Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Gender in Urban Transport in Gender in Kenya Nairobi, Urban Transport in Volume I: Mobility Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Ministry of Transport, Infrastructure, Housing, Urban Development and Public Works 1 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility © 2020 The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. 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Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility. © World Bank.” Editing and design/layout: Edward Miller Cover photo © Flone Initiative, reproduced with permission All queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: 202- 522-2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. 2 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Ministry of Transport, Infrastructure, Housing, Urban Development and Public Works 3 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CONTENTS Acronyms and Abbreviations i Preamble ii Acknowledgements iv Executive Summary 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 7 Background 7 Objectives of the Study 9 Methodology 9 Structure of the Report 13 Chapter 2: Literature Review 15 Policy and Regulatory Framework 15 Mobility for Men and Women: Trends and Conditions 16 Chapter 3: Mobility and Gender in Nairobi 23 Overarching Questions on Gender and Mobility 24 1. Are women’s travel patterns different from men’s in 24 Nairobi? 2. Which factors, if any, affect women’s travel patterns 33 and needs? “Four As” Framework: Availability, Accessibility, 45 Affordability, and Acceptability Chapter 4: Recommendations 55 1. Policy and Governance 56 2. Transport-related Barriers 57 3. Gender Norms 60 4 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility References 67 Annex I: Analysis on Mobility with Gender Dimensions 73 (JICA/NCC Nairobi Integrated Urban Development Plan Household Survey) Annex II: Analysis on Mobility with Gender Dimensions 111 (BRT Line 1 Feasibility Study—Travelers’ Interviews) Annex III: Analysis on Mobility with Gender Dimensions 127 (Interview Survey for Public Transport Users) Annex IV: Focus Group Discussions 156 Annex V: Survey Instruments 161 5 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS BRT Bus Rapid Transit CBD central business district FGD focus group discussion GIS geographic information system IMT Intermediate Means of Transport JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency KeNHA Kenya National Highways Authority KES Kenyan shilling KURA Kenya Urban Roads Authority MOLO Mobility and Logistics Multi-donor Trust Fund MRTS Mass Rapid Transit System NaMATA Nairobi Metropolitan Area Transport Authority NCC Nairobi City County NIUPLAN Integrated Urban Development Master Plan NMS Nairobi Metropolitan Services NMT non-motorized transport NTSA National Transport and Safety Authority OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development SACCO Savings and Credit Cooperative society SDoG State Department of Gender SDoT State Department of Transport i 6 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility PREAMBLE Transport is traditionally a male-dominated 2015), aligns with the Africa region’s priori- sector. The realization that the sector and its ties, and engages with the priority areas of subsystems have been conceived, designed, the Government of Kenya’s gender strategy and matured from either a male-oriented developed in 2011. Its aims at (i) enhancing or a gender-neutral perspective is thus knowledge and analysis on the existing state unsurprising. of mobility, (ii) improving the employment conditions and opportunities for women and In Kenya, discussion about gender and related men in the urban transport subsector, and aspects has been on the rise since the formu- (iii) proposing operational actions to close lation of the Integrated National Transport evident and invisible gender gaps in mobility Sector Policy (2009), which acknowledged that and employment by leveraging the findings gender inequality exists in access and mobility, documented in this report and thus bringing particularly in informal urban settlements in the issue to the forefront of the Kenyan urban Kenya. Reinforcing this, the 2010 Constitution transport sector’s policy agenda. of Kenya made gender mainstreaming a na- tional agenda. Despite these efforts to gain We anticipate that, through sustained dialogue applicability, gender-disaggregated data and with the Government of Kenya, an initial set analysis are very seldomly considered and thus of necessary actions will be chosen to support are hardly available in transport studies or sec- the preparation of a gender-responsive trans- tor technical assessments. As a result, trans- port system and to promote the generation port plans continue to be gender neutral. of equal opportunities for women in Nairobi’s urban transport sector. Considering that the transport sector is un- doubtedly one of the major drivers of a coun- The study, named Gender in Urban Transport try’s economic development, an excellent in Nairobi, Kenya, encompasses two inde- opportunity could open for Kenya’s trans- pendent analyses on mobility and employ- port sector to further its influence towards ment in urban transport for the Kenyan capi- progress, especially for women and other tal context. Its findings are presented in two vulnerable and underrepresented population volumes: Volume I—Mobility and Volume groups. There is ample potential for the trans- II—Employment. port sector to generate significant changes in women’s productivity and empowerment, while ensuring equitable access to opportuni- Volume I: Mobility ties is offered for both men and women. This is what Kenya’s Vision 2030, the country’s Volume I identifies variations in mobility pat- blueprint for development, advocates for and terns and public transportation use in Nairobi is committed to enact. by gender. The findings from this volume highlight that travel differences by gender This analytical study pursues the World are influenced by gender norms and violence, Bank Group’s Gender Strategy (World Bank, and accentuates the importance of collecting ii 7 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility gender-disaggregated data, thus allowing the Mechanical and Transport Department. the elaboration of focused gender analyses The Horn of Africa Gateway Development in future urban transportation studies. The Project is scheduled to be approved by the report presents recommendations in (i) policy World Bank’s Board on September 8, 2020. and governance, (ii) transport-related barriers, and (iii) gender norms, for a higher chance of Kenya Urban Transport Policy achieving longer-lasting and more meaningful Dialogue (P 172218) has developed a tech- change in urban transport. nical note on urban mobility as a fundamental instrument for supporting a dialogue on ur- ban mobility aspects with the Government of Volume II: Employment Kenya. The technical note defines strategies to advance the sustainable urban transport Volume II endeavors to define, and serve as a agenda in Kenya through enhanced dialogue baseline report on, the existing employment with the Government of Kenya as well as local situation for women in the urban transport and international stakeholders. Both volumes sector in Nairobi, Kenya. The report identi- of the study have strengthened the technical fies barriers and challenges faced by women note’s messages from the gender perspective, in the transport sector in each stage of their providing baseline data and proposed recom- career cycle. The report aims at (i) providing mendations to establish a gender-responsive recommendations on how to foster inclusiv- urban transport system and create equal op- ity through non-discriminatory practices and portunities for men and women in the urban equal opportunities for women in the urban transport sector. transport sector by identifying the specific constraints that women face and (ii) proposing While advancing the policy dialogue in the recommendations to address them. sector, the Kenya transport team will contin- ue its engagement with the Government of The analysis and proposed recommenda- Kenya in discussing how the proposed gender tions of this study have effectively informed recommendations can be transformed into the preparation of the following transport concrete actions within the upcoming urban projects, which add emphasis to the gender mobility projects within the country. At the dimension: same time, the team will explore opportuni- ties to carry out similar research in other ur- The Horn of Africa Gateway ban areas and expand the scope to the entire Development Project (P161305) has transport sector in the country to support the adopted the development of a Gender Action Government of Kenya to mainstream gender Plan (GAP). The GAP will define a differenti- in the transport sector. ated approach for the project implementing agencies, with the ultimate goal of stimulating This study has been co-funded by the Mobility the recruitment of female graduates in a paid and Logistics Multi-donor Trust Fund (MOLO), six-month internship program in areas such as managed by the World Bank Group and sup- civil engineering, contract management, trans- ported by the Governments of Switzerland port planning, transport economics, and re- (SECO), Germany (BMZ), and Austria (BMF). lated fields. Moreover, the proposed GAP pro- poses the establishment of a quota for women in the upcoming autonomy of the Materials Testing and Research Department as well as 8 iii Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya, Volume I: Mobility was prepared by the working group composed through the partnership between World Bank and California Polytechnic State University (Cal Poly) and the Cal Poly Digital Transformation Hub (Cal Poly DxHub). This partnership was supported by the Sustainable Development Data Lab of the World Bank. The team was led by Akiko Kishiue (World Bank) and Karla Dominguez Gonzalez (World Bank), and was composed of the following members: Elkin Bello (World Bank), Zhen Liu (consultant, World Bank), Cecilia Escalante (consultant, World Bank), Elise St. John (Cal Poly DxHub), Kirsten Rambo (Stand Strong, the Women’s Shelter Program), Daniel DeFoe (Cal Poly), Brooke Hanna (Cal Poly), Kyle Reavis (Cal Poly), Sawyer Koelsch (Cal Poly), Laila Trusso Zaidi (Cal Poly), Lukas Angelo Dakhlia (Cal Poly), and Kendall Czeswava Warther (Cal Poly DxHub). The Public Transport Users Survey and focus group discussions were carried out by Chryspin Afifu (consultant, World Bank), Lilian Kahindo (World Bank), and George Omondi Otieno (consultant, World Bank). Cal Poly faculty members Miran Day, Alexander Dekhtyar, Hunter Glanz, and Joyce Lin offered additional expertise and student support. The World Bank Kenya transport team members Josphat Sasia, Peter Taniform, Susan Owuor, Rose Chepkoech, and Tatiana Daza provided overall support. The team expresses its sincere appreciation to the following peer reviewers for their valuable inputs: Shigeyuki Sakaki (World Bank), Maria Beatriz Orlando (World Bank), Jennifer Solotaroff (World Bank), Inka Ivette Schomer (World Bank), Bianca Bianchi Alves (World Bank), Fatima Arroyo Arroyo (World Bank), Nduati Maina Kariuki (World Bank), Abdu Muwonge (World Bank), Naomi Mwaura (Flone Initiative), Georges Bianco (World Bank), and Tabitha Wambui Kariuki (consultant, World Bank). The team wants to thank Benedictus Eijbergen and Aurelio Menendez, former and current prac- tice managers of the East Africa Transport Unit, and the Kenya Country Management Unit for support from the conceptualization to the implementation of this study. We gratefully acknowledge the Government of Kenya in its endorsement of this analytical work, review of the survey installments, support for the surveys, and report development. The team thanks Japan International Cooperation Agency for sharing the person trip survey data from the Integrated Urban Development Master Plan for Nairobi for this study. The team also thanks Julia Bird (Vivid Economics) and Tanner Regan (London School of Economics and Political Science) for sharing the GIS data on slums in Nairobi. Finally, the team would like to acknowledge the financial support from the Mobility and Logistics Multi-donor Trust Fund (MOLO), managed by the World Bank Group and supported by the Governments of Switzerland (SECO), Germany (BMZ), and Austria (BMF), for the production of this report (Volume I and II). 