rail 1 line 180,000 Private N/A Concessionaire (CAF) Cablebus 2020 Cable Car System 2 Lines (Planned) 54,000 (Line 1 ORT SEMOVI (Planned) estimate) Bus corridors 2011 Privately-operated 16 bus corridors 1.2 million Private bus SEMOVI concessioned to buses companies private operators CETRAM 1969 Multimodal Transfer 39 Stations ORT Metro, RTP, privately- Centers operated buses, taxis Source: Authors’ elaboration with data obtained from different sources referenced in this document 45 Mexicable. http://www.mexicable.com/historia.php 46 Burnett, Victoria. ‘Near Mexico City, Cable Car Lets Commuters Glide Over Traffic’. The New York Times. December 28, 2016. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes. com/2016/12/28/world/americas/mexico-city-mexicable.html 47 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/programas/transporteurbano/default.html#Tabulados 48 Data disaggregated by gender is not available for most systems. 49 The 2017 Origen-Destino survey only includes passengers over 6-years old. 50 De la Garza Arregui, Bernardina. ‘El origen de los taxis en la Ciudad de México’. MXCity Guia Insiders. Available at: https://mxcity.mx/2016/01/ origen-los-taxis-la-ciudad-mexico/ 12 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS III. Framework for Analysis – Generalized Cost of Transport T his report proposes an adaptation of the Generalized Cost of Transport (GCT) as a framework to analyze initiatives aimed at preventing and responding to VAWG in a more integrated manner, analyzing all the costs and phases involved in travel. This adapted GCT could be used to group the barriers that limit women’s mobility into two types: in-vehicle and out-of-vehicle. The GCT can offer a framework that allows for an analysis that considers all monetary and non-monetary costs incurred in getting from one location to another through public transportation. Because monetary costs are much easier to measure, traditional transportation cost models have mostly focused on them. However, to understand the true costs incurred in transportation, the non-monetary costs must be considered as well.51 51 For the purpose of this note, the authors utilize the GTC analytical framework. This –or any other framework to analyze this cost– will require collecting data that, at the moment, might not be readily available. The authors suggest adapting a traditional cost-benefit analysis to incorporate a gender perspective. The subjective value of time aggregates all factors that affect an individual’s decision to travel. It is not perfect as it misses positive and negative external impacts, but in this case, it may be needed to capture the individual value that women assign to traveling compared to men. One can estimate different users’ value of time using stated or revealed preferences surveys and observe the differences by gender. It is true that one cannot necessarily attribute these differences to VAWG. However, constructing a mode choice model will allow us to estimate the additional cost that female users face due to their gender. A similar study has been conducted in Quito showing, for instance, a higher willingness to pay in order to reduce waiting time in stations, or a preference for less crowded conventional buses. Besides the GCT, household surveys should include questions to capture the externalities (for instance in terms of productivity) of women not traveling, not only because of sexual harassment, but of other variables related to the affordability and availability of public transport. 13 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY The costs included in the GCT model are (see Figure 1)52: • Monetary costs – consist of all fees/fares charged for the use of any public transport system. • Non-monetary costs53 – factor in: • Travel time – the value of time spent getting to the transport systems, waiting at stations, and in-vehicle travel. • Transfers – the value of time spent transferring and exiting the system to reach a destination. • Reliability – the reliability that services will occur within an expected time. • Security and comfort – The cost of the risk to personal safety experienced during travel, as well as the general conditions related to comfort and ease of travel experienced on a trip. The preferences over these elements define the utility function for transport users. Stated preferences models have been used in transport planning to analyze user’s preferences and define their utility function which might allow to identify modal shift from users. However, this kind of analysis is normally designed without a gender perspective and doesn’t consider that women and men travel differently and face distinctive monetary and non-monetary costs; thus, the utility function should not be homogenous for all transport users alike. For example, some studies take into account safety as one of the factors to analyze people’s preferences; however, it is road safety what is normally included in these studies and not necessarily situations of sexual harassment and sexual violence, which disproportionally affect female users. The adapted GCT model must also be analyzed separately at the different phases of a trip. Similar to how policy decisions in the past have not considered all costs associated with using public transport, frequently not all phases of a trip have been considered when assessing the cost of public transport. Policymakers have traditionally been most concerned about costs that occur within vehicles. However, in-vehicle conditions aren’t the only ones that affect the accessibility of transport. The conditions experienced in the environment surrounding the access points to transport vehicles are also very important to users and, therefore, their costs must also be included in the GCT. Recently there has been an increased interest in developing better conditions of the surroundings to improve the accessibility to public transport. Because women might face concrete mobility barriers outside of vehicles, it is important that planning for safer infrastructure and services also considers the spaces that surround the access points to transport services. For this study, the phases of the GCT will include54: • In-vehicle – includes all of the the GCT that occurs while in the vehicle • Out-of-vehicle • Access/ingress (out of station) – includes all of the GCT that occurs from a person’s place of origin until reaching the station • Access/ingress (in station) – includes all of the GCT that occur within a station before boarding a vehicle • Departing/egress – includes all of the GCT incurred from the moment the user leaves the vehicle until he/ she reaches his/her final destination 52 The proposed adapted GTC methodology cost components attempt to measure the cost of a mix (direct and indirect) of behavioral changes (e.g. decisions to use a different travel route or mode of transportation, avoid travelling, etc.) that may be adopted by women in an attempt to mitigate the risks of VAWG. These variables are not of the same nature and often are not independent. For instance, one might expect that there could be a negative correlation between the direct costs associated with VAWG and the changes of behavior to avoid VAWG (e.g. the less a user travels, in general, the less an individual may be exposed to VAWG), and a positive correlation (with expected causality) between changes of behavior to avoid VAWG and the potential indirect negative costs associated to those changes in behavior (the less travel to avoid VAWG, the higher an individual’s potential opportunity costs are, notably loss of income and access to services). 