1 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Policy Note 2021 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES © 2021 The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Rights and Permissions The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: “World Bank. 2021. Closing the Gap: Gender, Transport, and Employment in Mumbai. © World Bank.” Disclaimer—This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. 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Cover photo credits: Nielsen (India) Private Limited CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Contents Acknowledgements...........................................................................................................................................................................................................4 Foreword.................................................................................................................................................................................................................................5 Summary.................................................................................................................................................................................................................................6 Gender Differences in Mobility Patterns.......................................................................................................................................................... 7 Effect on Women’s Labor Force Participation.................................................................................................................................................9 Background and Motivation.........................................................................................................................................................................................10 The Survey............................................................................................................................................................................................................................14 Results.................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 17 Gender Differences in Mobility Patterns ...................................................................................................................................................... 18 The “Pink Tax” on Women’s Mobility .............................................................................................................................................................. 23 Factors Determining Women’s Likelihood of Joining the Labor Force.................................................................................................. 24 Conclusion.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 26 References......................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 28 Photo credits: Nielsen (India) Private Limited 4 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES Acknowledgements This note was prepared by a team led by Muneeza Alam (World Bank), which includes Maureen Cropper (University of Maryland), Matías Herrera Dappe (World Bank), and Palak Suri (University of Maryland). The authors are grateful to Shomik Mehndiratta and Karla Gonzalez Carvajal for their support and guidance. They also thank peer reviewers Maria Beatriz Orlando, Judy Baker, and Karla Dominguez Gonzalez for their comments and Gerald Paul Ollivier and Aiga Stokenberga for their views and comments. The authors gratefully acknowledge the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA) for sup- porting this study and Atul Agarwal for liaising with MMRDA. The authors are also grateful to Benjamin P. Stewart and Thomas Joshua Julio Gertin for help with GIS analysis, Jack (Jianguo) Ma for help with sample design for the 2019 survey, Nathalie Picarelli for help with questionnaire design, and Tema Alawari Kio-Michael for administrative support. Data collection for the 2019 survey was done by Nielsen (India) Private Limited. Financial support from the Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality is gratefully acknowledged. Photo credits: Simone D. McCourtie 5 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Foreword Women in both lower- and higher-income countries face many mobility challeng- es. Constraints stemming from a lack of access to transport and mobility shape all women’s individual access to public services—especially to education and health. In turn, this lack of access to markets, employment, and skills affects their livelihoods, carrying implications for the intergenerational transfer of poverty, or wealth and asset generation—and influencing not only the women’s quality of life, but also that of their families. Transport provides many benefits both men and women should enjoy equally. However, current approaches to transport planning, management, and opera- tions, generally benefit women less than men. As compared to men, women tend to commute over shorter distances, make more non-work-related trips, use pub- lic transport and taxi services more often than men, and frequently travel accom- panied by children. A transport system designed to be equitable would cater to the mobility needs of both men and women. Over the past decade, the World Bank has actively engaged with the Government of India in the urban transport space, working together to create an environment conducive to women’s use of public transit systems. Realizing this more inclusive transit environment has involved collecting gender disaggregated data on users and nonusers of public trans- portation in 12 Indian urban centers—which have formed the basis of gender action plans for improving bus trans- port in select cities—while also incorporating women’s infrastructure needs, such as toilets, into depots and terminal designs, installing closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras on buses, and setting up complaint handling systems for addressing safety and security concerns of women. In recent times, the World Bank has deepened our engagement with India’s urban transport space. For example, in Chennai, our partnership is supporting the establishment of a gender lab aimed at enhancing women’s safety in public space and public transport, along with a gender-informed mobility system designed to enhance women’s access to