9 iv Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 10 Photo © Monica Sawyer Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Population growth, rapid motorization, and will bring this issue to the forefront of the urbanization have resulted in significant traffic urban transport sector’s policy agenda, and congestion in Nairobi, Kenya. As the move- that dialogue with the Government of Kenya ments of people in Nairobi become increas- will spur necessary actions for the preparation ingly more active and extended, existing traf- of a gender-responsive (public) transport sys- fic management systems have been deemed tem in Nairobi. The recommendations derived insufficient, and a demand for innovative solu- from these findings pursue the World Bank tions has emerged. In an effort to address the Group’s Gender Strategy (World Bank, 2015), severe traffic congestion, the Government of align with Africa region priorities, and engage Kenya has attempted to expand existing av- with the priority areas of the Government of enues for transport and create new forms of Kenya’s Gender Strategy developed in 2011. mass public transport. However, these efforts have been constructed from a gender-neutral This report has been co-funded by the Mobility perspective, meaning little data has been and Logistics Multi-donor Trust Fund (MOLO), collected or analyzed that could identify the managed by the World Bank Group and sup- differences in mobility patterns and transpor- ported by the Governments of Switzerland tation needs among men and women. With (SECO), Germany (BMZ), and Austria (BMF). this report, we advocate for the adoption of a gender-mainstreaming perspective, which is Two overarching questions guide the analyses the practice of integrating a gender-conscious presented in this report: 1) are women’s travel perspective into all policies, programs, and patterns different from men’s? and 2) which projects. Without this, it is difficult to under- factors, if any, influence women’s travel pat- stand and assess the extent to which men and terns and needs? To respond to these ques- women use public transportation differently, tions, the study utilizes an embedded mixed- and the reasons why differences may exist. methods approach (Creswell, 2014), where Beyond the fundamental equity considera- qualitative focus group and open-ended sur- tions inherent in this issue, inequality in mobil- vey response data is nested within a larger ity and access to public transportation limits quantitative examination of three surveys: a) both individual and collective social and eco- Integrated Urban Development Master Plan nomic opportunities, which has the potential or NIUPLAN (JICA/NCC dataset, 2014), b) to negatively impact all Kenyans. Bus Rapid Transit Line 1 Feasibility Study (BRT dataset, 2017), and c) Public Transport Users Therefore, the purpose of this study is to iden- Interviews (public transport or PT dataset, tify variations in mobility patterns and public 2019). transportation use in Nairobi by gender. The findings from this report highlight the impor- Two main themes emerge from the tance of collecting gender-disaggregated data analysis of these surveys, indicating and including focused gender analyses in fu- that travel differences by gender are ture urban transportation studies. We hope influenced by 1) gender norms and that the findings documented in this report 2) violence. First, both the qualitative and 1 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility quantitative data suggests that gender roles evident that the number of trips increases with and norms significantly shape the ways in income for both groups, particularly among which women’s travel differs from men’s. The men. And as income levels decline, so too gendered division of labor1 and need influ- does the number of trips taken. In fact, we ence differences in mobility patterns, and also observed a category of low-income women differences with regard to the transportation that reports no traveling at all. As explained by needs of men and women. These differences the Public Transport Users Survey, women face are particularly salient when examining the ac- more challenges when traveling compared to tivities associated with the “mobility of care,”2 men, including those related to congestion, as women’s mobility patterns are greatly influ- sexual harassment, safety, and the overload- enced by household activities. While critical to ing of vehicles. Even if affordability is the main the functioning of families, household-related restriction for both groups, this disproportion- labor is not currently considered in transporta- ately affects women given the gender gaps tion planning in Kenya, as detailed elsewhere in employment conditions. It is worth noting in this document. Women’s dual roles of paid that trip purpose does not seem to vary much labor outside the home and care work inside between genders for different income groups the home also create “time poverty” for wom- across all three surveys, whereas women still en, which leaves them little time for activities spend more time on the mobility of care. This outside of work. This problem is further exac- offers further evidence for the prevalence of erbated by their limited options for efficient gender norms in household labor activities. mobility. Lastly, but importantly, women’s much greater vulnerability to sexual violence Travel time and distance vary by in- and harassment, particularly when combined come and gender: women travel with the limitations related to gender norms shorter distances and spend less time and division of labor, impacts their options on travel, which restricts their access and decision making with regard to travel to opportunities that may improve so- relative to men’s. The analysis of the PT data- cioeconomic circumstances. Data from set revealed that sexual harassment in public the JICA/NCC survey illustrates that women’s transport is a serious matter for both men and travel time is shorter when compared to that women, that more women than men report of men. Also, the data shows that women sexual harassment as a challenge to using travel more within their district, including slum public transport, and that women are willing areas. These findings align with the literature to pay more for their safety than men. that shows that women tend to stay closer to home and minimize their travel so that they Gender differences in travel patterns may meet the demands of household-related tend to become clearer when the in- work and activities. Interestingly, when income come variable is considered. At first levels drop, the time women spend on travel glance, data from the JICA/NCC study suggests becomes longer, reflecting other findings from that there are no significant differences in the this study that show that low-income women number of trips between women and men. walk more than men overall, and more than However, when looking closer at the intersec- women in higher-income categories. These tions of gender and income level, it becomes findings indicate that women are not equally 1 A gendered division of labor in which men’s labor is typically benefiting from the opportunities that trans- valued more highly (both financially and socially) and portation can provide within a city and metro- concentrated outside the home. 2 Refers to those trips made for undertaking household-related politan area, with low-income women being activities and looking after others. the most negatively impacted. 2 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Despite their inconveniences, mata- walking, and have limited access to cars and tus (privately owned public transport other motorized transport compared to men. minibuses) help to meet some of the Despite the different scale, this trend is also unsatisfied mobility needs of the observed for higher-income and older age region. Still, the women of Nairobi groups. As women in Kenya receive lower sacrifice convenience and safety in salaries than men (World Economic Forum, their efforts to use this form of public 2017), these findings lead us to consider that transportation. Our analysis revealed that women have limited authority in terms of de- even though women face several challenges cision making around household resources, while traveling, in particular when using mata- which has an impact on their ability to exercise tus, matatus are often the most viable mo- their choices regarding their preferred trans- torized option, specifically for women in the port options. workforce. While our focus groups revealed that women consider boda-bodas (motorcycle Gender norms have an important role taxis) the faster and more available transport in defining users’ preferences in pub- option, they are more limited in their routes lic transport. Our analysis confirms that and are inconvenient when traveling with women make more care-related trips than children and/or packages. Therefore, women men. Women are more willing than men to pay often consider matatus to be the only realis- a higher cost to save time traveling to work, tic option. Even so, it is important to consider while men are more willing than women to pay their experiences in using this mode of trans- a higher cost to save time traveling for other port—women frequently reported that even trip purposes. We interpret these findings to if they walk to the nearest stop for matatus, reflect broader gender norms, where women exposing themselves to other risks, they of- believe that household activities are their main ten must wait to board one that accepts the responsibility in addition to their work outside transport of women with their children and the home, so they need to be time efficient loads. In the case of Nairobi, we find that de- when they travel. However, more research in spite the challenges that women face while this field is strongly recommended. traveling and their limited options for doing so, women remain active in traveling, often so Because the issues affecting gender differ- that they may contribute to household labor ences in travel pertain to both immediate cir- and income-generating activities. To address cumstances and larger systems of inequality, it the many sacrifices and risks that women in is helpful to consider recommended solutions particular face when using public transport, in terms of both practical and strategic needs. our analysis establishes the need for improved The recommendations in this document there- public transport services in terms of affordabil- fore address strategic needs as well as practi- ity, availability, accessibility, and acceptability. cal ones in a) policy and governance, b) trans- port-related barriers, and c) gender norms, for Our study suggests that women in a greater chance of achieving longer-lasting, Kenya have less decision-making more meaningful change.3 power over the usage of household resources that affect their transport The main recommendations in this report are modal choice. The results from this re- the following: port demonstrate that women rely more on 3 The concepts of practical and strategic needs under the gender planning method were coined by Caroline Moser. 3 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility a) Policy and governance • Enhance the walking environment. • Enhance the mainstreaming of gender • Introduce and adopt a fleet-renewal into the revised national transport policy scheme with higher-capacity buses and with specific targets. gendered design (space for storage, low • Increase female representation in techni- floors, or high floors with smaller steps). cal and management roles in transport, and enhance women’s participation in c) Gender norms planning (include public consultation) and • Encourage more studies and research decision-making processes. in the field of gender and transport in • Build capacity and skills on gender and Nairobi and more broadly in Kenya. transport at national, regional, local, and • Explore initiatives to ease women’s time community levels. (e.g., installing child-care facilities or lacta- • Carry out a targeted awareness program tion rooms in transport hubs). on gender and transport for local com- munities using local media and social net- working services. • Invest in data collection to shift from gen- der-disaggregated to gender-responsive data collection and solutions. b) Transport-related barriers • Advocate for the formalization of the public transport sector with a gender dimension. • Establish a fare system under government control to ensure the affordability of pub- lic transport. • Improve the regulatory framework to en- hance customer service and sexual harass- ment response. • Raise awareness among and build the ca- pacity of public transport operators. • Leverage technology to enhance the secu- rity system (e.g., the installation of more video surveillance and emergency alarm systems; the development of a mobile application). • Improve environmental design for road safety and violence prevention. 4 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 5 Photo © Akiko Kishiue Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 6 Photo © Monica Sawyer Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Background total trip generation is 6.8 million person trips, with an average of 2.34 trips per person per Urban accessibility is becoming an over- day. Comparing the data between 2004 and whelming challenge in the large cit- 2013, the increase in the total trip generation ies of Kenya, particularly in the Nairobi is larger than the increase in population. In ad- Metropolitan Area. Due to rapid urbaniza- dition, due to the rapid sprawl of the urban tion, there is a pressing need to improve urban area, the total number of trips going in and transport and mobility in Kenyan cities to be out of Nairobi County has also increased. able to advance economic and social devel- opment. People in the Nairobi Metropolitan Due to this increase in the number of trips, Area rely primarily on walking (37.8 percent) inadequate traffic management systems, and the public transport/paratransit modes and rapid motorization, Nairobi is facing of matatus and buses (41.5 percent). Private serious traffic congestion. Between 2003 vehicles are playing a minor role in current ur- and 2014, about 1.56 million vehicles were ban mobility, with only 12.6 percent of modal newly registered, and the growth was mostly share (JICA/NCC, 2014). concentrated between 2010 and 2014. With 200,000 vehicles being registered per year Recent evidence indicates that the move- (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, Facts and ments of people in Nairobi are becoming Figures, 2017), private vehicles represent over increasingly active and extended. The ur- 40 percent of this growth, and they are pre- ban population in Nairobi County increased dominantly used in urban areas. Although cars from 3.1 million to 4.4 million between 2009 represent only 12.6 percent of the trip mode and 2019, with a population of 6.6 million share in Nairobi (JICA/NCC, 2014), traffic con- for the functioning urban area of the Nairobi gestion is getting worse by the day, hamper- Metropolitan Area (Kenya National Bureau of ing socioeconomic activities and challenging Statistics). While Nairobi County’s area size is urban mobility. The value of time lost to travel 704 square kilometers, the functioning met- in Nairobi is estimated at US$0.8 million–US$4 ropolitan area, including urban centers sur- million per workday (World Bank, 2016) with rounding Nairobi, is expanding rapidly and is congestion costing about US$500,000 daily estimated at 2,189 square kilometers.1 It is (Mboup and Oyelaran-Oyeyinka, 2018). In projected that Nairobi could become a metrop- response to this rapid growth in motor vehi- olis of nearly 5.9 million inhabitants by 2025 cles, the Government of Kenya‘s Road Sector (Hoornweg and Pope, 2014). Previous studies Investment Plan 2010–2024 allocates signifi- estimated that within Nairobi