53 Measurements of time values (travel time and transfers) should include both changes in total travel time, as well as changes of the value of that time. The gold standard method for calculating value of time is willingness-to-pay (WTP), which is defined as the amount an individual is willing to pay in order to save a given unit (e.g. hour, minute) of travel time. This value is different for walking time, waiting time and time in vehicle, and is different by mode of transportation. This value is also affected by other factors including the potential access to income sources, travel comfort, probability of suffering VAWG, etc. 54 Estimating the component costs includes a lot of assumptions about the costs that are experienced by public transportation users. The proposed methodology defines the cost of VAWG through its assumed observed consequences in increased fares, travel time, income, and latent costs. Estimating the component of said costs requires additional information and valuation methodologies that can be measured via stated preference surveys. This methodology is vulnerable to exclusion errors, due to none-considered effects of VAWG, as well as inclusion errors, by assuming that changed behaviors are due to VAWG. Therefore, any estimates using the proposed adapted GTC methodology must be made based on carefully collected data and must consider these potential risks before any strong conclusions can be made. 14 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY FIGURE 1. GCT Model Generalized cost of travel Consumer surplus Monetary cost (fees) Travel time Reliability Transfers Security and confort Non-monetary costs CUSTOMERS VALUE OF TRIP Conditions of trip, Origin Destination trip time and fee Access Access condition Transfer Transfer conditions GCT and VAWG Utilizing an adaptation of the GCT model as a framework may allow us to better understand how, in general, women face higher costs when utilizing public transport. Due largely to differences in traditional gender roles, women often face significantly higher costs than men in each monetary and non-monetary aspect of our proposed model: Monetary costs Fares and multimodal/multichain travel. Associating monetary costs with women’s safety issues is not as straightforward as when analyzing non-monetary costs. Monetary costs have normally been linked to women’s mobility patterns. Women rely more on public transport, while, at the same time, their travel is normally characterized as being multimodal and multipurpose. These more complex travel patterns commonly lower women’s financial capacity55 and they are affected disproportionately by non-integrated tariff schemes. Some of the literature suggests that women spend a higher percentage of their income on public transport than men within their same social group, even if their trips are shorter on average.56 Cost of security/”pink tax”. When it comes to women’s safety, some studies are starting to show that women are willing to pay more to increase their sense of safety.57 Even in low-income areas, qualitative research is showcasing that, due to concerns related to safety and personal security issues, within the lower-class income groups, women that are relatively better off in that financial strata are also willing to pay for more expensive services or take longer routes, which are more costly.58 In the end, women often face a “pink tax” to use public transportation by paying more to increase their security compared to men. 55 Peters, Deike. (2002). Breadwinners, Homemakers and Beasts of Burden: A Gender Perspective on Transport and Mobility. Institute for City and Regional Planning (ISR). Berlin, Germany. 56 Lecompte, M.C and J.P. Bocarejo. (2017). “Transport Systems and their Impact on Gender Equity”, Transportation Research Procedia, Vol 25, pp 4245-4257. 57 An Impact Evaluation in Rio de Janeiro included an experiment in the Supervia that concluded that women were willing to pay more for a safer option. 58 Dominguez, Karla, A. Machado, B. Alves, V. Raffo, S. Guerrero and I. Portabales. (2020). What makes her move? A study of women’s mobility in LAC cities. Washington. D.C.: World Bank Group. 15 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Non-monetary costs Travel time – When women choose which transport mode to use, they often consider different variables in their decision-making processes than men, including safety and personal security, sometimes to the detriment of affordability and speed. Some studies have shown that women and men can have similar total travel times per trip; however during that time women make shorter trips, travel at slower speeds and reach shorter distances.59 Regardless of the similarities in travel time, because safety and personal security issues disproportionately affect women, they attribute more value to their time (or every minute they can save), increasing their overall cost of transportation. The value women attribute to time shall not only consider the time spent in-vehicle, but also the time spent in getting to the transport system and after, to get back home. The attribution of a higher value to their time is also related to the concept of “time poverty”. Compromised mobility creates time poverty for women who are balancing responsibilities of home and paid work.60 Transfers – Women have more heterogenous traveling patterns and, because they often make multichain trips, usually spend more time transferring. Furthermore, as women often need to travel while taking caring of others (like children, elders, or persons with disabilities), more so than men, transfers can be more effortful and complicated affairs, and therefore are perceived as more costly. Transferring may also have an even higher cost in nighttime contexts, when women may have to wait in areas with infrastructure that was not designed with a VAGW-prevention environmental framework in mind (e.g. good lighting, openness, visibility), making them more vulnerable to sexual harassment and other risks, such as being mugged at these locations. Women are also more likely to travel during off-peak hours where transportation is less frequent; thus, more negatively impacting the value they attribute to their time. Security and comfort – Women face significantly more risks to their security and comfort than men. This is particularly true in Mexico City, where rates of sexual harassment are particularly high. This also includes public spaces that are linked to public transport systems such as waiting areas and access points. Sexual harassment and sexual violence can also be exacerbated by the growth of urban sprawl. A significant proportion of public transport users start their trips in the outskirts of the metropolitan area. These users often face very long commuting times (often 2 to 3 hours) and begin their daily commutes very early in the morning and return very late at night. Reliability of service – Due to these heterogeneous travel patterns, the unreliability of service represents higher costs for women than for men. Any delay in service adds time, during which they are exposed to security risks waiting for transport to arrive. Furthermore, women are more exposed to unreliability of service as they often have to make more transfers during their trips. 59 Peralta, T., S. Mehendiratta and C. Ochoa. (2014). Gender, Travel and Job Access: Evidence from Buenos Aires. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group. 60 Duchene, Chantal. (2011). Gender and Transport. International Transport Forum. OECD. https://www.itfoecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/dp201111.pdf 16 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS IV. Analysis of Initiatives I n this section, we will discuss all major initiatives that have been enacted in Mexico City to address sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport. We will first analyze measures that were adopted to address VAWG during the in-vehicle phase of our GCT model, as these have been more prevalent in the past. We will then discuss measures aimed at addressing the VAWG that occurs in other phases of the GCT model (out-of-vehicle). These phases are increasingly being recognized as important for the accessibility of transport, particularly for women. 