economic, educational, and social opportunities. This policy note, strives to improve our understanding of the specific mobility choices, needs, and experiences of women in the Greater Mumbai Region of India. It examines how the mobility patterns of men and women differ from each other, how they have evolved over time in Mumbai, and whether lack of access to mass transit has limited women’s access to jobs. Several important policy findings emerge from the note, including the need for improving public transit and walk- ability, and integrating the various transport modes across Mumbai. Finally, this note seeks to help policy makers in Mumbai and other cities improve the design of public transit—and the overall transportation system—to better cater to the needs of female riders. Guangzhe Chen Regional Director for Infrastructure South Asia, World Bank Summary Until recently, transport planning and design were regarded as gender neu- tral—that is, they were assumed to bene- fit men and women equally. There is now increasing recognition that women expe- rience mobility differently from men. This study examines women’s mobility choices and experiences in the Greater Mumbai Region (GMR) by documenting the differences in men and women’s mobility patterns and the changes in these patterns as the city has devel- oped. It also explores whether the lack of access to mass transit limits women’s labor force participation in the GMR. Photo credits: Nielsen (India) Private Limited 7 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Gender Differences in Mobility Patterns The study finds persistent differences in the mobility Even when commuting for the same purpose, howev- patterns of men and women. These differences partly er, men and women choose different modes to reach reflect differences in household responsibilities and their destinations. Women who commute to work are labor force participation rates (only one-fifth of wom- more likely to walk or travel by public transit than men: en in Mumbai were employed in 2019). In 2019, 80 In 2019, 39 percent of women reported walking and percent of men’s but only 17 percent of women’s trips 32 percent reported using public transit (rail or public were work related. Half of women’s trips were for shop- bus) as their primary commute mode. In contrast, only ping or transporting children to and from school or 28 percent of men reported walking and 24 percent tuition centers. reported using public transit (table 1). Women were also more likely to commute by auto-rickshaw (14 per- cent) than by two-wheeler (9 percent) or car (4 percent). Table 1: Main commute mode to work, by gender, 2004 and 2019 (percent) Men Women Main Commute Mode 2004 2019 2004 2019 Foot 40.5% 28.1% 52.2% 38.9% Bicycle 3.4% 1.1% 0.0% 0.2% Train 24.0% 16.9% 24.3% 20.3% Bus 16.5% 7.5% 15.5% 11.4% Auto-rickshaw 1.8% 7.8% 3.0% 14.4% Taxi 0.2% 1.4% 0.0% 1.9% Two-wheeler 9.4% 31.5% 1.1% 8.9% Own car 2.9% 4.7% 1.6% 2.1% Someone else’s car 0.2% 0.6% 0.2% 1.5% Other 1.1% 0.4% 2.2% 0.4% 8 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES Mass transit within the GMR appears not to have kept or rail. In 2019, just 32 percent of work trips by women pace with the needs and expectations of the popula- and just 24 percent of work trips by men were by bus tion. Between 2004 and 2019, the level of satisfaction or rail. This reduction was accompanied by an increase with rail and bus transportation fell precipitously within in the use of two-wheelers and auto-rickshaws by both the GMR (figure 1). Satisfaction with reliability, conve- men and women. Men shifted largely to commuting nience, safety, and frequency declined; satisfaction with to work by two-wheelers, and women shifted to using the level of crowding either stayed the same (for buses) auto-rickshaws or taxies, which tend to be more expen- or improved slightly (for rail). The substantial reduction sive per trip than two-wheelers. In addition, a larger in the level of user satisfaction with bus and rail ser- share of women has continued to walk to work. vices undoubtedly contributed to the shift from public to private transportation (especially two-wheelers and Adoption of private, and arguably faster, modes of auto-rickshaws) between 2004 and 2019. transport has been slower for women than for men. Thus, there appears to be a surcharge or “pink tax” on Dissatisfaction with the quality of public transit is evi- women’s mobility as they continue to use slower modes dent in the decline in ridership. In 2004, both men and of and/or pay a higher price than men to reach similar women made about 40 percent of work trips by bus destinations. Figure 1: Level of satisfaction with rail and bus transit, 2004 and 2019 (a) Percentage Respondents Satisfied with Rail (b) Percentage Respondents Satisfied with Bus Reliability Reliability Crowding Crowding Convenience Convenience Safety Safety Frequency Frequency 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 2004 2019 9 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Effect on Women’s Labor Force Participation Gendered social norms play a large role in determining Several important policy findings emerge from this women’s labor force participation. Transport appears study: to be only one of the barriers to women’s participa- tion in the labor force. In 2019, 31 percent of surveyed • Creating a walking-friendly street network and pro- women reported commuting as a barrier to working viding affordable micro-mobility solutions (like scoot- (the remaining respondents did not see it as a barri- ers and bicycles) could differentially benefit women, er). Less than 4 percent of women surveyed indicated given their reliance on walking. that transport was a commuting barrier for work, with location of public transit stops, time, cost and safety as • Improving the reliability, convenience, safety. and major constraints. In contrast, 13 percent of women said frequency of bus and rail services could differentially that childcare responsibilities were a barrier to commut- benefit women, given their reliance on public transit. ing for work, and 19 percent of women indicated that domestic duties were a barrier to commuting for work. • Taking a network approach to the routing and tim- ing of rail and bus systems could better integrate A transportation system that does not explicitly recog- public transit options and make public transit a