City County, the cant resources towards urban road infrastruc- ture expansion and improvement to address 1 Including the urban core of Nairobi, Ruiru, Kikuyu, Thika, Karuri, Ongata Rongai, Juja, Kitengela, Kiambu, Mlolongo, traffic congestion. Ngong, Limuru, Athi River, Machakos, and Kiserian, based on the 2019 census data. 7 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The Constitution of Kenya (2010) has Gender mainstreaming is also one of made gender mainstreaming part of the key challenges under the Integrated the national agenda. Article 27(3) states, National Transport Sector Policy 2009,3 “Women and men have the right to equal but baseline data is not available. This treatment, including the right to equal op- sector policy acknowledges that gender in- portunities in political, economic, cultural equality exists in access and mobility, particu- and social spheres.” Gender mainstreaming larly in informal urban settlements in Kenya. has been incorporated into the Medium-Term Increased access by low-income households Plan (2013–2017) of Vision 2030, which is and communities, particularly women, to ba- the country’s blueprint for development. The sic needs, is one of the main targets of the Medium-Term Plan identifies two challenges policy. However, analysis and baseline data on related to gender: (i) low levels of implemen- gender mainstreaming in the transport sector tation of gender-related policies and laws; and are not available. (ii) low levels of awareness on gender equality and women’s empowerment. A 2017 Kenya Numerous studies in urban mobility situ- National Bureau of Statistics report indicates ational assessment and planning have that some improvement has been made, but been undertaken to determine the possi- there are still disparities in employment be- ble options for dealing with urban trans- tween men and women, and women work in port issues and tackling major mobility more informal wage employment. challenges. The Government of Kenya has made efforts to address the urban transport is- The Ministry of Gender, Children and sues and challenges in Nairobi. The 2011 Mass Social Development2 launched a Gender Rapid Transit System (MRTS) study endorsed Policy in July 2011 to mainstream gender the widening of eight major radial road cor- concerns in the national development ridors and one orbital corridor to two/four/six- process in order to improve the social, lane dual carriageways, with exclusive high- legal/civic, economic, and cultural condi- occupancy vehicle lanes for MRTS and other tions of women, men, girls, and boys in high-occupancy vehicles. This study also rec- Kenya. While women in Kenya represent ommended significant investments in various 50.3 percent of the country’s total population forms of mass transit, ranging from full metro (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, County to commuter rail, light rail, and bus rapid tran- Statistics), evident gender gaps continue to sit. Following the MRTS study, a Mass Rapid confront them in terms of representation in Transit System Harmonization Study was car- decision making, accessing and/or controlling ried out, and it recommends that BRT, which resources, and socioeconomic opportunities. would be complemented by a commuter rail The policy was designed to provide guidelines network and bus/matatu feeder routes, should for the government to follow when execut- be developed as a priority based on deliver- ing its commitment to advancing the status ability and cost. The Nairobi Integrated Urban of women by supporting methodological for- Development Plan (2014) includes a future mulations to address gender-specific vulner- public transport system in Nairobi consisting ability and the adoption and monitoring of of BRT lines and a commuter rail system. In gender-disaggregated data in development 2015, an operational design of Line 1 of the programing. BRT was developed. 2 The Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Development 3 The Integrated National Transport Policy was officially was established through Presidential Circular No. 1 of May adopted in December 2012 through parliamentary 2008 and reformed as the Ministry of Public Service, Youth and endorsement. Gender Affairs. 8 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Nonetheless, analysis and recommenda- specific to the topic of this study, as described tions made under the urban transport below. studies have been for gender-neutral so- lutions. Despite the gender inequality in ac- Integrated Urban Development cess and mobility addressed by transport sec- Master Plan (NIUPLAN)—2014 tor policy, and the policy framework to adopt Japan International Cooperation Agency gender-disaggregated data in development (JICA) provided technical support to Nairobi planning, detailed travel analysis from a gen- City County (NCC) to formulate an Integrated der perspective was not undertaken by previ- Urban Development Master Plan (NIUPLAN) ous transport studies, in spite of the intensive for the city of Nairobi in 2013/14. The plan data collection. Furthermore, employment provides an integrated framework for 2030 inequality between men and women in the based on a comprehensive and holistic view of urban transport subsector in Kenya has not urban development. A thorough inclusive pro- been studied.4 To design the public transport cess marked by stakeholder participation from system in Nairobi in a more gender-responsive inception to the validation of the final report manner, understanding gender-specific needs, was key for the project’s completion. The par- promoting employment opportunities, and ticipatory process was anchored on the rollout enhancing personal security are vital to serv- of a household survey to identify and measure ing a large group of users. the socioeconomic and mobility characteristics of Nairobi’s inhabitants. The following are the highlights of this survey: Objectives of the Study 1. The surveyed area was completely con- This study aims to understand and present tained within Nairobi’s urban boundaries, mobility patterns in Nairobi by gender. The with a total sample size of 10,000 house- team anticipates that, through this report, the holds interviewed. importance of having gender-disaggregated data/analysis in the urban transport sec- 2. According to the 2009 census, the total tor is acknowledged, and dialogue with the number of households in Nairobi city was Government of Kenya will spur the neces- 985,016; therefore, the household sam- sary actions for the preparation of a gender- pling rate was 1.02 percent. responsive (public) transport system in Nairobi. 3. Each interview was carried out when the We sincerely hope that the report will serve as household head was present. the baseline data for the provision of gender- responsive urban transport in Nairobi. 4. The questionnaire was structured within three categories: household information, household member information, and trip Methodology information. Data 5. The interview was designed to capture data for persons 5 years old and above, To develop this Gender Analysis of urban trans- with an individual questionnaire complet- port in Nairobi, we re-examined data from two ed per household member. previous studies and collected additional data 4 Vision 2030 Social Pillar Gender Analysis (2010) included an 6. Trip information was recorded for those assessment of the workforce in 36 ministries. trips completed during workdays. 9 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The resulting person-trip survey database was Public Transport Users shared by JICA, with entries corresponding to Interviews—2019 the 10,000 households interviewed: 8,459 fe- A public transport user survey was conduct- male (50 percent) and 8,338 male (50 percent) ed specifically for the purpose of this study. respondents (for a total of 16,797 samples). A total of 400 matatu users were surveyed A total of 38,632 trips with gender informa- along seven main locations: a) Jogoo Road, tion were confirmed from the samples, which b) Mombasa Road, c) Thika Road, d) Langata consisted of 18,798 trips made by women (49 Road, e) Argwings Kodhek Road, f) Waiyaki percent) and 19,835 trips made by men (51 Way, and g) Limuru Road. percent). To hear women’s views as public transport us- Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) Line 1 ers, we utilized a strategic non-representative Feasibility Study—2017 sampling technique, in which we oversampled The World Bank provided technical assistance women. As a result, 298 female public trans- to the Kenya National Highway Authority to port users and 101 male public transport users prepare the feasibility study of BRT Line 1 were surveyed (including 1 public transport (“Ndovu”) during 2016–2017 with financial as- user of unknown gender). Questions related sistance from the Public-Private Infrastructure to sexual harassment experiences and obser- Advisory Facility. This BRT line has been planned vations on public transport were also included along Nairobi’s most important thoroughfare, in this interview. the A104 highway (Mombasa Road–Waiyaki Way). The A104 highway is one of Kenya’s Table 1 discusses the three datasets’ pros and main arterial vehicle routes, linking the na- cons. tion’s main port in Mombasa to the capital city and continuing towards the Ugandan border. Focus Group Discussions In addition, within Nairobi City County the Three focus group discussions (FGDs) were A104 highway provides a strategic connection conducted: a) male public transport users, b) through the capital and aligns immediately to female public transport users, and c) female the west of Nairobi’s central business district public transport users (self-employed/informal (CBD). As part of a feasibility study, a large sector). For the first two FGDs, the 10 par- data collection program was conducted. While ticipants (in each FGD) were selected utiliz- capturing gender-specific information was not ing a convenience sampling strategy among considered in all of the scheduled surveys, one residents of Nairobi who use public transport survey focusing on identifying urban travelers’ plying Jogoo Road (Nairobi’s Eastlands). For experience was successfully carried out, thus the third FGD, 12 self-employed women who capturing gender-specific information. work in the market, are aged 35 to 64 years, and use public transport daily were selected. This was a choice-based interview and survey focused on interviewing a sample of travel- Method ers at four main destinations/locations along Mombasa Road and Waiyaki Way: Kenyatta This study utilizes an embedded mixed- Avenue junction, Westlands Mall vicinity, methods approach (Creswell, 2014), where Moi Avenue/Haile Selassie Avenue junction, qualitative focus group and open-ended sur- Nakumatt Mega, and Nyayo Stadium. A total vey response data is nested within a larger of 556 samples were collected from 325 male quantitative examination of three surveys. The and 231 female respondents. 10 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TABLE 1: DATASETS’ PROS AND CONS Data Pros Cons Source NIUPLAN • Large sample size, leading to • Geographical information is based (JICA/NCC) greater statistical power on census zone (somewhat too large to understand the travel • Person trip survey through the pattern) household interviews, with diversified respondent groups • Slightly outdated (6–7 years old) • Includes income-level • No information on factors that information affect people’s trips, such as safety while traveling, willingness to pay, • Includes geographical barriers to using public transport information • No focus on targeting differences in travel experience by gender • No information on distance of travel BRT Line 1 • Focused on travelers aged • Small sample size with low Feasibility 16–40 statistical power Study • Includes information on factors • No information on household affecting people’s decision to income travel, such as safety while traveling, willingness to • Limited information on travel pay, barriers to using public distance transport • No focus on targeting differences in travel experience by gender • Geographical information is not linked with gender Public • Strategic oversampling of • Small sample size with low Transport female users of public transport statistical power Users services Interviews • Limited information on travel • Includes information on distance challenges and reasons for using public transport • Includes information on personal security and sexual harassment 11 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility quantitative method employs a deductive ap- two cannot be generalized to the Nairobi ag- proach, in which we examine travel behavior glomeration, as opposed to the more compre- and perspectives by gender, as well as other hensive scope that the JICA/NCC household potential factors such as age, income, and job survey provided. For this reason, statistical type. Additionally, we examine the open-end- tests conducted under this report are limited ed survey responses to bring additional context to the JICA/NCC dataset. Despite this limita- and meaning to the quantitative findings. The tion, this study’s analysis was strengthened by qualitative analyses rely on focus group data the feasibility study and PT’s findings. These gathered from male and female public trans- two smaller surveys captured quantitative port users, including one targeted only toward and qualitative data on topics such as the low-income women who are self-employed in satisfactory rating for public transport, factors the informal sector. affecting decisions to choose travel modes, challenges during traveling, and sexual har- While information on travel distance is not assment, which allowed for a more nuanced included in the three datasets we analyzed, analysis than what was capable with the JICA/ the person trip survey of NIUPLAN contained NCC survey. Although the larger sample size geographical information of origin and desti- resulted in the JICA/NCC survey producing nation of trips per the census zones of 2009. more robust findings, this survey did not aim The classification of starting place and desti- to include gender considerations in the analy- nation (home, work, school, etc.) were linked