17 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Measures to address in-vehicle costs Several measures to prevent and respond to VAWG in public transport have been tried around the world. Some of the solutions were envisioned as immediate temporary solutions, e.g. segregated cars; while others pursue longer-term behavioral change, e.g. bystander interventions, driver training and communication campaigns. Even if evidence is limited, available research has shown relevant lessons regarding both approaches. The strategy adopted for implementing gender-segregated public transport has varied slightly around world. The most commonly adopted strategy is to designate two Metro cars for women and children only. Some places, such as Delhi, India, reserve for women the first car of every train and a few seats in each of the remaining cars.61 In Mumbai, India, entire trains are now exclusive for women, running four services in the morning and evening peak hours.62 In other cities, women-only bus services have been created. In Cairo, the English Mass Transit company launched a female-only bus service.63 There are also ride hailing platforms where only women can register as drivers and are matched exclusively with women riders (e.g. GoPink Cabs in India or Lili Ride in Bangladesh).64 Other services have women-only seats such as buses in Katmandu, Nepal. However, critics have pointed that this policy was poorly enforced; thus, women-only buses were launched by groups of transportation entrepreneurs.65 Some cities have placed special guards or police officers to enforce the gender-segregated transport policies. Mexico City’s Metro, for example, has adopted barriers to enforce separate boarding areas for women-only cars. A similar strategy has been adopted in some BRT systems, such as in Bogota’s TransMilenio where, in peak hours, cabins of the articulated buses are reserved for women.66 The buses are patrolled by undercover police officers to ensure that the policy is being enforced. Women-only transport, as a temporary solution, has shown its limitations around the world. A recent study of gender-segregated cars in the Supervia of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil has shown that, even if this measure has had a positive impact on reducing harassment incidences (when enforcement occurs), commuters associate women not riding in the designated women-exclusive areas as being more open to sexual advances, normalizing harassment in public spaces.67 An impact evaluation carried out by the Interamerican Development Bank (IADB)68 of the Viajemos Seguras program in Mexico City indicates that segregation can prevent some incidences of sexual harassment in cases associated with congestion, during the hours where the program operates (before 10 am and after 2 pm) – such as unwanted touching– by separating women and men. However, there are other forms of violence, such as intimidation and rape, not necessarily facilitated by congestion, and which can happen at any time of the day and in any transport related spaces, that require better control of the public space by authorities. Given that the proportion of women-exclusive cars is insufficient to satisfy all demand, leading to congestion, others forms of violence can occur, such as physical violence incidents between passengers. The qualitative research of the IADB evaluation also shows that, to avoid congestion, women might prefer to use other modes of transport (like a combination of buses) to reach their destination, even if it involves additional time. In addition, even if women-only transport is supposedly aimed at being a temporary solution, at least initially, Mexico City does not seem to be an example of a city where separation is just a temporary intervention. Bystander interventions and social marketing, aimed at changing social norms, can contribute to violence prevention, only if they are part of a more integrated approach. There are other kinds of interventions intended 61 Delhi Metro Coach Corporation LTD. ‘First Coach of Train to be Reserved for Women only in all Lines (EXCEPT Line-1) of the Delhi Metro’. Retrieved from: http://www. delhimetrorail.com/press_reldetails.aspx?id=1r1LUOMxiA4lld 62 Times of India. ‘World’s first women’s special train completes 26 years’. May 5, 2018. Retrieved from: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/worlds-first- womens-special-train-completes-26-years/articleshow/64040257.cms 63 The Arab Weekly. ‘Cairo firm’s women only buses ride into the battle against sexual harassment’. November 16, 2017. Retrieved from: https://thearabweekly.com/ cairo-firms-women-only-buses-ride-battle-against-sexual-harassment 64 GoPink Cabs. http://www.gopinkcabs.com/ 65 Byrnes, M. (2015). A Look Inside Kathmandu’s Women-Only Bus Service. New York: CityLab. 66 Baker, Flora. (2014). ‘Bogota’s female only bus carriage expands to peak hours services’. Colombia Report. Retrieved from: https://colombiareports.com/ bogotas-female-bus-carriage-continue-another-month/ 67 Kondylis, F., A. Legovini, K. Vyborny, A. Zwager and L. Andrade. (2019). Demand for “Safe Spaces”: Avoiding Harassment and Stigma. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. 68 Soto, Paula, A. Aguilar, E. Gutierrez and C. Castro. (2017). Evaluación de impacto del programa “Viajemos Seguras” en el transporte público en la Ciudad de México. Washington D.C.: IDB. 18 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY to be longer-term solutions by contributing to change unequal gender norms and power relations, which are the root cause of violence against women. Amongst these are bystander interventions and awareness-raising social marketing campaigns. A systematic review concluded that there is not enough evidence of the effectiveness of long-term social marketing campaigns on VAWG prevention.69 A Global Review of Evidence conducted by DFID showcased, however, that standalone interventions are unlikely to contribute to violence prevention, unless they are part of a more comprehensive package.70 As will be explained below, a pilot project in Mexico City named ¡Hazme el Paro!, led by the World Bank Group (WBG) with the aim to contribute to changing gender norms, included a marketing campaign, while also training different transport stakeholders (e.g. operators) on how to intervene vis-à-vis cases of sexual harassment without putting themselves at risk. To note, these activities were part of a more integral approach that also involved reporting mechanisms that linked survivors with the referral pathway of response. Even if the scale of the campaign was small, some of the results, in terms of changing attitudes, were shown to be significant in the impact evaluation. Technological approaches can facilitate rapid response and data collection. There is limited data on the forms and the severity of cases of VAWG in public transport routes and the times of the day that they occur. This is even more evident in certain transport modes, such as buses, where the infrastructure doesn’t allow for the installation of help desks to enable reporting.71 There is also little evidence of effective mechanisms that allow users to report cases in a confidential manner and keep the interests of the survivors at the center of the process. Technological approaches (mobile applications, panic buttons, etc.) can contribute to an easier collection of data in areas where there is, for instance, good penetration of mobile phone usage. It should be acknowledged that technological approaches will not be enough if they are not tied to a well-established referral pathway and to an appropriate response from authorities. Women-Only Cars/Cabins Reserving the first two cars of a Metro train only for women was the first policy adopted in Mexico City’s mass transit network attempting to address gender issues.72 The policy is almost as old as the Metro itself, having been introduced as an unofficial policy about a year after the system’s inauguration in late 1969. Almost immediately after opening, STC, the organization that runs the system, began receiving complaints and protests from women about the discomfort of traveling on the system due to the crammed conditions of the trains. In response, the Metro soon introduced gender-segregated cars, one of the first in the world to do so. While, initially, this was an informal arrangement, in July 2000, STC authorities officially established that the first two cars of each train would be reserved exclusively for women (and children under 12) in six Metro lines. This arrangement was further modified in 2007, when the then Governor of Mexico City, Marcelo Ebrard Casaubon, launched the “Zero Harassment” program (Cero Acoso, in Spanish), which included the assignment of a third car of each train for exclusive use by women, children under 12 and people with disabilities. Currently, police officers from the special Transport Police are assigned to the platforms of Metro stations to enforce women-only boarding and physical barriers are used to mark the designated boarding areas (see Police Officers in Stations below). Besides the Metro, different forms of women-only transport have been introduced in other systems in the city. Since the launch of the “Zero Harassment” program, the city’s BRT system, Metrobus, has also been operating with 69 Arango, Diana., M. Morton, F. Gennari, S. Kiplesund and M. Ellsberg. (2014). Interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls: A systematic review of reviews. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. 70 Kerr-Wilson, A., A. Gibbs, F. McAslan, E. Fraser, L. Ramsoomar, A. Parke, H.M.A. Khuwaja and R. Jewkes. (2020). A rigorous global evidence review of interventions to prevent violence against women and girls. What Works to Prevent Violence Among Women and Girls Global Programme. Pretoria, South Africa. 