nize gender differences in usage can exacerbate gen- more attractive option. der inequalities and limit women’s access to economic opportunities. In contrast, a transportation system that • Providing safe and affordable childcare services allows women to combine household responsibilities at suitable locations (possibly at or close to rail with economic activity, can enhance women’s likeli- stations) could enhance women’s labor force hood of participating in the labor force. The existence participation. of a pink tax on women’s mobility and the salient role of women in childcare suggests that policy measures focused on improving public transit and walkability in Mumbai and providing daycare facilities at key locations could differentially benefit women. Background and Motivation Photo credits: Simone D. McCourtie 11 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Since the turn of the 21st century, South Asia has expe- about equal. This finding implies that women access rienced a substantial increase in its urban population. fewer economic opportunities, even though they are Between 2001 and 2011, the region’s urban population spending the same amount of time commuting as grew by about 130 million (more than the entire popu- men. Quiros, Mehndiratta, and Ochoa estimate the lation of Japan). It is projected to grow by another 250 increase in jobs that would be available to women liv- million by 2030 (Ellis and Roberts 2016). ing in different areas of the city were they to travel at speeds equal to men. They find that men with children Several factors—including inadequate provision of have access to more than 80 percent more jobs than housing, infrastructure, and basic urban services—are do women with children. constraining the potential of the region’s cities to fully realize the benefits of urbanization. An unintended con- Few studies quantitatively document the evolution of sequence of rapid urbanization is the creation and exac- men and women’s mobility patterns or explore the erbation of unequal access to, and use of, opportunities causal role transport networks play in women’s access for different segments of the population (the rich and to economic opportunities. Two recent studies that do poor, people living in city centers and people living on so evaluate the labor market impacts of providing bus the periphery, men and women, and so on). Poor infra- rapid transit (BRT) in two cities with limited public transit structure and limited transport services constrain mobil- options, Lima, Peru and Lahore, Pakistan. In Lima, intro- ity for everyone; additional socio-cultural constraints can duction of a BRT line and an elevated light rail (Metro exacerbate the negative effects for women. A well-es- Line 1) connecting peripheral areas of the city to major tablished body of literature on the travel behavior of employment centers increased employment rates for women in both developed and developing countries women living near the new infrastructure (Martinez and finds that women are responsible for a disproportion- others 2018). These investments provided faster and ate share of the household’s transport burden (because more secure transit in a city reliant on informal public of their responsibilities within the household) and have transit. Introduction of a metro bus system in Lahore more limited access to transport (Peters 2002). with subsidized fares increased the share of commut- ers taking public transit by 24 percent (Majid, Malik, and Several studies link access to transportation with access Vyborny 2018). Women were also more likely than men to jobs. A World Bank study of three Latin American cit- to use the system, holding other factors constant (Zol- ies provides qualitative evidence that transport deficien- nik, Malik, and Irvin-Erickson 2018). cies are a burden for low-income women. Combined with socio-cultural factors, this burden significantly It is difficult to generalize from the experiences in Lima constrains women’s ability to make mobility and work and Lahore to Mumbai. Unlike those cities, Mumbai has choices (World Bank 2020). an extensive rail system, and female labor force partici- pation in Lima is much higher than in Mumbai. Quiros, Mehndiratta, and Ochoa (2014) study the travel behavior of men and women in Buenos Aires, Argen- No studies appear to have examined the quantitative tina. Consistent with the literature, they find that male effect of transport options on the likelihood of female commuters travel farther and at faster speeds than labor force participation in India. A few studies assess women but that travel times for men and women are female travel behavior. They include a study of the 12 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES transport patterns of women in the slums of Delhi Box 1 The Greater Mumbai Region (Anand and Tiwari 2006), a study linking the effect of the perceived risk of street harassment on women’s The GMR, the core of the Mumbai metropolitan human capital attainment in Delhi (Borker 2021); a qual- area, had a population of about 12.5 million peo- itative study of women’s mobility challenges in Mum- ple in 2011 and an area of 468 square kilometers, bai (World Bank 2011); a study of the user experience making it one of the most densely populated areas of female railway users in Mumbai (Bhide, Kundu, and in the world. Between 2001 and 2011, the popula- Tiwari 2016); and a study that examines women and tion of the GMR grew at a rate of about 0.4 percent girls’ perspectives of urban mobility in 11 Indian cities a year—less than the national average. The lower (Ola Mobility Institute 2019). rate reflects a declining rate of migration into the city and the more rapid growth of the Mumbai met- For years female labor force participation rates in ropolitan area. The Mumbai metropolitan area is urban India have been among the lowest in the world one of the world’s largest, with a population in 2011 (Chatterjee, Rama, and Murgai 2015). Low labor force of 20.7 million (http://pibmumbai.gov.in/scripts/ participation is of concern from the standpoint of both detail.asp?releaseId=E2011IS3). The city faces enor- economic growth and women’s agency inside and mous challenges, including shortages of land, hous- outside the household. Poor transportation infrastruc- ing, infrastructure, and social services, provision of ture—in particular, lack of affordable, accessible, and