sis, and data was only disaggregated by sex. It with the zone number for household, work, is the same for the BRT Line 1 Feasibility Study and school. When the zone number was not dataset. Thus, an opportunity was missed to provided, but the trip purpose (to work, to gather more information related to specific home, to school, etc.) was provided, these mobility barriers that might be affecting wom- were linked with the zone number. en disproportionately. The issue of sexual har- assment, for instance, is consequently covered The analyses of this study include the number under the lens of “safety.” of trips, travel time, travel distance (by cen- sus data), travel purpose, mode of travel, car The analysis also uses geographic information ownership, average walking time, the timing system (GIS) data, which is based on the 2009 of travel, factors affecting travel, priorities in census zones of the Kenya National Bureau making trips, etc. of Statistics. The 2009 census divided Nairobi into 106 zones, and the sizes of the zones vary. Assumptions and Limitations The JICA/NCC person trip survey contains only the geographical information based on the All datasets provided important insights into census zone. Considering the size of Nairobi, travel patterns in the Nairobi agglomeration each zone still remains too large for detailed and specific details on gender differences re- analysis. The analysis of travel patterns in slum lated to urban mobility. However, the BRT Line areas attempts to minimize the error, adding a 1 Feasibility Study dataset, although more re- layer of land use and specifying travels within cent, was limited in terms of sample size and the built-up areas. was developed as part of a corridor-specific analysis. Sample size limitation also applies to We did not include analysis of disability and its the Public Transport Users Survey (PT) dataset. impact on mobility. As expected, the results obtained from these 12 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Structure of the Report travel patterns and needs? The discussions are supported by the main findings and evidence The structure of the report is as follows: from the quantitative and qualitative analyses Chapter 1 includes the background, objective, of this study, as well as the “Four As” frame- methodology, and limitations of the study. work (affordability, availability, acceptability, Chapter 2 reviews the existing policy regula- and accessibility) to analyze characteristics of tory framework of Kenya related to gender public transport systems that might be affect- and mobility, and studies global, regional, and ing women’s mobility. Annexes 1–3 present all national trends and conditions with respect to the analyses under this study for those who the mobility of men and women. Chapter 3 need additional and more detailed references. presents the main findings of this report. In Chapter 4 presents policy recommendations it, we discuss gender issues in mobility, ad- on how to enhance the gender responsiveness dressing the overarching questions: a) are of the transport system in Nairobi and future women’s travel patterns different from men’s? studies that, if completed, would intensify the and b) which factors, if any, affect women’s mainstreaming of gender in transport. 13 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 14 Photo © Monica Sawyer Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW Policy and Regulatory of Intermediate Means of Transport (IMTs) as a strategy for poverty alleviation. It Framework has not, however, vigorously pursued this Policy. Considering the critical role NMIMTs The 2010 Constitution of Kenya declared could play in the development of rural and equal treatment for men and women and the urban transport for both passengers and incorporation of gender mainstreaming into goods, there is a need to revisit this mode national development: and provide guidelines for promoting its development along with other transport “Part 2––Rights and Fundamental modes. It will be necessary to define Freedoms, section 27. (3) Women and ways in which the NMIMT policy needs men have the right to equal treatment, to complement other transport modes in including the right to equal opportunities both urban and rural areas, including its in political, economic, cultural, and social importance to gender balance, given spheres.” that the transport burden is borne mostly “Part 5––Kenya National Human Rights by women and girls.” and Equality Commission, Function of commission, “Section 4.7.5 Gender Balance. Women (b) to promote gender equality and equity perform most of the household social and generally and to coordinate and facili- economic activities and bear more than tate gender mainstreaming in national their fair share of the drudgery of walking development.” and head or back loading at household and community levels. It is necessary to While the discussion is limited to the non- enhance gender balance, especially in the motorized transport (NMT) sector, the performance of individual and household- Integrated National Transport Policy 2009 based economic activities. There is an acknowledged that gender inequalities exist urgent need to ‘balance the load,’ by in the transport sector. The policy recognized reducing women’s time spent on transport that women are responsible for most house- activities around the village (e.g., fetching hold work and spend a lot of time walking in water, collecting firewood, trips to market search of basic needs, leaving them with very centers, health clinics, grinding mills, and little time to engage in viable commercial and the time spent on harvesting).” economic activities, especially in poor rural ar- eas and informal urban settlements. Sessional Paper No. 1 of 2017 on the Non- Motorized Transport Policy (March 2015) “Section 1.2.5.2 The Government has identified gender bias in the use of bicycles stated its commitment to the promotion in Nairobi and recommended research on 15 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility women and bicycle use. The policy acknowl- paid employment in order to maximize time edged the areas affecting women’s travel as for household trips and activities (OECD, follows: 2018). “Lack of Non-Motorized Transport Women rely more on public transport, Provisions: Encroachment of NMT spaces travel shorter distances, and do so at a is rampant and vulnerable road users, slower pace. Women usually have a short- women and children have difficulties er commute distance, thus less travel time traveling without assistance.” (Gossen and Purvis, 2004). Some literature shows that even in cases where women might “Safety of pedestrians is a major con- have the same travel time as men, they travel cern: Fear of being robbed and harassed at slower speeds, meaning that they go shorter is a security concern for many pedestrians distances (Peralta et al., 2014). Women cover and cyclists, especially women and girls shorter distances to go to work, and many of during the early and late hours of the them prefer to work at home; they are also day.” less likely to engage in extreme commuting (Marion and Horner, 2007) and prefer work locations closer to home (Hanson, 2003). Mobility for Men and However, travel behaviors are changing for Women: Trends and different groups of women in developed and developing countries; thus there is still more Conditions analysis to be conducted. Global Women also do multi-chain trips and rely Evidence around the world shows that more on public transport and less on cars women and men have different mobility (Rosenbloom, 2006). Women make multi- patterns and use public transport differ- ple short and linked trips that do not follow ently. Most of the research has focused on a linear pattern, when compared to men developed countries; however, there are rel- (Duchene, 2011). The concepts of “trip chain- evant studies/literature from the developing ing” and “multipurpose trips” mean that trips world (Babinard et al., 2010). Additional re- have a sequence of destinations, and different search is also emerging to explain more gran- modes are used for these trips (McGuckin and ularly the differences between those mobility Murakami, 2005). Women also use cheaper patterns by looking at the interaction between and less efficient transport modes (Duchene, the specific constraints for women in terms of 2011, 38–45). These travel behaviors can be affordability, availability, acceptability (includ- explained with what in the literature is recog- ing women’s safety), and physical access and nized as “mobility of care.” other barriers related to the community, gen- der social norms, and individual traits such as The mobility of care is a relevant concept self-efficacy and autonomy (Dominguez et al., to understand travel behaviors and plan 2020). Most of the differences in travel pat- for public transport in a more inclusive terns have to do with women having more way. The mobility of care refers to those trips complex activities, which might lead them to made for household-related activities and prefer to work closer to home, and women’s looking after others. The idea of the mobility tendency to minimize travel time related to of care shall not be seen in theory as inherently 16 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility female; however, the literature has shown that the greatest obstacle to women’s participation in many places most household activities still in the labor market in developing countries, fall on women. The economy of care includes reducing their participation probability by activities such as shopping for daily living, 16.5 percentage points” (International Labour household maintenance, administrative er- Organization, 2017). Women’s mobility is con- rands, and taking care of sick household mem- strained by lack of safety and personal security bers. However, these kinds of trips have been at different stages of their trip, including in- omitted from transport planning, as planning side and outside transport services (Loukaitou- has mainly focused on single and long-dis- Sideris and Fink, 2009). The literature shows tance trips that account for travel from home that women adopt different strategies to to work and back. Shorter trips related to enhance their safety, such as modifying their household errands are not even contemplated travel patterns, even if those imply additional in transport surveys, as walking and shorter travel time (Dominguez, 2020). trips are not considered relevant for transport planning (Sánchez and Arroyo, 2019). The Even if there is growing evidence that literature also shows that women’s mobility gender must be considered in order to patterns are more affected by the presence of construct equitable urban transport sys- children in the household when compared to tems, transport planning has been gender men’s (McGuckin and Nakamoto, 2004). blind. Additional studies are needed, but data is a challenge. This report aims to close gaps in Besides the mobility of care, the litera- the literature for the case of Kenya and inform ture has identified other reasons behind future policy interventions. said travel patterns: women tend to have lesser financial capacity to pay for public Africa transport. For instance, more women than Women’s travel patterns in Africa also men participate in part-time jobs, which, show that caregiving tasks affect women among other reasons, reduces their purchas- more than men. Analysis and statistics from ing capacity (Peters, 2002). Women are pe- South Africa (Statistics South Africa, 2016) re- nalized by their multi-chain and multipurpose vealed that taking care of children, the sick, journeys in cases when there is a lack of in- and the elderly is likely to be a factor contribut- tegrated systems (Noack, 2010). Low cover- ing to why women do not travel and why the age of transport services in the last mile af- transport needs of women performing these fects women who conduct their activities at duties are often neglected. This reveals that the perimeter of the city (UN-Habitat, 2008), gender is not embedded in transport strate- as many transport operators prioritize routes gies, which has made it difficult for those who that connect with downtown areas. Access to provide care to attend to other aspects of their transport hubs is also impacted by low-quality own well-being. Another study in South Africa pedestrian infrastructure such as footpaths echoes this finding: their analysis shows that (Lecompte and Bocarejo, 2017). the percentage of females who stay at home to take care of children or the sick is signifi- Sexual violence and sexual harassment cantly higher than their male counterparts (5.1 present a constraint to women’s mobil- percent vs 0.6 percent), though people did not ity. A study from the International Labour report care for children or the sick as one of Organization revealed that “limited access to the most important reasons for not traveling and safety of transportation is estimated to be (Vanderschuren et al., 2019). A case study 17 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility of intra-urban travel in Ibadan, Oyo State, more men than women reported self-driving Nigeria (Abidemi, 2002), found that there are (Statistics South Africa, 2016), and it is most significant differences between women’s and likely men who use the car when there is only men’s intra-urban travel behavior for most one car in the household (Abidemi, 2002). of the purposes considered, except for work These results indicate that there are gender and religious purposes. Despite the women’s inequalities in access to vehicles in Africa, as increased participation in the labor force, the observed in developed countries. The study study found that most childcare and domestic stated that both walking and public transport activities still remain the women’s responsibility. are crucial in enabling access to various activ- ity centers, as women make more domestic- Travel patterns seem complex, with many related non-work trips than men. different factors, and vary from place to place. While South African females and males Evidence from South Africa contributes do not have significant differences in travel to the argument that low-income women