71 Dominguez, Karla, X. Arango, B. Alves and Mc-Cleary Sills, J. (2015). Violence against women and girls resource guide. Transport brief. Washington D.C.: World Bank; The Global Women’s Institute, IDB. 72 Gobierno de CDMX - Sistema de Transporte Colectivo. See: ‘https://www.metro.cdmx.gob.mx/comunicacion/nota/separacionn-de-hombres-y-mujeres 19 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY the first cabin of each vehicle reserved for women only (with children under 12 and for people with disabilities as well). This was further codified into policy under the Viajemos Seguras program launched by InMujerers in 2008.73 However, despite the adoption and formalization of this policy throughout the Metro and Metrobus systems, there is an ongoing debate about whether the policy of introducing women-only spaces in public transport really helps to reduce incidents of violence. In fact, these spaces may actually reinforce the societal views that cause violence against women, as well as the stereotypes of women having little agency and of men lacking self-control. These measures do not address the societal issues that are at the root of what causes harassment. Instead, these policies place the burden safety on the women, rather than on the perpetrators that are harassing them. An evaluation of the different Metro and bus programs found that the levels of harassment had not decreased.74 As woman-only cars have, of course, a limited capacity, not all women are able to use them, which can give the impression that women traveling in mixed-gender cars are “fair game” for assaulters. Ironically, providing women-only transportation may also trigger negative externalities, as the normalization of harassment in public spaces.75 Beyond issues of equality, gender-segregated transportation may also reduce the overall quality of transport systems. Designating some cars/cabins in a given route as women-only reduces the supply of public transportation for both women and other users in that route. For women, the amount of space designated as women-only is often insufficient to serve all of them. This means they face a choice between utilizing often-overcrowded women-only cars or entering mixed-gender cars that have been even further signaled as a male-dominated space. Males, on the other hand, are barred from a significant proportion of the public transportation supply. Cities may try to offset this issue by providing more vehicles in gender-segregated corridors; however, this imposes an extra cost which almost certainly would reduce the available resources for other areas of the transit network. “Pink” Transport/Atenea Program In 2008, InMujeres launched the Viajemos Seguras program which, amongst other measures, introduced women-only bus lines through the Atenea Program.76 Colloquially known as “rosa” or "pink" buses due to their striking color, they are operated under the city’s main conventional bus network, RTP. Currently, pink buses operate in 51 bus routes. InMujeres chose to introduce these units, along with taxis, in such color to raise awareness on the issues of women’s rights and the need for equal mobility.77 A small number of “pink”, women-only taxis were also introduced. The objective of “Pink” Transport works to affect the GCT in two ways. First, as segregated transportation, it was introduced to address the in-vehicle security of women using mass transit busing by providing even more exclusive spaces for female users than the rest of the mass transit network, which only had individual cars/cabins designated as women-only (Metro, Metrobus, Trolebús). Second, it serves as a public relations campaign, where “pink” transport has often been maintained as part of a wider visibility and educational campaign about the need for female rights in public transportation. In fact, this is probably the main justification for the introduction of “pink” transportation, since there was never enough supply of these kind of vehicles to cover a significant proportion of women’s transportation needs. As of 2013, “pink” transport is only able to cover the needs of 28,000 female users, whereas in Mexico City, 4 million trips are made every day by women via public transport.78 73 El Heraldo de México. ‘¿Qué pasa si utilizas un vagón exclusivo para mujeres y niños?’ August 9, 2109. Retrieved from: https://heraldodemexico.com.mx/cdmx/ vagones-exclusivos-mujeres-metro-metrobus/ 74 Dunckel-Graglia, Amy. (2013). ‘Women-Only Transportation: How “Pink” Transportation Challenges Public Perception of Women’s Mobility’. Journal of Public Transportation, Vol. 16, No. 2, June 2013. 75 Kondylis, F., A. Legovini, K. Vyborny, A. Zwager and L. Andrade. (2019). Demand for “Safe Spaces”: Avoiding Harassment and Stigma. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. 76 INMUJERES (2017). CDMX: Ciudad Segura y Amigable para Mujeres y Niñas. 77 Gobierno de CDMX – Red de Transporte de Pasajeros (RTP). https://www.rtp.cdmx.gob.mx/red-de-rutas 78 Paper: An example of working women in Mexico City: How can their vision reshape transport policy? 20 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Panic Buttons The introduction of Panic Buttons in public transportation is another initiative aimed at addressing the in- vehicle security aspect of transportation.79 Unlike other initiatives, panic buttons have been targeted at non-mass transit public transportation. In 2017, the Government of Mexico City announced that 100 new hybrid taxis would have GPS locators and panic buttons. When these buttons are pressed, police are notified about the taxi’s location and officials can use this information to reach the implicated vehicle, discouraging sexual harassment from occurring in the first place. However, the institutional response and effectiveness of these initiatives has not been measured. In 2019, the current governor of Mexico City announced a similar program for microbuses, which will utilize camera surveillance, GPS tracking and panic buttons. However, this program has yet to be implemented.80 These programs have been modeled on a similar application implemented by Uber in India. Preventing and Responding to VAWG (Hazme el Paro, Phase I) Beginning in 2014, the World Bank has been exploring interventions to prevent and respond to sexual harassment in Mexico City’s public transport systems. The first of these explorative studies focused on addressing sexual violence during the in-vehicle phase in a semi-formal, non-mass transit form of public transport. This pilot project was called Hazme el Paro, which translates roughly to “Have my back”. This first project explored alternative methods to address sexual harassment in public transport –other than segregated transportation– which focused on changing social norms and behavior. By doing this, it aimed at creating a longer-term solution that could help transform the passive transport community (both users and drivers) into active agents of change through bystander interventions. Hazme  el Paro consisted of  three main components that were part of an integrated package of solutions aimed at addressing the lack of a peer environment in public transport: (i) a mobile application to make it easier to report incidents of sexual harassment; (ii) transformative training of transport operators to become interveners utilizing non-confrontational actions; and (iii) a communication campaign that invited the transport community to intervene with well-tested, specific, non-confrontational actions (that would not put them at risk).81 These were demonstrated in a pilot project introduced with a privately-operated bus company in Mexico City, COREVSA, which mainly operates a single route in the Av. Revolución bus corridor. This corridor runs from the CETRAM Chapultepec multimodal terminal, in the near west of the city, to the San Angel terminal in the south, largely following a route along Av. Revolución, a major north-south thoroughfare.   