which has not kept up with growing demands. safe public transit—may limit women’s access to jobs. It may also reduce female labor force participation by The Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai has making it difficult for women to combine work- and divided the city into six zones, each with distinctive family-related travel. characteristics. The southern tip of the city (zone 1) is the traditional city center. Zone 3 is a newer com- This study addresses two sets of questions: mercial and employment center. Zones 4, 5, and 6, each served by a different railway line, constitute • How do men and women’s mobility patterns differ, the suburban area. Most jobs are concentrated in and how have they evolved over time in Mumbai? zones 1–3, although there has been increasing dis- • Does lack of access to mass transit limit women’s persion in the distribution of jobs to the suburbs. access to jobs? Urban development and urban transport are man- To answer these questions, we surveyed 3,024 random- aged by the Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Devel- ly selected households in the Greater Mumbai Region opment Authority (MMRDA), a regional planning (GMR) in January–March 2019 (box 1). The survey asked agency under the Department of Urban Develop- a male and a female respondent in each household ment. The urban transport network is linear along about their labor market experience, their commuting the peninsula. Two national rail lines —the Western behavior, and their perceptions of the accessibility of Railway (WR) and the Central Railway (CR)—serve public transit in Mumbai. Respondents who were not Mumbai. They also provide suburban commuter rail working were asked about barriers to employment. services. Three urban arterial roads run through Each respondent also filled out a travel diary describing crowded urban areas, also running linearly. Cross- trips made during a 24-hour period. road links are less developed. 13 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI This study builds on the work of Baker and others (2005), who conducted a household mobility survey in 2004 of a representative sample of 5,000 households in the GMR but did not analyze differences in men and women’s mobility patterns. This study builds on that work by administering a similar survey to a represen- tative set of households in the GMR (thus developing a repeated cross-section) and analyzing the differences in men and women’s mobility patterns in Mumbai in 2019 and the changes in these differences between 2004 and 2019.1 In this manner, the study contributes to the literature comparing the travel behavior of men and women by examining how these patterns change as a city develops. 1 The selection of Mumbai for the study was driven partly by the existence of an earlier household mobility survey that could be disaggregated by gender and combined with a fresh wave of a household mobility survey to create a repeated cross-section to understand changes in mobility patterns by men and women over time. Photo credits: Nielsen (India) Private Limited The Survey Photo credits: Simone D. McCourtie 15 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI In each household, the questionnaire was adminis- The distribution of households by zone mirrors the tered to a man and a woman between the ages of 18 population of the GMR. Sixty-three percent of house- and 45 in the GMR. The two respondents were chosen holds lived in their current home for more than 10 based on whether they were the primary or secondary years (with 41 percent living in the same home since earners in the household. Where no man or woman in birth). Among households that did not live in the same the house was working, then a member of the same house since birth, 88 percent moved from within the gender who was looking for work was selected as a same neighborhood (37 percent) or from another respondent. If no member of that gender was looking neighborhood in Mumbai (51 percent). for work, then a member of the same gender who was knowledgeable about the household and “involved in household decision making” was selected. The following information was collected: (a) demo- Figure 2: Map of sampled households, by monthly income graphic composition and educational achievement of all and zone household members; (b) geographic location and char- acteristics of households; (c) activities (employment, schooling) undertaken by each household member; (d) household assets and sources of income; (e) assess- ment of quality and availability of transport services and barriers to use of transport; (f) distances to edu- cational and health facilities; (g) description of typical trips (work trips taken by each respondent and typical school trips taken by children in the household); and (h) willingness of the two main respondents to work if not currently employed. In addition, each of the main respondents kept a travel diary for 24 hours, in which they were supposed to record, for all trips taken on the chosen day, the destination, purpose, and time of day the trip originated; the distance traveled; the mode(s) chosen; the duration of the trip; and the out-of-pocket cost. Travel dairies were collected for all individuals who took at least one trip outside the home. Trip data were collected for 3,020 men and 2,717 women. The ques- tionnaire was a modified version of the questionnaire administered during a 2004 household survey (Bak- er and others 2005), with additional questions added about female labor force participation. The survey was pre-tested and administered by Nielsen India, Pvt. Ltd. 16 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES Median household size was four people (only 8 per- Table 2: Characteristics of survey respondents cent of households had six or more members), and 40 (percent of total) percent of households had at least one child under the Category Men Women age of 10. Monthly household income categories were chosen to mirror those in the 2004 household sur- Age group vey. Forty-four percent of households had an average 18–24 7.1 11.1 monthly income of INR 25,000 or more. Figure 2 pro- 25–29 16.4 23.6 vides the locations of the sample households and their 30–34 20.3 18.8 household incomes. 