distances, travel times, or (to a lesser extent) are disproportionately affected in their mode choice (Vanderschuren et al., 2019), mobility. Some literature is starting to explore men travel a longer distance than women in mobility constraints for women from differ- Nigeria (Abidemi, 2002). Although Abidemi ent socioeconomic levels, pointing out that (2002) observed a significant relationship be- gender differences in mobility are affected by tween socioeconomic status (including stages income and spatial distribution (Venter et al., in the life cycle) and travel behavior only in 2007). According to the analysis of Venter et women, in South Africa females are more like- al. (2007) in Durban, South Africa, significant ly than males to use multiple modes of trans- differences exist between the travel patterns of port to go to work, regardless of the amount low-income women and men, as low-income stated for household income and the provin- women tend to travel less in general, mainly cial, age, and racial disaggregation (Statistics walking and using other transport modes, South Africa, 2016). There is a huge disparity compared to men. However, these differences in travel behavior between “urban, educated, cannot be generalized, as they vary across the middle-class” women versus “urban, unedu- metropolitan area: gender differences increase cated, low-income” women in the developing the more distant the community is from the world (Uteng, 2011). city center; by contrast, women in the urban core locality have mobility patterns more simi- Women commute at slower speeds and lar to those of men (Venter et al., 2007). walk more than men. In urban areas in the developing world, women spend more time Nairobi/Kenya traveling on slower modes of transport to Although the number is still limited, several access work, and a significantly higher per- studies have examined mobility in Nairobi. centage of trips are made by foot compared to men (Anand and Tiwari, 2006; Srinivasan, The majority of slum residents in Nairobi 2008; Tanzarn, 2008). cannot afford any of the motorized trans- port options in the city; as a result, they limit In Africa, more women are likely to use their travel outside their settlement or choose public transport than men, and more men to walk. For the mobility patterns of residents have access to private vehicles. Studies in informal settlements, gender plays a key in South Africa and Nigeria revealed that role in determining trips and travel mode, with 18 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility women disproportionately affected (Salon and (World Bank, 2016). Though it provides more Gulyani, 2010). For people in the slums, the employment opportunities, the city may be decision to walk instead of using motorized much more expensive to live in, forcing poorer transport is not necessarily related to the avail- people to live on the outskirts. Women, like ability of transport options, as there is good men, will have to travel long distances to get coverage by matatus. The main issue is that to work, thus affecting their presence at home these modes are unaffordable. This situation (Society for International Development, 2010). is worse for low-income women in Kenya, There are people, however, who decide to live as more women than men are unemployed in informal settlements closer to downtown to or have lower-paying jobs and therefore are avoid transport burdens (mainly affordability more likely to walk to work and choose jobs issues) and walk to work. However, this is at closer to home. the expense of their livelihood, as they end up living in crowded, unsafe, and unsanitary Poverty has a differentiated impact on areas (Salon and Gulyani, 2010). female and male mobility decisions: there is a significant negative correlation for Inadequate transport systems and the women—but not for men—between pov- high concentration of employment op- erty and the decision to work outside the portunities in the central business district settlement, constraining important em- have resulted in disconnecting workers ployment opportunities. For people work- from jobs in Nairobi. Residents can, on av- ing outside their home settlement, higher- erage, access fewer than 10 and 24 percent income persons prefer matatus over walking. of existing jobs by foot and matatu respec- Women from poor households are more likely tively within an hour. Poorer households and/ to work inside the settlement compared to or those who live in informal settlements can better-off women. Women’s decision to stay reach an even more limited number of jobs closer to home is linked to having children, as (Nakamura and Avner, 2018). they have more childcare responsibilities than men. Only 35 percent of women in house- While 90 percent of commuters report the holds with children under the age of 5 are availability of motorized public transport, employed, compared to 56 percent of women only 60 percent of commuters in Nairobi in households without children. The presence use a matatu for their commute (World of children reduces the likelihood of women Bank, 2014). Salon and Gulyani (2010) found working outside the settlement, which is not a strong relationality among motorized trans- the case for men (Salon and Gulyani, 2010). port use, educational attainment, poverty, and gender. The analysis shows that the likelihood Affordability in housing plays a decisive of commuting by matatu increases when peo- role in the overall trip distance patterns, ple move into the non-poor category, but less- with low-income communities being im- educated men are substantially more mobile pacted by long commutes that further than more educated women. Another study impact women’s access to opportunities. indicates that female-headed households are Men travel longer than women in Nairobi (49 systematically less likely to have access to infra- minutes vs 44 minutes). The overall average structure, including public transport (Gulyani travel time per trip in Nairobi City County is et al., 2019). The presence of small children 47 minutes, but it differs by gender, age, per- in the household reduces the likelihood of sonal income level, mode, and trip purpose women working outside the home settlement 19 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility and increases the likelihood of women who heavily on public transport; usage by women work outside walking to work (ibid.). with higher and lower levels of education was double men’s usage. The analysis also matches Another study showed that no differenc- the literature in terms of women being multi- es exist in men’s and women’s number of modal and multi-chaining, making more trips intra-urban trips for work purposes. This a day than men. The report shows that the can be explained by the increasing number of additional trips made by women possibly cor- women in the workforce. However, the study respond to the limited coverage of matatu showed differences related to care activities routes, which forces them to use more than (childcare, school, shopping). Taking into ac- one bus and/or use trip segments for care and count the mean distance from home to work- work activities. Interestingly, it seems that the place for low-, medium-, and high-density distances for care trips using matatus are not areas, women’s work trips are shorter in dis- necessarily shorter than the ones that are em- tance than men’s, and therefore they access ployment related. Both women and men are fewer employment opportunities. Women concerned about safety; however, women are also walk more than men, with significant worried about sexual assault. Lack of safety differences when there is only one car in the deters some women from traveling; there are household, as shown by the international others who, because of employment, are still literature. Pedestrian infrastructure is mainly forced to travel, even at night, regardless of nonexistent; data shows that most road fatali- their fears related to the trip (Sánchez and ties in Nairobi are pedestrians (Ribbens, 2003). Arroyo, 2019). A study sampling women and men on the dif- Based on the above, this study will review pre- ferences in their use of matatus and concerns vious transport studies prepared for Nairobi around their mobility showed that women to find further evidence and define baseline rely more on public transport than men and information to understand the mobility and have less access to cars, which aligns with the travel patterns of women, aiming to present international literature. Women in both high the factors that do affect women’s mobility and low socioeconomic levels seem to rely more than men’s. 20 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 21 Photo © Lamine Dieng Diallo and Salim Ahmed Makarabo Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 22 Photo © Akiko Kishiue Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CHAPTER 3: MOBILITY AND GENDER IN NAIROBI This section discusses mobility in Nairobi from The report considers the “Four As” framework a gender perspective. It attempts to answer to analyze characteristics of public transport the overarching questions posed by this re- systems that might be affecting women’s port: a) are women’s travel patterns different mobility. This framework focuses on afford- from men’s? and b) which factors, if any, affect ability, availability, acceptability, and acces- women’s travel patterns and needs? Findings sibility of public transport and its relationship from the quantitative and qualitative analyses to well-being and social discussion (Pulido et of this study inform our discussion. al., 2018). As data allows, our analysis also considers some other variables that are not The analysis recognizes the concept of inter- transport related, such as gender norms and sectionality and that there are women (for household dynamics, following the framework example, low-income women) in extremely of previous research on gender and mobility vulnerable conditions where existing barriers (Dominguez et al., 2020). The framework will affect their mobility. Women face different be mainly utilized to ensure that these vari- mobility barriers, from transport conditions ables are considered when responding to the related to affordability and sexual harassment second question of the document aiming at to decision making at the household level. identifying the mobility barriers that women Evidence from around the world reveals that face in Nairobi. these barriers disproportionally affect low- income women. DESCRIPTION OF THE “FOUR A s” Availability The connectivity and coverage of the urban (public) transport system. Public transport services are often distributed unevenly across a region, and lower-income areas often lag behind with regard to the availability and quality of rail and bus services. Accessibility The ease with which an individual can access opportunities (for example, employment, health care, education, or other activities), given the spatial distribution of the city (land use), transportation infrastructure and services available (transportation supply), temporal constraints of individuals and activities, and individual characteristics of people. Affordability The financial and opportunity costs that travel puts on an individual or household and the extent to which persons can afford to travel when and where they want. Public transport fares that recover all operating costs may price out lower-income users who rely most heavily on these services. Acceptability The quality of urban (rapid) transit infrastructure and service for the user, including comfort, safety, security, and reliability. Source: The Urban Rail Development Handbook 23 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility As discussed in Chapter 1, due to the sig- based on the census zone code is available. nificant sample size difference between the This study analyzed the trips with zonal in- JICA/NCC dataset and the two other available formation to identify any gender differences datasets, our discussions on travel patterns are within the intra- and inter-zonal trip patterns. mainly based on the JICA/NCC dataset’s analy- The results show that 43 percent of women’s ses in order to provide a more comprehensive total trips are made within the same zone, a and generalized view of gender in transport total of ten percentage points higher than the in Nairobi. The analysis of the BRT Line 1 share of trips men carry out within the same Feasibility Study dataset and PT users dataset zone (33 percent). See Graph 16 and Graph mainly supports our discussions on challenges 1-24 in Annex 1. and barriers related to travel, providing in- depth explanatory value. Qualitative analysis While both women and men rely on walking enriches overall arguments in this section, re- for trips within the same zone, the fact that flecting the women’s voice beyond numbers. women made a larger share of their total trips Annexes 1 to 3 present all the results exam- within the same zone could be an indication ined under this study as references. that women’s average travel distance is short- er than men’s. This aligns with the finding of shorter travel time for women and with the Overarching Questions literature that indicates that women prefer on Gender and Mobility to stay closer to home and minimize travel in order to maximize household trips and activi- 1. Are women’s travel patterns ties. One reason for this may pertain to gender role expectations for married women and the different from men’s in need to balance safety at home with gener- Nairobi? ating income, as one focus group participant suggested. TRAVEL TIME In Nairobi, women’s travel time is rela- tively shorter than men’s and they are “If you stay so long on the more prone to make trips within the same road, your husband thinks zone, which could indicate restricted mo- you are outside with other bility and reduced access to opportuni- men…this means that you are ties. Analysis using the information from JICA/ sacrificing your family because NCC shows that, on average, women’s com- mute lasts 44 minutes, which is seven minutes of travelling. The man gets shorter than that of men (51 minutes). Also, so angry, yet you are also while the largest share of respondents, male looking for…how to support and female, travel for 30 to 44 minutes, more the family as well. With the women (30 percent) than men (21 percent) increased costs in transport, indicated they travel less than 30 minutes. if you sell at lower price than (Graph 1).