The project sought to foster the following impacts within the public transport stakeholders:  1. Co-responsibility. Since effective prevention and response to sexual harassment in public transport calls for a coordinated approach between different stakeholders, the pilot sought to put into place a package of solutions and tools for the transport community to intervene in cases of sexual harassment by providing a mobile application that users could use to record and report instances of VAWG. In this sense, the pilot aimed at fostering behavioral changes by facilitating the reporting of a sexual violence event by all users, whether it happened to them or to other users, through a mobile application. Drivers were regularly trained on the contents of a Response Protocol, which included escalating steps for bystander intervention within their buses. There was strong collaboration in the project with InMujeres to train policemen around the intervened area on how to give appropriate attention to survivors during situations that required their involvement. The 79 Plumas Atómicas. ‘Cámaras y Autobuses de Pánico en Autobuses de EdoMex y CDMX. ¿Serán Suficientes?’. August 7, 2019. Retrieved from: https://plumasatomicas. com/noticias/violencia/camaras-y-botones-de-panico-en-autobuses-de-edomex-y-cdmx-seran-suficientes/; Álvarez. Edgar. ‘Mexico City’s new hybrid taxis have a panic button’. Engadget. January 30, 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.engadget.com/2017/01/30/mexico-city-hybrid-taxis-panic-button/ 80 Almazán, Jorge. ‘Microbuses de CDMX tendrán GPS y botones de pánico’. Milenio. June 18, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.milenio.com/politica/comunidad/ microbuses-de-cdmx-tendran-gps-y-botones-de-panico 81 In collaboration with the gender NGO, the team adapted the Sexual Harassment Appropriate Response Program to the Mexican context, including the different strategies to intervene when experiencing or witnessing sexual harassment incidents. 21 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY communication campaign and training sessions benefitted from the guidance of the Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir and the World Resource Institute (WRI-Mexico). 2. Sensitization. Training of bus drivers and messaging to transport users were aimed at starting to deconstruct misconceptions around sexual harassment. For example, the communication campaign worked against the idea that “women are asking for it”; whilst the mobile application allowed users to go beyond reporting cases of unwanted touching to also report cases related to leering looks or verbal misconduct, which are even more normalized amongst commuters.   3. Mobile application and data generation. Through the mobile application Hazme el Paro, complaints about the different forms of sexual harassment were anonymously registered and geolocated to identify hotspots. The mobile application also activated a message of rejection of sexual harassment from the control center that was heard inside the buses. The data collected was shared with the counterpart from InMujeres to open a dialogue with other relevant authorities. 4. Referrals to service providers. The application allowed users to configure it to be able to receive a call from a Citizens’ Office of the police department after initiating a report. Employees of the control center provided survivors with orientation and referred them to existing services. The results of the pilot project demonstrated changing attitudes towards sexual harassment, indicating that a multi-prong approach has the potential to be effective. The project was the subject of a Quasi-Impact Evaluation. Positive results were shown in terms of increasing awareness of sexual harassment among transport users of the intervened route; the increase of young men wanting to intervene was also significant. The results were limited as evidence shows that to trigger behavioral change the doses of the intervention are important, and the pilot only lasted four months. Because of limited resources, the project was not able to train transport users on said non-confrontational strategies to respond to sexual harassment, which could have been a key entry point to boost the impacts of the pilot on changing the transport community attitudes. Measures to address out-of-vehicle costs Police Officers in Stations Many security functions and enforcement of gender segregation policies in Metro, Metrobus and Trolebús stations are performed by members of a special police department stationed at these locations, the Transport Police.82 Nearly all Metro and Metrobus stations have at least one police officer stationed at major separation points (turnstiles, areas for boarding women-only cabins, etc.), at least, during peak hours of operation. A 2017 audit performed by the IADB on security in two Metro lines (lines 1 and 3) demonstrated police presence at 90% of these separation points.83 Metrobus stations are also expected to have a police presence for at least the peak hours (6:00- 9:30 AM and 6:00-9:00 PM) although coverage is also not quite at 100%. Through both direct actions –enforcing gender regulations– and indirect actions –general security–, the Transport Police officers are expected to provide security for women in Mexico’s mass transit stations. However, the effectiveness and, nearly-equally important, the perceived effectiveness of these police officers is uneven. First of all, as indicated above, not all points in the stations are able to be covered by police. The lack of police presence 82 Soto, P., A. Aguilar, E. Gutiérrez and C. Castro. (2017). Evaluación del impacto del programa “Viajemos Seguras” en el Transporte Público de la Ciudad de México. Nota Técnica No. IDB-TN-1305. Washington, D.C.: IDB; INMUJERES (2017). CDMX: Ciudad Segura y Amigable para Mujeres y Niñas; Hernández, Eduardo. ‘Asignan pocos policías para vigilar Metrobús y Trolebús’. El Universal. April 28, 2016. Retrieved from: https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/articulo/metropoli/cdmx/2016/04/28/ asignan-pocos-policias-para-vigilar-metrobus-y-trolebus 83 Soto, P., A. Aguilar, E. Gutiérrez and C. Castro. (2017). Evaluación del impacto del programa “Viajemos Seguras” en el Transporte Público de la Ciudad de México. Nota Técnica No. IDB-TN-1305. Washington, D.C.: IDB. 22 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY can be a very prevalent source of insecurity in mass transport stations. Furthermore, the attentiveness of police in diverse transit lines is at times perceived to be different and this perception affects the decisions that women make when traveling. Potential lack of coverage at off-peak hours can put women at risk, given that their mobility patterns are strongly linked to the economy of care which takes place many times outside of more congested hours. Finally, some women are hesitant to approach police when they experience a problem, due to a perception that the police are, either unhelpful or at worse, likely to be a source of danger themselves. It was observed in the same IADB study that the presence of female police officers may possibly affect Metro users’ perception about security. In June 2019, the current Governor of Mexico City announced that the Transport Police would be reinforced.84 In the prior months to this announcement, an increase in criminal incidents in the Metro system, namely the kidnapping of women, had come to light. This reinforcement would bring the total number of police officers operating in Metro stations to 5,000, along with 750 operating in Metrobus stations, 150 in the light train system (which like Metro, is also operated by STC) and 700 in both the Trolebús (operated by STE) and the RTP systems. Communication Campaigns In 2008, when InMujeres launched its Viajemos Seguras program, a significant goal was to “change attitudes and behaviors to promote the right of women and girls to enjoy violence-free public spaces”.85 To this end, the program launched an awareness raising campaign on women’s rights in transportation. Part of the program was the introduction of the “Pink Transportation” initiative which drew attention to the issue of VAWG. Another more fundamental goal of the program was to promote awareness and education in favor of gender equality through a communication campaign particularly aimed at young people, men and children, and utilizing social networks, video clips, posters, audios, etc. The work was done in collaboration with partners from civil society organizations, opinion leaders, the media and even the business sector. The work also aimed to promote social change to overcome gender stereotypes with new forms of cooperating and non-aggressive masculinity, helping to reverse the causes and prevalence of structural discrimination and VAWG. Communication campaigns aiming at changing social norms can have an impact both inside and outside transport vehicles. Although, the targeted audience