35–39 18.2 22.2 40–45 38 24.3 Because of the focus of the survey on employment and commuting, the survey targeted respondents between Observations 3,024 3,024 the ages of 18 and 45.2 For 82 percent of households, Work status the main respondent was also the household head; 3 Work outside home 87.9 15.6 percent of households were headed by women. Nine- Work from home 10.6 5.3 ty-eight percent of male and 21 percent of female Not working 1.5 79.1 respondents worked for pay. In general, men had more Observations 3,024 3,024 years of education than women: 29 percent men and 18 percent of women had a college or post-graduate Occupation degree. Among respondents who were working, a larg- Unskilled worker 16.6 25.9 er percentage of men than women described them- Skilled worker 40.2 31.9 selves as skilled workers, although a larger percentage Petty trader 3.6 0.6 of women described themselves as self-employed pro- Self-employed professional 4.1 9.2 fessionals (table 2). Clerical worker/salesperson 4.2 8.4 Supervisor 15.3 11.9 Self-employed worker 16.1 12.2 Observations 2,978 633 2 Two of the 6,048 respondents were 55 years old. Results Photo credits: Nielsen (India) Private Limited 18 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES Three broad results emerge from this study:3 Table 3: Purpose of trips made on typical day, by gender, 2019 (percent of total) • The mobility patterns of men and women differ in Purpose of trip Men Women several important ways that reflect differences in the division of labor within households. Work (regular workplace) 77.0 16.7 Work (off-site meeting, conference, sales 2.8 0.3 • These differences in mobility patterns and the evo- call) lution of these patterns point to an implicit “pink tax” Drop off/pick up children from school 0.2 8.2 on female mobility. Drop off/pick up children from tuition 0.1 0.8 centers • Transport is only one of the barriers to women’s Go to hospital, clinic, or doctor 2.6 5.4 labor force participation—and not the most import- Shop for groceries, clothes, or other 6.1 40.9 ant one. household goods Outing (for example, movies, lunch, din- 3.5 10.3 ner, park, sports) Socialize (for example, visit friends or 5.4 11.4 Gender Differences in relatives) Visit government office or religious place 0.6 2.1 Mobility Patterns Attend school/college as a student 0.2 0.3 Personal services (for example, bank, dry 1.1 2.7 The travel patterns of women and men in Mumbai cleaning, beauty parlor, mechanic) differ, and the differences reflect differences in house- Other 0.4 1.0 hold responsibilities and labor force participation (table Observations 3,105 2,790 3). Based on the travel diary data, in 2019, 80 percent of trips by men but only 17 percent of trips by women Individuals 3,020 2,717 were work related. Shopping accounted for 41 percent Petty trader 3.6 0.6 of trips by women but just 6 percent for men. Another 9 Self-employed professional 4.1 9.2 percent of women’s trips were for transporting children Clerical worker/salesperson 4.2 8.4 to and from school or tuition centers. These figures are Supervisor 15.3 11.9 consistent with information from travel surveys in other Self-employed worker 16.1 12.2 countries (Ng and Acker 2018). They reflect the low labor force participation of women in Mumbai, where Observations 2,978 633 only one-fifth of women are employed. Source: Travel diaries of survey respondents. Note: Almost all (99 percent) of the trips were round trips. 3 For the empirical analyses supporting these results, see Alam and others (2021). 19 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Among people in Mumbai who were employed, women 5 percent reported commuting by car. These statistics were more likely than men to work from home. In the for 2019, together with the fact that the average com- 2019 sample, 21 percent of women were employed, mute time was about the same for men and women and one-quarter of them worked from home. In con- (24 minutes), suggest that men, on average, commuted trast, 99 percent of men were employed, and only 11 farther than women. percent of them worked from home (see table 2). Wom- en who did commute for work were more likely to walk Splitting the 2019 sample by income—comparing or travel by public transit than men: In 2019, 39 percent households with monthly income of Rs. 25,000 or less of women reported walking and 32 percent reported with households with monthly income of more than using the rail or public bus as their primary commute Rs. 25,000—reveals important differences in the com- mode (table 4). The comparable figures for men were mute mode choices of men and women. Women from 28 percent (walking) and 24 percent (public transit). households with monthly income above Rs. 25,000 Women were also more likely to commute by auto-rick- (henceforth referred to as higher-income households) shaw (14 percent) than by two-wheeler (9 percent) or are more likely to rely on rail as a means of getting to car (3 percent). In contrast, 32 percent of male com- work than women from households that have a month- muters reported their main mode as a two-wheeler and ly income of Rs. 25,000 or less (henceforth referred to Table 4: Main commute mode for typical work trip, by gender, 2004 and 2019 Men Women Main commute mode 2004 2019 2004 2019 Foot 40.5 28.1 52.2 38.9 Bicycle 3.4 1.1 0.0 0.2 Rail 24.0 16.9 24.3 20.3 Bus 16.5 7.5 15.5 11.4 Auto-rickshaw 1.8 7.8 3.0 14.4 Taxi 0.2 1.4 0.0 1.9 Own two-wheeler 9.4 31.5 1.1 8.9 Own car 2.9 4.7 1.6 2.1 Someone else’s car 0.2 0.6 0.2 1.5 Other 1.1 0.4 2.2 0.4 Observations 5,171 2,658 629 473 Note: This table is based on the responses of respondents who work outside the home and for whom the main mode of transportation was known. For 2019, it includes responses of the main respondent of the survey only; for 2004, it includes the responses of all household members who were working at the time of the survey. The survey asked for up to three modes of transport. The main mode is defined as the motorized mode on which the respondent spends the most time on his or her typical work trip duration. The main mode is defined as a nonmotorized mode (foot or bicycle) if that was the only commute mode reported, with precedence given to bicycle if both foot and bicycle were reported. In the 2004 survey, in cases where there was more than one potential main commute mode, precedence was given to transport choices that were less representative on the aggregate level. No such possibility arose in the 2019 round. 