* you bought the goods, then Information on actual distance travelled (in you lose the business.” kilometers) was not collected. However, data —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 on residential, departure, and arrival zones years), quotation 16 24 Graph 1. Travel Time in mins (JICA) Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1. Travel Time in mins (JICA) Female Male Above 120 90-120 60-89 Travel Time 45-59 30-44 15-29 0-14 Graph 2 0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% Percentage Graph 2. Travel Time Variation (JICA) Female Male 30.00% 25.00% 20.00% Percentage 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00% Graph 3 0-6 6-8 8-10 10-12 12-14 14-16 16-18 18-20 20-24 Time Period Graph 3. Average Travel Time by Time Period (JICA) Female Male 70 60 50 Average Travel Time 40 30 20 10 0 0-6 6-8 8-10 10-12 12-14 14-16 16-18 18-20 20-24 Time Period *Graphs indicating “JICA” are from the JICA/NCC dataset. 25 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women are more likely to travel at morn- NUMBER OF TRIPS ing off-peak hours than men, but through- On average, there is no difference be- out the day and regardless of the trip pur- tween men and women regarding the pose, women travel for shorter periods, number of trips per day, with both making with the only exception being trips made just over two a day. However, data sug- for social purposes. The literature explored gests that women traveling inter-zonally in Chapter 2 shows that in Kenya and glob- tend to use more modes of transport than ally women have a tendency to travel more at men, which further complicate trips and off-peak hours and spend time traveling for might add fare burden. The difference be- care activities. The JICA/NCC data confirms tween the average number of trips per day be- this travel trend regardless of the time period tween genders is insignificant, being 2.20 and (Graph 2): during the peak hours (6–8 am, 2.38 trips/day for females and males respec- 4–6 pm) as well as off-peak hours (10 am to 4 tively. Nevertheless, while almost one-quarter pm), women travel for shorter times than men of men make more than three per day, the (Graph 3). comparable figure for women is 18 percent. Also, the data shows clear gender differences Travel time variation demonstrates an oppo- in those who do not make any trips (Graph 5). site trend for men and women: women’s trips Although a larger share of men make more are less clustered around the peak hours than trips, our analysis found that women’s trips are men’s, and more women travel during off- more complicated than men’s, with additional peak hours. Moreover, women’s travel time transfers and modes (Graph 6), and with the tends to be shorter than men’s for different accompaniment of children/elders and/or travel reasons. However, the results from the packages. JICA/NCC data reveal that women spend more time than men when traveling for social purposes (Graph 4). 26 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 6 Graph 6. Average Number of Modes by Gender and Purpose (JICA) Female Male 2.5 Average Number of modes 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 Others Firm Others Firm School Shopping Social School Shopping Social Home Work Home Work Personal Personal Same Zone Different Zone Travel purpose 27 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Qualitative research and focus groups re- Finally, JICA/NCC data also shows that 54 per- vealed that having to negotiate for bet- cent of women who travel to a different zone ter fares, particularly because of travel- reported that they have a child/children below ling with children and/or packages, puts 5 years old, which is 9 percent higher than women at disproportionate risk of har- men. More women who have children below assment and unfair prices. While both men 5 tend to have trips within the same zone and and women make the majority of intra-zonal choose to walk more often than other travel trips by foot (Graph 7), our analysis suggests modes (Graph 7). Men who have a child be- that women are more likely to have additional low 5 years of age tend to travel more with stops/transfers than men when women travel passenger cars and choose fewer walking longer distances. Women’s travel is multi- trips than those without a child below 5. The modal and multi-chained, which translates literature shows that the presence of young into paying a new fare for each mode board- children in the household affects women’s ing. Matatus and boda-bodas in Nairobi op- travel more than men’s in terms of distance erate with unregulated fare structures and, to work and trip chaining. However, more re- according to the qualitative research, some- search is necessary on this particular aspect to times having to negotiate for better fares strengthen the conclusions on child bearing puts women at risk of harassment. Also, our and trip length and trip generation (McGuckin FGDs suggest that women often travel with and Nakamoto, 2004). children and packages, which adds complexity to women’s journeys and possibly makes them more expensive, as they are charged extra for the space used by children and/or packages. “I start traveling very early in the morning; I leave my house when it is dark using a boda-boda. From the bike, I go to the market, then take a matatu to town.” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 years), quotation 6 “Carrying a woman is difficult, it is not like carrying a man. A man just sits on the motorbike; for a woman, they carry you, there is your child on your back, there is the kiondoo [sisal handbag] you’re carrying. So it is always more!” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64), quotation 8 “When a woman is travelling, it is different from men. Men just walk or get into a car. For a woman, you at times have a child, or you have the carry bag for food. So, the women often pay more than men.” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 years), quotation 9 28 Graph 7 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 7. Trip by Household with Children < 5 (JICA) 8000 7000 6000 number of trips 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male No Child < 5 With Child < 5 No Child < 5 With Child < 5 Same Zone Different Zone Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk TRIP PURPOSES likely to travel to work (Graph 8). Women’s Women’s travel purposes are more di- movements seem to be related to school and verse. Although trips to home and work shopping more than men. The diverse travel Graph 8. Trip Purpose (JICA) - rev are the dominant share for both men and purposes are further discussed in relation to women in the JICA/NCC data, more women the framework of mobility of care in the next are likely to travel home and more men are section. Graph 8. Trip Purpose (JICA) Female Male 50% 40% Percentage 30% 20% 10% 0% Home Work School Personal Business Social Shopping Others Travel Purpose 29 Graph from JICA data Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL MODE to a combination of the high female labor Walking is the dominant travel mode for participation rate, the functioning urban women; however, they tend to walk on area size, and the concentration of job op- average for a slightly shorter time than portunities in the CBD. While at the global men. On average, men walk 33 minutes, while level, research shows that women rely on women do it for 31.8 minutes. Combining the public transport more than men, our analysis finding from our FDGs that women tend to confirms that both men and women are us- travel with children, elders, and bags with evi- ing matatus and buses without any significant dence from another study that women (i) walk discrepancy, and matatus are the most impor- slower than men (Tolea et al., 2010) and (ii) tant motorized mode for men and women prefer to work closer to home, the females’ (Graphs 9 and 10). At the national level, as of shorter walking time suggests that women 2017, the female labor participation rate was walk for shorter distances. Graph 9 demon- 71.5 percent (World Bank, 2020). This rate strates that walking and matatu/bus are the is assumed to be higher in Nairobi given its preferred travel modes in Nairobi. Further economic prominence and scale. Also, while analysis indicates the variance by gender in the Nairobi’s built-up area is 704 square kilom- mode share of walking and car use; women eters, the urban core of Nairobi Metropolitan rely on walking more than men (45 percent vs Area (a functioning urban area) is estimated 31 percent), but only 8.9 percent of women’s at 2,189 square kilometers (Gulyani et al., trips use a car, which is almost half (60 per- 2019). Employment opportunities1 in Nairobi cent) the men’s share (16.3 percent). are concentrated in the CBD and its sur- roundings (Figure 1); these and other job and A clear difference in walking time is ob- residential areas are not well connected. The served when women walk for social pur- combination of these could act as a push fac- poses. This finding, combined with quali- tor for women to rely on matatus whenever tative analysis, suggests that there are they need to travel longer. As explained by additional burdens for married women. the literature, evidence shows that “gender JICA/NCC data analysis results also show that differences increase the more distant a com- in both intra- and inter-zonal trips, regardless munity is located from the city center,” and of travel distance, women rely on walking that women’s mobility patterns in the urban more than men (Graph 10). This is consistent core locality resemble those of men (Venter et with observations on the urban areas of devel- al., 2007). oping countries generally (Anand and Tiwari, 2006; Srinivasan, 2008; Tanzarn, 2008). Focus Though currently nominal, women’s pref- group participants reported the additional erence for boda-bodas is increasing. It is burdens/obligations of married women who estimated that, in Nairobi, the modal share of need to couple social responsibility and gen- boda-boda increased from 1.2 percent in 2004 der norms: focus group participants discussed to 5.4 percent in 2013 (JICA/NCC, 2014). women waking up earlier than men to get to Qualitative analysis reveals that women, par- the marketplace and rushing back home to ticularly those engaged in the informal sector, make dinner for the family, with transporta- are using boda-bodas very frequently and even tion costs affecting their profit margins. indicate their preference for the mode due to time saving and the negotiable fare. Nairobi residents rely on matatus to trav- 1 We have used the number for projected employment at the el, regardless of gender. This may relate census zone level prepared under the commuter rail master plan study for Nairobi. 30 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 10 Graph 10. Travel mode (intra-zone and inter-zone) JICA 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% Percentage 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Female Male Female Male Same Zone Different Zone Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk 31 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility “The boda-boda gives better mobility in that it is fast, and one avoids being stuck in a traffic jam. The price is also fair, and one can always negotiate on the fare.” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 years), quotation 2 Figure 1: Employment opportunities in Nairobi (prepared by P. Avner, S. Nakamura, and S. F. Thies for Kenya Urban Policy Dialogue) ACCESS TO JOBS travel, respectively. If the commute is done by Women most likely have less accessibility foot, accessibility if reduced further to fewer to jobs than men in Nairobi, which could than 10 percent of jobs within 60 minutes lead to further income limitation. An acces- of travel. While the accessibility analysis itself sibility analysis (Nakamura and Avner, 2018) did not provide gender difference, the finding conducted for Nairobi revealed that the aver- from our analysis that women are relying on age accessibility drastically differs by transport walking more than men and have limited ac- mode and time threshold. Using matatus, on cess to cars (at a rate that is half that of men) average a resident in Nairobi can reach 4 per- suggests more limited accessibility to jobs for cent, 11 percent, and 24 percent of jobs with- women. in 30 minutes, 45 minutes, and 60 minutes of 32 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility STATISTICAL TEST As” framework include factors such as safety, Very strong and significant evidence was sexual harassment, gender norms, and social found that travel time, start time, trip responsibility. purpose, preferred mode, and frequency are different between genders. Differences For household income, this report uses the between genders in travel time, start time, following information as a reference to un- number of trips, trip purpose, and travel mode derstand the poor. Based on the international were assessed using a two-sample t-test for poverty rate of US$1.9 per day and the aver- the JICA/NCC data. We used a chi-squared test age household size in Nairobi of 3.2 (World to examine the differences in trip purpose and Bank, 2014), the monthly household income preferred travel mode across genders. Using at the international poverty line is calculated as an adjusted p-value of .002 as our threshold, US$182.4. Estimates from Ipsos and the State to adjust for performing multiple tests on the of the Cities Baseline Survey provide consistent same data, we found variations at the .01 sig- information. Considering the household in- nificance level on the variables listed. come range of questionnaires in the JICA/NCC and PT survey, we consider a monthly house- 2. Which factors, if any, affect hold income level of KES 20,000 to be poor under this study.2 In addition, understanding women’s travel patterns and the complementary global multidimensional needs? poverty line (World Bank, 