for a communication campaign is inside the vehicle, the effects might contribute to also change attitudes outside the transport service. Therefore, effective communication campaigns can be a potentially powerful tool to reduce the costs for women across all phases of the GCT model, mainly when they are proven to be effective. In a study on personal security in Mexico City’s Metro, the IADB reported that 91.16% of surveyed women mentioned awareness campaigns as the most important activity to complement the current security programs for female users of the Metro system.86 Since the initial Viajemos Seguras program was launched, new communication campaigns for raising awareness on women’s issues in transportation were launched as well. Rehabilitation of Public Spaces In 2007, the Community Program for Neighborhood Improvement (Programa Comunitario de Mejoramiento Barrial, PCMB, in Spanish) was launched by the city Government.87 The program seeks to support the revitalization of many of the city's neighborhoods. It aims at strengthening the urban layout of neighborhoods through citizen 84 García, Ilse. ‘Sheinbaum presenta la Policía del Transporte, con nuevo uniforme y, algunos, armados’. Sinembargo. June 18, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www. sinembargo.mx/18-06-2019/3598749; Hernández, Eduardo and Sandra Hernández. ‘Entra en operación la Policía del Transporte’. El Universal. June 19, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/metropoli/entra-en-operacion-la-policia-del-transporte; Morales, Gretel. ‘Women face kidnaps attempts in Mexico City’s Metro’. El Universal. February 6, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/english/women-face-kidnap-attempts-mexico-citys-metro 85 INMUJERES (2017). CDMX: Ciudad Segura y Amigable para Mujeres y Niñas. 86 Soto, P., A. Aguilar, E. Gutiérrez and C. Castro. (2017). Evaluación del impacto del programa “Viajemos Seguras” en el Transporte Público de la Ciudad de México. Nota Técnica No. IDB-TN-1305. Washington, D.C.: IDB. 87 Mejora tu Barrio. https://mejoratubarrio.com/el-programa-de-mejoramiento-barrial-y-comunitario/#mejoramientobarrial 23 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY participation. This Program has the purpose of promoting public spaces as safe places where people can safely meet, which could therefore strengthen the communal aspects of neighborhoods. Under the program, projects can currently receive up to MXN $600,000 in initial funding and up to MXN $1 million in continued funding (up to 5 years). In terms of safety and personal security, the PCMB has had the effect of improving inclusive access, in particular for women, who commonly lack a voice in urban planning. All the sub-projects under the PCMB produce an Urban District Development Plan which, amongst others, includes the requirement that “such projects should consider gender equity criteria”. In this sense, project proposals must submit a description of their participatory processes, including the percentage of women involved in the project.88 Female participation in projects has been particularly strong; the program received an award from the IADB for “Leadership and Citizen Participation of Women” in December 2016.89 Information Systems In 2012, the World Bank Group initiated a program to support data collection of Mexico City’s transportation network using open data technology. This work was supported by technical assistance from Integrated Transport Planning (ITP), Conveyal and CTS-EMBARQ (later renamed WRI Mexico). Through this program the team developed a web-based Data Management Portal (DMP) and a complementary Android application called TransitWand to be used in the Metro system. Using GPS technology, TransitWand was able to track users’ location, and the application let users register train stops, boarding/alighting times and passenger counts. Data uploaded by users was used to develop static transit data including stops, boarding and departure times, and passenger counts. Data covered included the entire Metro, Metrobus, RTP, STE and Tren Suburbano systems with information for 260 route variations and over 5,000 stops. This data represented the first comprehensive and accurate database of public transportation information in Mexico City. The Secretary of Transportation and Roads [(SETRAVI, in Spanish), which was later renamed Secretaría de Movilidad, SEMOVI] created a data feed, available to the public, which includes routes, stops, and estimated frequencies and trip times for each of the included transit modes. Accurate information can greatly reduce multiple costs within the GCT during all phases of travel. In particular, accurate schedule information can significantly cut down the users’ waiting times in the stations. This has the knock-on effect for women of reducing many in-station related costs, such as lessening the risk of sexual harassment and the costs associated with caring for others within the stations. Response Protocol Currently, in Mexico City there are different entry points to report cases of sexual harassment in public transport. The Metro system records incidents through a Unit for Attention and Orientation, which receives complaints on sexual harassment via phone calls. Face-to-face orientation is also provided in one physical location, and identified metro staff are trained to provide support. Metrobus also provides training and protocols to its employees for receiving reports of sexual harassment. However, as of now, the city's public transportation network lacks a uniform protocol for receiving, registering and responding to cases of sexual harassment in public transport. Guidelines have only been developed for the Metro system under the Viajemos Seguras program. There is also no assessment of the capacity of the different entry points nor of the extent to which the principles of a ‘survivor’s centered approach’ are considered in the design and implementation of these reporting channels. The implementation and enforcement of a uniform protocol faces difficult hurdles due to the diversity of transport modes and types of operators in the 88 The Community Program for Neighborhood Improvement in Mexico City. 89 IADB. ‘Gobiernos subnacionales de Brasil, Colombia y México ganan el Premio Gobernarte con iniciativas que promueven la equidad de género’. Announcements. December 7, 2016. Retrieved from: https://www.iadb.org/es/noticias/anuncios/2016-12-07/anuncian-ganadores-de-premio-gobernarte-2016%2C11680.html 24 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY network. In particular, it is more difficult to implement uniform protocols within bus corridors concessioned to private operators, than it is to implement them within closed systems, like the Metro and Metrobus. Improving Environmental Design for Violence Prevention (Hazme el Paro, Phase II) The follow-up project continued to build upon the efforts of the first Hazme el Paro and aimed to enhance consultation methods with the public by presenting new technologies and methods that could be used to inform the environmental design of public spaces to increase women’s perception of safety.  The study included strategies to introduce: (i) international best practices in citizen participation in the design of public spaces surrounding public transit stations, (ii) methods for evaluating public places on aspects of safety and security, (iii) analysis of gender differences in public places and safety audits by women, and (iv) new technologies which could enhance safety audits while keeping a focus on women’s personal security.   The study explored how new technologies could be utilized to enhance  safety audits and develop public spaces with environmental design features that can contribute to mitigate VAWG risks.90  Some of the new methods discussed in this report include technologies such as Virtual Reality (VR) and Geofencing that could be used to enhance public consultation processes by providing respondents with a new way to record their experiences and reactions without requiring immediate action during a time of duress or discomfort.  