20 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES as lower-income households). In contrast, men from slower speeds: Women are more likely to walk or take higher-income households are less likely to use the public transit than men, implying that they do not nec- rail. Relative to men and women from lower-income essarily have shorter travel times (Ng and Acker 2018). households, both men and women from higher-income Women’s preferences for commuting by auto-rickshaw households are less likely to walk to work or use the rather than two-wheeler have also been noted in stud- bus to get to work. Men from higher-income house- ies in Jakarta and Manila (Ng and Acker 2018). holds are more likely than men from lower-income households to use two-wheelers to commute to work. Mumbai’s public transit infrastructure and services have In contrast, women from higher-income households are not kept pace with the expectations of users (figure 3). more likely than women in lower-income households to As a result, both men and women have increasingly use auto-rickshaw to commute to work. switched to private modes of transportation. The commuting patterns of men and women in Mum- User satisfaction with bus and rail services was bai mirror patterns seen in other cities. Studies in devel- assessed across five dimensions: reliability of service, oping and developed countries show that, on average, crowding, convenience of routes, safety of service, and working women work closer to home than do men frequency of service, measured on a three-point scale (Crane 2007). On average, they also travel shorter dis- (satisfied, neutral, or unsatisfied). tances per trip than men. However, they also travel at Figure 3: Perceptions of bus and rail quality, 2004 and 2019 (a) Bus Service 100% 90% 25 28 32 35 35 35 80% Percentage of respondents 70% 59 63 70 67 60% 50% 31 53 60 50 40% 58 52 30% 28 20% 31 26 35 24 10% 12 22 10 12 16 13 6 5 7 0% 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 Reliability Crowding Convenience Safety of Satisfaction with of service in buses of service service frequency Unsatisfied Neutral Neutral 21 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI (b) Rail Service 100% 90% 18 28 33 36 36 39 80% 47 Percentage of respondents 70% 20 63 70 60% 78 50% 57 40% 56 47 53 32 51 30% 62 20% 30 24 10% 21 18 18 15 7 11 11 10 5 3 0% 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 2004 2019 Reliability Crowding Convenience Safety of Satisfaction with of service in rail of service service frequency Unsatisfied Neutral Neutral For bus service, ratings of all dimensions of service The substantial reduction in the level of user satisfac- quality other than crowding were rated satisfactory tion with bus and rail services in Mumbai undoubtedly about twice as often in 2004 as they were in 2019. On contributed to the shift from public to private trans- average, 59 percent of respondents rated quality as portation (especially two-wheelers and auto-rickshaws) satisfactory in 2004; only 30 percent rated quality as between 2004 and 2019 (see table 4).4 In 2004, both satisfactory in 2019. The ratings for rail tell a similar men and women made about 40 percent of work trips story. Except for crowding, 65 percent of respondents by bus or rail. In contrast, by 2019, these figures had on average rated quality as satisfactory in 2004; only dropped to 32 percent for women and 24 percent for 34 percent rated quality as satisfactory in 2019. For rail, men. This reduction in the use of public transit was however, ratings of crowding improved, with 36 percent accompanied by an increase in use of two wheelers and of respondents rating crowding as satisfactory in 2019, auto-rickshaws by both men and women. up from 18 percent in 2004. The results indicate that most people in the GMR work Gender-disaggregated analysis does not reveal signifi- close to where they live and that a large share walks cant differences between men and women’s perception to work. Among respondents to the 2019 survey, 60 of public transit. This finding is similar to the findings of percent of women and 61 percent of men reported a study conducted by the Ola Mobility Institute (2019). commute times of 20 minutes or less, and 85 percent 4 There has also been a shift from walking and cycling toward private and semi-public modes of transport. Such a shift is expected as incomes rise. 22 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES of men and women had commutes of 40 minutes or In the 2019 survey, both men and women were asked less (table 5). These shares are similar to those in 2004. to identify the top two areas of improvement (if any) An important difference between 2004 and 2019 is that they would like to see for bus and rail services. Many the share of respondents commuting 60 minutes or of the areas identified were similar, but there were more (10 percent men and women in 2004) was cut in some areas where the preferences of men and wom- half. A comparison of modal shares of work commutes en differed. For rail transport, both men and women across the two surveys also shows a substantial reduc- identified frequency of service and safety as the most tion in the share of people walking to work and taking important areas of improvement: 24 percent of men public transit and a comparable increase in the use and 21 percent of women identified frequency of of two-wheelers and auto-rickshaws for commuting. service as an area of improvement, and 16 percent of Despite this shift, 39 percent women and 28 percent men and 18 percent of women identified safety as an men still walked to work in 2019. Thus, taking a syner- area of improvement. The third-most important area getic approach to land use and transport networks at a of improvement for women was “special rail transit” granular level is critical for improving intracity connec- for women or an increase in female-allocated seats,” tivity in Mumbai. which 16 percent of women (but just 4 percent of men) identified as an area of improvement. For bus transpor- tation, both men and women identified the three most Table 5: One-way travel time for typical work trip, by gender, important areas of improvement (in descending order) 2004 and 2019 as frequency of service, safety, and comfort. A much Men Women larger share of women (10 percent) than men (2 per- Travel time 2004 2019 2004 2019 cent) identified “special buses for women or an increase (minutes) in female-allocated seats” as an area of improvement. 