2018) as US$3.2 In this section, we will deepen our discussions and US$5.5 per day, household income on the overall gender differences in mobility groups below KES 40,000 are also considered discussed above, identifying factors that affect low-income groups. women’s travel, including income, age, and the conceptual framework of the “Four As” 2 While the Kenya Gender Poverty Assessment 2015/16 (Availability, Accessibility, Affordability, and defines poverty based on the consumptions (a daily per capita consumption expenditure below US$1.90 in 2011 Acceptability), to provide a more complete purchasing power parity), two datasets examined under this picture of gender and mobility in Nairobi. study (JICA/NCC and Public Transport Users Survey) do not have such information. Therefore, in this study we use income Our analysis and discussion under the “Four information. TABLE 2: MONTHLY HOUSEHOLD INCOME IN NAIROBI AND KENYA Ipsos estimate Income (KES) 0 Less than 10,001– >25,001 (Kenya) 2018 10,000 25,000 % 2 39 34 20 Kenya State Income (KES) 0–6,000 6,001–13,000 13,001– >22,501 of the Cities 22,501 Baseline Survey (Nairobi) 2014 % 11 30 27 22 33 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility NUMBER OF TRIPS makes four trips per day (Graph 12). It is in- The higher the household income, the teresting to observe that the highest share of higher the number of trips per day; this women who do not travel are found at the trend is maintained, including when only extremes, in the lowest and highest household trips made by women are analyzed. JICA/ income groups. NCC data shows that, regardless of household income level, most people make two trips Working-age groups make more trips, re- per day, and that more people make an ad- gardless of gender, yet non-working-age ditional one to two trips in the higher house- groups remain active. Among working- hold income groups. For example, the results age groups, for women the age group of revealed that between 8.9 and 14.8 percent 21–30 makes more trips than the age group of women who belong to household income of 31–40; however, men show the opposite groups below KES 20,000 (groups 1–5) make trend (Graph 13). Both men and women who four trips per day, but between 15.6 and 18.1 belong to the age group of 60-plus remain ac- percent of women who belong to the high- tive in traveling, but women in this age group est household income groups (groups 7–10) have the highest ratio of no trips (about 15 percent). 34 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL TIME shorter than those whose income is below KES While women’s travel time and distance 20,000. When men travel to a different zone, are shorter than men’s, women in lower their average travel time is not significantly household income groups tend to spend different among household income groups. In more time on travel, mostly relying on the inter-zonal trips, the results show a drastic walking, inherently the slowest mode. drop in travel time in the women who belong Graph 14 shows that women who belong to to the highest income group. household income groups of below KES 5,000 (groups 1 and 2) spend longer times on travel The time women spend on walking re- than women who belong to higher-income duces with higher income levels. Longer groups; this trend mainly regards trips to a travel and walking times for lower-in- different zone. This could represent what the come groups can indicate that the actual literature has shown: lower-income women movements of women in lower-income have to travel outside of their communities groups may be limited to shorter distanc- to find services associated with care activi- es. Graph 15 presents the average walking ties, such as more adequate health facilities time by income level and clearly shows that or even to access employment opportunities, as income increases, the time women spend though this clearly will vary among house- walking reduces. We do not observe such a holds and individuals (Venter et al., 2007). In trend for men. Our analysis finds that walking the intra-zonal trips, the average travel time is the only non-motorized transport for most of women who belong to household income of the women in Nairobi (bicycle is currently a groups of above KES 20,000 (groups 6–10) is nominal mode), and this explains why women 35 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility in the lower-income groups spend more time becomes shorter. As discussed above, women on traveling. Although Graph 16 shows that in the age group of 60-plus exhibit the high- only women who belong to the highest two est share of no trips. As the life expectancy household income groups are making inter- in Kenya in 2018 was 66.34 years (up from zonal trips with a distinctive difference, this 46.76 in 1960),3 the mobility pattern of the paradox may be explained better through the age group of 60-plus (from 2013 survey data) analysis of travel mode below. might be split more clearly into active and non-active groups (unlike other age groups) Older age groups travel longer than due to reduced mobility related to age and younger age groups regardless of gen- health. This assumption also suggests that ap- der, including senior citizens that seem to propriate attention should be given to persons remain active travelers. Men travel longer with reduced mobility to support their equal than women regardless of age, except at the access to public transport and travel in gen- age group of 0–10 (Graph 17). This trend is eral. Since the sample size of this age group is more explicit for the age groups of 21–40 and smaller than other age groups, further analysis 41–60, by about 7 minutes. The older age and studies are pertinent to better understand groups travel longer than the younger age the mobility of Nairobi’s senior citizens. groups in general. However, the travel time of men and women in the age group of 60-plus 3 https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00. IN?locations=KE&display=graph. 36 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 16 Graph 16. Ratio of Same/Different Zone trip by Income Same Zone Different Zone 100.00% 90.00% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% Percentage 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00% Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male under 1,999 2,000-4,999 5,000-9,999 10,000-14,999 15,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 30,000-39,999 40,000-49,999 50,000-99,999 over 100,000 Household Income level 37 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL MODE and (2) women who belong to higher house- Regardless of household income level, hold income groups are still relying on walking. women rely more on walking than men, and women’s access to motorized trans- Walking is the predominant mode for the port is limited compared to men’s. Mode majority of intra-zonal trips, regardless of share analysis on the main modes (walking, gender and income group, with the ex- matatu, bus, car) by gender and household ception of men in the highest household income group (using the JICA/NCC dataset) income group. We can observe the gender show that, regardless of gender, the modal difference: women rely more on walking than share of walking is higher in the income men in intra-zonal trips. However, this trend groups below KES 20,000 (groups 1–5) than becomes insignificant in inter-zonal trips in higher-income groups (Graph 18). However, (Graph 19), and gender differences are distin- while the modal share of walking remains guished in trips with cars in higher household high for women in household income groups income groups (6–10). of between KES 20,000 and 99,999 (groups 6–9), accounting for at least a third of wom- The study crossed information on intra- en’s modal share, it sharply declines for men of and inter-zonal trips with age groups higher household income. (Graph 20), and found that trips made by women aged 21–30 consist of more than Except for the highest income group of half of the total trips (51 percent for the men and women, the results present pub- same zone, 52 percent for a different zone). lic transport modes (matatu and bus) as Men in the age groups between 21–40 repre- the primary motorized mode for men and sent the most active travelers, which explains women, including the lowest household the demographic distribution of the JICA/NCC income groups. Considering that previous survey sample. Also, regardless of gender and studies determined the struggles the poor face trips’ zonal characteristics, boda-boda is ob- in affording motorized transport, this stands served as an important travel mode for the as an interesting finding; future studies should age groups of 21–30 and 31–40, in contrast assist in comprehending or clarifying this para- with its low representativity in the younger dox. Public transport represents the highest and older categories. Finally, as expected, both modal share for men who belong to house- men and women belonging to the age group hold income groups of between KES 10,000 31–40 have more access to cars compared to and 99,999 (groups 4–9). Its share for women the age group of 21–30. becomes highest only at the household in- come group of KES 30,000–39,999 (group 7). Even though women’s car ownership The share of public transport modes shows a rate is similar to men’s, about half of the sharp decrease for the income groups of KES women responded that they do not have 50,000 and above (groups 9 and 10), being access to or use a car for their own ac- replaced by cars at a higher proportion for tivities. Females’ car ownership rate is only men than women. It is evident that the modal 3 percentage points lower than males’ rate share of cars increases with the higher house- (33 percent vs 36 percent). However, there hold income groups, regardless of gender, and is a distinctive difference in the car owner- that men are using cars more than women. ship ratio for their own use. While 98 percent From these results, it is safe to assume that: (1) of men whose household owns a car stated women’s access to motorized transport modes that the car is for their use, only 55 percent of (private and public) is more limited than men’s women responded that the car is for their use, 38 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 18 Graph 18. Mode by Household Income Level (JICA) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% Percentage 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male under 1,999 2,000-4,999 5,000-9,999 10,000-14,999 15,000-19,999 20,000-29,999 30,000-39,999 40,000-49,999 50,000-99,999 over 100,000 Household Income Level Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk 39 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 22 Graph 22. Car Ownership(Average Total Vehicles) by HH Income (JICA) 1.8 1.6 1.4 1.2 Car Ownership 1 Female 0.8 Male 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Household Income Level 40 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility meaning that about half of the women do not have access to the car for their own use. The analysis of the gender gap in car ownership and usage in general and by household income level suggests little agency among women in terms of deci- sion making around household resources when compared to men. Car ownership in- creases with household income level for both men and women (Graph 22), which aligns with the known link between household income level and car ownership. However, Graph 18 indicates that the gender gap in the modal share of car use becomes bigger for higher household income groups. At the high- est household income group of KES 100,000 or above, the modal share of the car is about 43.6 percent for women against 65.6 percent for men. Although further research and analy- sis is needed, it seems that women face limited available income to exercise their choices with regard to their preferred transport options. SLUM AREA also show that the walk trip ratio for men Women in slum areas4 rely more on walk- and women in the inter-zonal trips is higher ing due to the unaffordability of trans- in the census zones with the largest concen- port modes. In examining the geographical tration of slum areas than other zones. This distribution of the number of intra-zonal trips trend is more dominant for women, indicat- and slum area ratio, we do not observe a sig- ing that more than 28 percent of inter-zonal nificant difference between men and women. trips in the zones with the largest concentra- However, when further disaggregating in- tion of slum areas are made by walking (Table tra- and inter-zonal walk trips by gender and 3). As the household income level is lower in slum area ratio, the 20 census zones with the the zones where the slum area ratio is high largest concentration of slum areas (56 to 100 compared with other census zones (discussed percent of the built-up area is slum), including in the annex),5 high dependency on walking Kibera, Mathare, and Mukuru kwa Njenga, ac- in these zones implies unaffordability of other count for the highest walk trip ratios in the transport modes, particularly for women in intra-zonal trips for women. Conversely, men’s lower-income groups, as Salon and Gulyani highest walk trip ratio in the intra-zonal trips is have also discussed (2010). not related to the slum area ratio. The results 4 Using the GIS data, we explore if there is any travel pattern 5 The distribution of household income groups in the top specific to Nairobi’s slum areas. We borrowed slum data from 20 percent of census zones with a high slum area ratio and researchers Julia Bird (Vivid Economics) and Tanner Regan other zones. The result shows the higher composition of lower (London School of Economics and Political Science), and household income groups 0 to 5 (below KES 15,000) and lower the Nairobi land use map (2010) prepared by the Center for composition of a higher household income groups 7 to 10 (KES Sustainable Urban Development, Columbia University. The 30,000 or above) in the census zones with the top 20 slum area detailed methodology is found in the annexes. ratio. 