Respondents can be in a controlled environment either when using VR and/or when using geofencing technologies to provide data of real-time locations and movement patterns to complement the recordings of their experiences. The document also explored less expensive methodologies like separated focus groups for women and men and the ethical considerations that need to be taken into account when designing and implementing any of the recommended approaches. The study also developed a methodology to evaluate the design of BRT stations and their immediate surroundings.91 This methodology was based on three themes: accessibility, personal security and violence against women. For each of them, specific objectives and measurement indicators were defined. A toolbox for planning and evaluating the benefits of low-stress bicycle mobility network, with a last kilometer connectivity approach to mass transit systems, was developed. This toolbox could be utilized in cities for developing BRTs and their surrounding environments. It provides an estimate of the potential environmental, social and economic benefits of a cycling infrastructure in an intermodal BRT environment, incorporating three risk dimensions: road safety, personal safety and women’s safety. The toolbox can be presented on a digital platform, with a clean design and user-friendly interface. The project was one of the first of its kind to address multiple phases of the GCT in public transport by improving accessibility. It has developed a set of tools and methodologies that can be used to tackle multiple aspects that reduce the accessibility of transit stops and then adopt them for other purposes. It is also a first step towards incorporating new ways of thinking about design and the value of citizen participation in the process of preventing VAWG through design features. Although the study did not result in the intended pilot, it is hoped that this holistic approach can address multiple aspects of women’s accessibility and safety in public transport. 90 WRI. (2019). Metodología para auditar el espacio público e infraestructura de transporte cercano a estaciones de transporte masivo. Mexico City: WRI. 91 ITDP. (2019). Women’s personal security in BRTs and active mobility for the last mile connectivity. Mexico City: ITP. 25 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Table 2: Summary of initiatives to address sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport and spaces in Mexico City Initiative Systems Date Policy Phase(s) Initiated by Implemented by Introduced Instrument Women-Only Cars/ Metro, Metrobus, 1970 Program In-vehicle Metro/InMujeres (initiated Transport Police, Metro, Cabins STE (expanded in Metro and later expansion Metrobus, STE in 2008) to Metrobus and STE by InMujeres) “Pink” Transport/ RTP, Taxis 2008 Program In-vehicle InMujeres RTP, taxis Atenea Program Panic Buttons Taxis, privately- 2017 Initiative In-vehicle Governor Taxis, privately- operated buses operated buses, Transport Police Hazme el Paro, One privately- 2013 City pilot In-vehicle WBG CORESVA Phase I operated bus route (with WBG (CORESVA) support) Police Officers Metro, Metrobus, Expanded in Program In-station Governor Transport Police Located in Stations STE, RTP 2019 Communication Various locations 2008 Initiative In-vehicle, in- InMujeres InMujeres Campaigns station, and environment Rehabilitation of Various locations 2007 Program Access Governor Programa Comunitario Public Spaces environment de Mejoramiento Barrial, community leaders Information Systems Metro, Metrobus, 2012 City pilot All phases City pilot (with WBG support) SETRAVI (now SEMOVI) RTP, STE, Tren (with WBG (particularly Suburbano support) in-station) Reporting Protocol Metro, Metrobus, 2008 Initiative All phases InMujeres Each system has RTP, STE its own reporting procedures Hazme el Paro, Public spaces, 2017 City pilot In-station City pilot (with WBG support) N/A Phase 2 Metrobus (with WBG and access support) environment 26 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALEJANDRO ESPINOSA/SONIDEAS V. Analyzing VAWG in Trip Patterns in Mexico City T ypically, trips in Mexico City –or in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area– involve having to use more than one mode of transportation from origin to destination. Data from Moovit Insight’s Public Transport Index indicates that, on average, 88% of users transfer at least once when making a trip using public transport in Mexico City, and that 34% transfer more than once.92 According to an Origin-Destination survey (Origen-Destino, OD, in Spanish) published by INEGI in 2017, 15.6 million out of 34.6 million daily trips in Mexico City are made on public transport, with 8.62 million beginning in Mexico City and 6.88 million in the State of Mexico. An average of 4.41 million daily trips are made between Mexico City and other municipalities in the Metropolitan Area. Almost all trips across state lines require at least one transfer to another mode of public transportation.93 The most common mode of travel in the metropolitan area is by privately-operated buses, followed by the Metro, taxis, BRTs (Metrobus and Mexibus) and then other forms of public transport. 92 Moovit Public Transport Index. Available at: https://moovitapp.com/insights/en-gb/Moovit_Insights_Public_Transport_Index-transfer-count 93 With some exceptions such as the Tren Suburbano and some lines of the Metro system. 27 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY The data of the OD survey was disaggregated by gender showing some differences in travel patterns between women and men. For example, women are more likely than men to travel by taxi, or walking than men, while men are more likely to use all other forms of transport, including private cars and bicycles. However, as the survey was not necessarily planned with a gendered perspective from its outset, an opportunity was lost to capture information on women’s safety at the different stages of their trips. Figure 2 outlines some of the more common travel patterns when using public transport in Mexico City’s Metropolitan Area. In the figure, the term Conventional refers to all forms of conventional (not mass transit) forms of public transport including privately-operated buses, RTP and STE. Mass transit refers to all mass transit systems including Metro, Metrobus, Mexibus and Tren Suburbano. The dots represent transfer points, and these include street level transfers as well as CETRAM and other multimodal transfer points. For the purpose of identifying the effectiveness of the programs/initiatives (in terms of treating travel patterns equally with the same level of policy response), we are illustrating how women’s safety considerations related to travel patterns are treated by the different policies. Programs (dark circles) refers to those interventions implemented with a programmatic approach and long- term planning; Initiatives (light circles) are short-term interventions implemented city wide, as well as small-scale studies and city pilots that were often implemented in partnership with NGOs. An analysis of typical travel patterns of residents in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area provides a few important insights. From the figure above, we can see that most patterns of travel include some form of VAWG prevention/ response measure that has been introduced in the past. However, there are still many gaps. It is particularly difficult to implement any anti-violence initiative in privately-operated buses and taxis. These types of service, buses in particular, carry about 3/4 of public transport users in the city. Although the privately-operated bus services are supposed to be licensed by the city, in practice they have significant independence and often resist regulation. Furthermore, this transport mode lacks a formal infrastructure and there is often a high level of driver turnover, as well as a significant number of unlicensed drivers. All of these characteristics make it very challenging to conduct any official intervention to prevent and respond to sexual harassment, such as bus driver training, as there is little control over them and few accountability mechanisms. Another important insight is the gap that exists in most common travel patterns at the transfer points, which often are not being treated with VAWG interventions. There are two main types of intermodal transfer points: at street level and multimodal transfer centers. Street level transfers occur out in open public spaces. They often lack sufficient infrastructure to facilitate transfers and are not well developed. Significant improvements to the design of public infrastructure are needed in these spaces. They also need improved planning and coordination between system operators, and with city and state officials to develop planned interventions. Sometimes there are even competing attributions between local authorities and private operation systems