1–10 32.5 32.1 33.0 28.8 The gender difference on the need for special seating for women highlights the importance of engaging with 11–20 23.0 29.1 21.6 31.1 women in the design of public transit services. 21–40 21.4 24.0 23.8 24.7 41–60 12.7 10.0 11.1 10.6 60–120 10.0 4.4 10.2 4.2 Above 120 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.6 Observations 5,068 2,658 588 473 Note: The survey asked for up to three modes of transport for a typical work trip and the time spent on each mode. This table is based on the sum of the durations reported. 23 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI The “Pink Tax” on Women’s Mobility There are important differences in the ways men and women have changed their mobility patterns over This pink tax affects the number and potentially types time. Women continue to either use slower modes of of jobs that men and women can access once they transport than men and/or to pay more than men to enter the labor force. Willingness-to-pay data were not reach similar destinations—a phenomenon known as collected as part of the study. However, the existence the pink tax.5 of a pink tax suggests that, all else equal, women would be willing to pay more than men for better-quality mass Men and women expressed similar levels of satisfac- transit system in Mumbai.6 tion/dissatisfaction with bus and rail transportation in 2019, and there was a marked decline in satisfaction The existence of a pink tax suggests that policy mea- levels for both men and women between the two sur- sures focused on improving public transit and walkabil- veys. The share of working people that took the bus or ity and integrating transport modes in Mumbai could rail was higher among women (32 percent) than men differentially benefit women. Although modal integra- (24 percent) (see table 4). Similarly, despite the shift tion of rail, bus, road, and nonmotorized transport in between 2004 and 2019 toward motorized transport, Mumbai (including integrated fares) would benefit both 39 percent of working women continued to walk to men and women, it is likely to benefit women more. work (compared with only 28 percent of men). These Improving the physical integration of a city requires shares imply that adoption of private, and arguably fast- sustained coordination between transport and urban er, modes of transport has been slower among wom- authorities. en than among men. Between 2004 and 2019, both men and women shifted toward private or semi-pri- Similarly, enhancing the walkability of Mumbai by cre- vate modes of transportation. Men shifted toward ating a walking-friendly street network and providing two-wheelers, and women shifted to auto-rickshaws or affordable micro-mobility solutions in Mumbai (such taxies, which tend to be more expensive (per trip) than as scooters) could also differentially benefit women, two-wheelers. That men and women have reacted dif- given their reliance on walking. The World Bank’s 2020 ferentially to decreasing satisfaction with public transit Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and in Mumbai is consistent with there being a pink tax on Design stresses the need to avoid creating mega-blocks women’s mobility. when developing a walking-friendly street network and 5 The pink tax refers to the extra amount that women pay for certain products (such as used cars, personal care products, and clothing) and services (such as mortgages and dry cleaning). The pink tax on mobility refers to the fact that women may have to pay a higher price to reach the same destinations because of gender-specific needs that are not addressed by the transport system. For example, failure of public transit systems to address constraints/barriers that women face, such as lack of security, induces women to choose safer but more expensive modes of transport, thereby imposing a tax or surcharge on women’s mobility. 6 Observed differences in willingness to pay (or lack thereof) between men and women are determined by a myriad of factors, including income levels and control over income and assets. 24 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES suggests that the median urban block length should be Given that women are more reliant on public transit 100–150 meters. It also suggests designing sidewalks than men, measures that improve the reliability, con- in a way that accommodates the specific mobility needs venience, safety, and frequency of bus and rail services of women. For example, sidewalks should be designed would also differentially benefit women. Taking a net- to accommodate families walking together, with room work approach to the routing and timing of the rail for others to pass, and use materials that are easily and bus systems would better integrate public transit traversed. options and make public transit a more attractive option. Factors Determining Women’s Likelihood of Joining the Labor Force To understand the role of transport in affecting wom- Table 3: Women’s attitudes about employment and en’s likelihood of working, the 2019 survey asked all barriers to employment 2,388 female respondents who were not working Category Percent whether they saw commuting as a barrier to work- ing. The results suggest that gendered social norms Commuting is barrier to working play a large role in determining women’s labor force No 69.4 participation. Yes 30.6 Commuting is a barrier because About a third of nonworking women (31 percent) saw Of domestic duties 19.1 commuting as a barrier to working (table 6). The main Of child care duties 12.7 reasons cited were domestic duties (19 percent) and childcare duties (13 percent).7 A much smaller share Trips are long 3.9 of women reported transportation as a barrier: “pub- Public transit stop is far 3.7 lic transit stops are far” (3.7 percent), “trips are long” Family does not prefer 2.5 (3.9 percent), “commuting is expensive” (1.1 percent), Commuting is unsafe 1.6 and “commuting is unsafe” (1.6 percent). Among non- Commuting is expensive 1.1 working women, 11 percent said they would be willing Observations 2,388 to work part- or full-time if offered a job and 8 percent said they would be willing to commute to work. Note: Multiple responses were permitted. 7 Respondents could select multiple barriers to commuting for work if needed. 