that might complicate a coordinated approach to out-of-vehicle sexual harassment prevention and response. On the other hand, large multimodal transfer points, such as CETRAMs, often operate within formal infrastructure. They are quite organizationally straightforward to implement interventions within this formal infrastructure. However, many stations experience extremely high levels of traffic, especially during rush hours. Such traffic makes it difficult to enforce security and increases the risk of sexual harassment and other crimes. Furthermore, the infrastructure itself is insufficient for the level of traffic received and this is exacerbated by the large number of vendors operating within the stations. Finally, another issue that creates gaps is the diversity of transport modes itself. Interventions can be implemented in one or multiple systems. However, network-wide interventions are very difficult due to the varied nature of the transport modes and, more so, the amount of institutional coordination needed. Furthermore, there is significant traffic between systems originating in either the State of Mexico or Mexico City and then ending in the other, operating under separate governance jurisdictions. Significant effort is needed to develop inter-state coordination in planning and developing uniform interventions in systems that extend across this border. Integration between systems in the State of Mexico and Mexico City is needed to improve the quality of services. 28 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY Figure 2: Common travel patterns when using public transport in Mexico City’s Metropolitan Area ORIGIN DESTINATION SCENARIO 1 WALKING/BIKING MASS TRANSIT WALKING SCENARIO 2 WALKING/BIKING CONVENTIONAL WALKING SCENARIO 3 WALKING/BIKING CONVENTIONAL CETRAM MASS TRANSIT WALKING SCENARIO 4 WALKING/BIKING TAXI MASS TRANSIT WALKING INITIATIVE/PROGRAM Temporary initiatives/pilots/studies Panic Buttons Hazme el Paro Second Hazme El Paro: Access Environment Conditions Full programs/policies Women-Only Cars/Cabins “Pink” Transport/Atenea Program Reporting Protocol Rehabilitation of Public Spaces Information Systems Police O cers Located in Stations 29 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALEJANDRO ESPINOSA/SONIDEAS VI. CDMX Diagnostic - Remaining Challenges T he policies and initiatives to prevent and respond to sexual harassment in Mexico City’s public transport network and spaces described above have the potential to inform public policy and to expand on the data provided by the Strategic Plan on women’s mobility patterns in Mexico City. The report shows a series of initiatives that are promising practices and that could be incorporated both within and outside transport services in Mexico City. Unfortunately, not all of them have been subject to a robust evaluation, leaving the agenda open to filling in the gaps that exist regarding what works and what doesn’t. Moreover, it is important that policymakers start changing their mindset towards the way they plan public transportation. 30 VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY This note shows that there are different tools and entry points that can be easily be incorporated into policy analysis to improve the planning process from a gender angle and provide policy makers with better information to design more accurate interventions. For instance, safety audits can inform the design of infrastructure from a VAWG prevention-based environmental design and complement efforts towards universal access. Moreover, OD and user satisfaction surveys can include specific questions on perceptions of safety at the different transport links, while ensuring that all data points can be disaggregated by sex and socioeconomic levels. Reporting applications can also help in the identification of hotspots where interventions can be targeted. Survey instruments can also enable linkages between women’s safety and the extent to which this has an impact on women’s access to economic opportunities and services. Demand modeling can also incorporate VAWG considerations into modal shift analysis allowing to understand the differences in women’s and men’s choice of transport modes and to capture data on modal share. Formalization can provide the conditions necessary for improving women’s safety and personal security, but this also has to be accompanied with proper transport planning. As mentioned before, there is growing evidence that women’s safety and personal security contribute to define women’s transport choices. Thus, besides the human rights argument, there is also a business case for transport operators and authorities to include both in- and out-of- vehicle measures to prevent and respond to sexual harassment. This policy note has showed that introducing some of the proposed measures (e.g. response protocols, reporting mechanisms, driver training) are easier to implement in formalized transport systems. However, these measures should not be put in place simply as an after-thought as, on one hand, ethical considerations for the interventions can be compromises and, on the other, increased demand from safer services without adequate demand modeling can overload transit systems. These measures, as well as the different stakeholders that need to be brought on board, should be identified from the outset. Ridership should be forecasted using the proper tools, as to not over or underestimate demand, and so that the capacity and efficiency of systems is maintained. Women’s intramodal trip patterns, safety and security should be considered holistically and not only within mass rapid transit systems, but also in urban infrastructure, to enhance safety and security in walkability and within connecting options such as feeder buses and micro mobility alternatives. SEMOVI has recently (in 2019) released its Strategic Plan for Gender and Mobility.94 The document aims to set the course of the city’s strategy to introduce a gendered lens into its public transportation network for the current administrative term (through 2024). It highlights the unique challenges faced by women using public transportation in the city and provides a roadmap for introducing measures to address these challenges. In doing so, it points out many of the same issues explored by international and domestic NGOs in past interventions inside and outside public transport services. The plan follows an approach revolving around three strategic pillars: (i) reducing sexual violence and aggressions towards women in transport; (ii) strengthening gender parity and institutional culture in the transport sector; and (iii) ensuring that the travel needs of women and their patterns of travel are met effectively. Although the strategy outlined in the report is fairly comprehensive in its gender-responsive approach to Mexico City’s transportation, this strategy could be further strengthened through the knowledge developed in the aforementioned World Bank Group projects and other international experiences. This policy note can be utilized as an entry point to open the conversation with SEMOVI and other relevant stakeholders on enhancing the city’s approach towards preventing and responding to sexual harassment and violence in Mexico City’s public transport. For instance, the strategy does not a) discuss, in detail, methodologies to introduce citizen participation into the process of improving infrastructure through a violence preventative environmental design; b) analyze the extent to which it is pertinent to use new technologies to improve/ease the reporting of sexual violence incidents; c) mention its approach toward the defining a response protocol for sexual harassment cases nor does it identify services for survivors of violence in public transport; d) propose next steps for evaluating the pertinence of segregated cars and pink buses, as well as put forth approaches aiming at a normative change, while enhancing reporting mechanisms; or e) define the role of concession agreements in introducing requirements to operators on Codes of Conducts or other measures, such as trainings to drivers. This policy note recognizes that many of these policies/initiatives will require multi-sectoral collaboration; however, at the same time, it shows that there is already a lot on the table to continue building upon and learning from. 94 SEMOVI (2019). Plan Estratégico de Género y Movilidad 2019. Available at: https://semovi.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/estrategia-de-genero-140319.pdf 31