25 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI These results suggest that transport is only one of the participation. When the sample is restricted to women many barriers to women’s likelihood of participating who live in households in which the primary respondent in the workforce—and not the most important one. to the survey (often the husband) has lived in the same In contrast, the International Labour Office (ILO 2017) house since birth, being more than a 20-minute walk reports lack of access to transport as the single most from a rail station reduces the probability that a woman important barrier to female labor force participation works by about 4.5 percentage points. Conditional on in developing countries. It estimates that it reduces working, it also increases the probability that a woman female labor force participation probability by more works from home by 8.3 percentage points. Thus, wom- than 16 percentage points.8 As Mumbai is one of the en who live farther from a rail station are more likely to safer cities for women to be in public spaces—the Solo work from home than to commute to work. Woman Traveler Survey 2013 rated it the safest city in India for women traveling alone —it is likely that trans- port is viewed as less of a barrier to women’s likelihood of joining the labor force in Mumbai than elsewhere. Given the multitude of barriers women face in com- muting to work (transport related barriers as well as childcare-related barriers), providing safe and afford- able childcare services could be one way to enhance women’s labor force participation in Mumbai. Providing childcare services at or close to metro stops is one pos- sible solution. Establishing a causal link between transport options and employment is difficult, as the decision of where to live and work are often jointly made. The study examines the link between access to public transit and employment, holding constant factors typically found to play a role in explaining female employment. Holding constant edu- cation, age, the presence of young children, spouse’s income, and the zone in which the household lives, distance to the nearest rail station is not significantly related to the probability that a woman works outside the home. However, restricting the sample to wom- en whose residential location is arguably exogenous to their employment decision reveals some evidence that transport acts as a barrier to female labor force 8 Work and family balance; lack of affordable childcare; and abuse, harass- ment, and discrimination reduce female labor participation probability by 2.6, 4.8, and 4.2 percentage points, respectively, according to the study. Conclusion Photo credits: Simone D. McCourtie 27 CLOSING THE GAP: GENDER, TRANSPORT, AND EMPLOYMENT IN MUMBAI Women and men in Mumbai exhibit different travel doors, women’s toilets, gender training of bus conduc- patterns, which partly reflect differences in their house- tors, and women conductors and drivers to improve the hold responsibilities and labor force participation. Most user experience of women with the bus system. Bhide, men’s trips are work related. In contrast, half of wom- Kundu, and Tiwari (2016) identified specific design mea- en’s trips are for shopping or transporting children to sures (such as improving the evenness of platforms, and from school or tuition centers. better locating hand poles at the doors, providing hand straps, and improving lighting at stations) that can Among people who are employed, women are more improve women’s user experience with the rail system. likely than men to work from home. Women who do commute for work are more likely than men to walk The analysis in this study suggests that transport is only or travel by public transit. Women are more likely than one of the barriers to women’s likelihood of participat- men to commute by auto-rickshaw; men are more likely ing in the work force. About a third (31 percent) of the to commute by two-wheeler or car. Given that aver- women surveyed cited commuting as a barrier to work- age commute times are about the same for men and ing. But less than 4 percent indicated that transport women, the different modal choices suggest that men was a barrier. Much larger shares cited domestic duties commute farther than women on average. This finding (19 percent) and childcare responsibilities (13 percent) implies that there is a “pink tax” on women’s mobility, as as barriers to commuting to work. Given the multitude women pay a surcharge (in terms of time and/or mon- of barriers that women face in commuting, providing ey) to access the same destinations as men. Given wom- safe and affordable childcare services at suitable loca- en’s reliance on public modes of transport and walking, tions in Mumbai (possibly at or close to rail stations) policy measures that improve public transit, walkability could enhance women’s labor force participation. More within the city, and modal integration across transport broadly, transportation solutions that allow women to modes in Mumbai could differentially benefit women. combine domestic duties and childcare responsibilities with labor force participation, can enhance women’s For both bus and rail services, there was a substan- engagement in the economy. tial reduction in the level of user satisfaction between 2004 and 2019, with satisfaction with the reliability, convenience, and frequency of service all declining. The decline almost certainly contributed to the shift from public to private transportation (especially two-wheelers and auto-rickshaws) between 2004 and 2019.9 Previous studies of Mumbai’s bus and rail system identi- fied specific aspects in the design of these services that could be improved to enhance the user experience of women. A 2011 World Bank study identified the need for an off-peak women’s daily pass, women-only bus 9 There has also been a shift from walking and cycling toward private/semi-public modes of transport. Such a shift is typically expected as incomes rise. 28 MOBILITY AND TRANSPORT CONNECTIVITY SERIES References Alam, M. M., M. Cropper, M. Herrera Dappe, and P. Suri. 2021. “Closing the Gap: Gender, Transport and Employment in Mumbai.” Policy Research Working Paper, World Bank, Washington, DC. Anand, A., and G. Tiwari. 2006. “A Gendered Perspective of the Shelter–Transport–Livelihood Link: The Case of Poor Women in Delhi.” Transport Reviews 26 (1): 63–80. 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