41 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility STATISTICAL TEST Figure 2 gure 2 Logistic regression was used to predict wheth- er or not (1) walking resulted as a trip’s main mode, and (2) the trip was inter- or intra-zon- al. For both of these models, we used house- hold monthly income, age, and gender of the respondent as explanatory variables, using the JICA/NCC dataset for both models. Odds represent as a ratio of the likelihood event A occurs compared to the likelihood event B oc- curs. The formula used to get the change in odds from the estimate is as follows: Change In Odds = (exp(Bn ) - 1) * 100%. All variables were statistically significant (Table 4). Walking Holding household income and age con- igure 3 Figure 3 stant, the data suggests that being a fe- male respondent can be associated with an increase of 50 percent in the odds of walking. Conversely, accounting for age and gender, each increase in monthly household income bracket level is associated with a decrease in the odds that a respondent was walking by 15 percent. Similarly, accounting for household income level and gender, each one-year increase in age is associated with a decrease in the odds that a respondent was walking by 3 percent. The p-values for income, age, and gender are all below any reasonable significance level. Thus, we can conclude that the three main variables mentioned above are significant predictors of walking as the main igure 4 Figure 4 mode of travel, and the direction of the rela- tion is as expected. Trip Distance Being female is associated with an in- crease in the odds that a respondent travelled within their census zone by more than 50 percent, holding all the other variables constant. As before, gen- der appears as the only variable implying an increase in the likelihood of intra-zonal travel. Accounting for age and gender, each in- crease in monthly household income level is 42 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TABLE 3 Table 3.3 Average walk trip ratio (intra-zone) % Average walk trip ratio (inter-zone) % Zones with largest Other zones Zones with largest Other zones concentration of slum concentration of slum areas areas Men 60.4 54.4 18.9 14.2 Women 72.4 60.9 28.4 19.3 associated with a decrease in the odds that a Car Ownership respondent traveled within their census zone Men tend to have more access to private by 5 percent. Similarly, accounting for house- cars than women under comparable in- hold income level and gender, each one-year come situations. The statistical test of the increase in age is associated with a decrease correlation between income level and car in the odds that a respondent traveled within ownership results in 0.4941396 for the JICA/ their census zone by 2.540 percent. The p- NCC dataset, demonstrating a moderate cor- values for income, age, and gender are all relation. Nonetheless, the trend stands as a below any reasonable significance level. Thus, valid gender difference. we can conclude that income level, age, and gender are significant predictors of the trip be- ing inter- or intra-zonal. TABLE 4: PREDICTING IF MAIN MODE WAS WALKING Variable Estimate Change in odds P-value Monthly household income -0.168226 -15.48372 <.001 Age -0.031605 -3.111078 <.001 Gender 0.406001 50.08041 <.001 TABLE 5: PREDICTING IF A TRIP WAS INTRA-ZONE OR INTER-ZONE Variable Estimate Change in odds P-value Monthly household income -0.050771 -4.950369 <.001 Age -0.025732 -2.540375 <.001 Gender 0.406456 50.14871 <.001 43 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 23 JICA Graph 23 0.5 Gender Male 0.4 Percentage of Gender Female 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.0 Care Firm Home Others Personal School Shopping Social Work Trip Purpose, including Travel Mobility of Care Purpose MOBILITY OF CARE To understand how women’s roles and While women’s increased participation in responsibilities linked to house and fam- the labor force is reflected by the large ily management influenced their trips, share of work-related trips, gender norms we have analyzed travel purposes with and social responsibilities seem to also the mobility of care concept. We consid- have an impact on why women travel. ered respondents who are between 18 and Women’s labor force participation rate has in- 55 years old for this analysis. Adapting Inés creased in Kenya from 60.28 percent in 2005 Sánchez de Madariaga’s method, we reallo- to 72.1 percent in 2019 (World Bank, 2020). cated two-thirds of the original “shopping” The qualitative analysis conducted revealed trips, one-third of the original “other” trips, that women still hold multiple household roles and one-third of the original “social” trips to (i.e., wife, mother, childcare provider, and food care-related trips. With this new allocation, provider) recognized as the traditional roles for we see differences in trip purpose between Kenyan women as per a study in 1987 (Karani, genders: there is a larger proportion of female 1987). While women’s lifestyles have changed respondents taking trips for care, but a much with increased economic participation and larger proportion of males taking trips for responsibilities beyond house work, the role work (Graph 23). of women in the house has not changed ac- cordingly. This unbalanced situation creates a A chi-squared test was run for the JICA/NCC challenge for many women regarding travel, survey, and the results were significant at any thus making it more stressful. Moreover, com- relevant significance level: the test statistic was promised mobility generates time poverty for 989.15 with a p-value of <0.01, which is statis- women who are balancing both the respon- tically significant. Thus, we have evidence that sibilities of home and paid labor (Duchene, travel purpose is significantly different between 2011). men and women aged 18–55, and women’s gender norms and social responsibilities have a strong influence on why women travel. 44 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility “After traveling you must go home to take care of the family. You must not forget that if the man goes to work and leaves you at home, you are first to hear the knock at the door from the landlord asking for rent; when the child is sent away from school, you are the first to get the report; whatever trouble that the home faces, you are first to hear about it, so you must do something.” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 years), quotation 15 “Four As” Framework: while travel time stands out as men’s Availability, Accessibility, third-highest choice. Table 6 indicates a clear gender difference in how factors of Affordability, and Acceptability travel time and comfort affect men’s and Affordability and availability are the most women’s travel decisions. The results from critical factors affecting mode choice, re- the public transport user dataset show that gardless of gender. This stands out as the women selected sexual harassment, safety, principal result after weighing the top three and overloading as the foremost challenges considerations (first to third) of men and in using public transport (Graph 24). The women in accordance with the higher order analyses tell us that sexual harassment when of consideration of the BRT dataset (Table 6). traveling seems to be a more gender-specific As there is no standing in matatus under the challenge. current regulations, we assume that “having a seat” in this context is equivalent to “having Women are disproportionately affected a ride without waiting for the next matatu.” by safety and affordability issues. As dis- Frequency of service, which is related to availa- cussed above, even if the motorized mode of bility of service, is given the least consideration choice for both women and men is matatu, by men and women: this most likely indicates our complementary data from the Public their sensitivity against long waiting times. Transport Users Interviews shows that women are more affected by sexual harassment while Beyond affordability and availability, traveling in public transport, as indicated in women’s third consideration points to the graph showing the challenges in using safety and comfort as important aspects, public transport. The results of the top three TABLE 6: TOP THREE CONSIDERATIONS WHEN CHOOSING HOW TO TRAVEL (BRT DATASET) Ranking 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Female Cost/fare Having a Safety Comfort Journey Reliability Frequency seat time of service Male Cost/fare Having a Journey Safety Reliability Comfort Frequency seat time of service 45 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility considerations (Table 6, BRT dataset) as well Survey respondents reported that they have as the challenges in using public transport experienced or witnessed sexual harassment (Graph 24) shed light on a global issue that while traveling. The fact that men also rated is worth exploring further.6 Even if affordabil- the sexual harassment aspect of public trans- ity seems to be an issue for both women and port unsatisfactory exhibits men’s recognition men, because women have lower wages and of sexual harassment as a significant but unre- are employed more in the informal sector, they ported concern for society. are disproportionately affected. Lower-income groups give a lower rat- Onboard safety, sexual harassment, and ing regarding their satisfaction on safety, personal security are serious issues for regardless of gender, and more women women. Men and women reported that pub- than men report sexual harassment as a lic transport in Nairobi does not satisfy their challenge in using public transport. The needs in terms of road safety, sexual harass- results related to safety satisfaction in the PT ment, and personal security (PT dataset, Table dataset indicate that the issue of sexual har- 7). Moreover, women’s rating of all three fac- assment in public transport is a serious mat- tors was worse than men’s. Among the three ter for both men and women. To note, this aspects, both men and women rated personal could be a result of the way in which ques- security the worst, and the most substantial tions were asked and strongly suggests more gender gap was observed in the satisfactory investigation in future studies, as studies nor- rating of sexual harassment. Nonetheless, mally identify sexual harassment as a bigger about 80 percent of women and 65 percent issue affecting women, not men.7 Women of men among the Public Transport Users in lower-income groups are more concerned 6 Even if the BRT Feasibility Study did not show much 7 Several surveys aiming at capturing perceptions around sexual difference regarding the perception of safety between women harassment have several methodological issues that, together and men, this does not mean that the issue is non-existent with the normalization of sexual harassment, can contribute in Kenya, as evidence around the world shows that sexual to underreporting. Such methodological flaws could include harassment is normally underreported. Additionally, the way not having women surveying women in a safe and confidential surveys are designed and implemented might not create an space and/or including sexual harassment within the broader environment in which women feel comfortable responding. concepts of safety and personal security. “Come on…. you know what happens when it is dark and you are alone in the dark as a woman…” —Nairobi woman (aged 35–64 years), quotation 14 TABLE 7: SATISFACTORY RATING ON SAFETY MATTERS (PT DATASET) Gender Road safety Sexual harassment Personal security Male 2.22 2.32 2.06 Female 2.20 2.16 2.00 Respondents were asked to rate public transport in Nairobi regarding whether it satisfies their travel needs in the following three points: a) road safety, b) sexual harassment, and c) personal security, from 1 (not at all) to 5 (a very large extent). As such, the higher the number, the more satisfied the passengers. 46 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 47 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TABLE 8: REPORTED CHALLENGES WHEN TRAVELING WITH PUBLIC TRANSPORT (PT DATASET) Mode Male Female Total Matatu 146 798 944 Boda-boda 38 139 177 Tuk-tuk 10 30 40 Taxi 42 153 195 Train 15 31 46 Walking 18 55 73 Cycling 9 11 20 Total 278 1,217 1,495 about sexual harassment. Regarding sexual transport in the PT dataset discussed above harassment during their trips, about 70 per- (Graph 24), contrasting with 4.1 challenges cent of women who belong to the house- identified by women. We examined these hold income groups below KES 20,000 and challenges by mode (Table 8) and found that KES 20,001–40,000 are unsatisfied with the the challenges identified by men and women situation (Graph 25). This ratio drops by about are concentrated in their trips using matatu 10 percent in the higher household income (males 53 percent, females 66 percent). The groups. Road safety and personal security are fact that most of the respondents are daily additional concerns. We consider that this is matatu users might have impacted this con- because the lower-income groups have lim- centration. Following matatu, both men and ited options in their travel mode choice, unlike women identified challenges in their trips us- higher-income groups who can access safer ing taxi and boda-boda. The majority of chal- and more comfortable modes such as taxi and lenges (81 percent for men and 90 percent private car. This restricted mode choice makes for women) are with trips using one of these lower household income level groups more modes. vulnerable to unsafe situations/environments. Major differences between women and men There are clear identifiable trends related might not have been seen from this data given to income regarding the preferred modes the dataset’s reduced sample size, yet sexual and the reasons behind their selection harassment is normally an underreported issue by women. The results from the analysis of that is often normalized. The public transport the PT dataset reveal that matatu is the most data also illustrates that even if men recognize popular mode between matatu, boda-boda, sexual harassment as an issue, they do not tuk-tuk, rail, taxi, and walking for public trans- see it as a factor influencing their decision to port users. Women and men choose matatu travel, which is not the case for women. regardless of household income level, due to its cost and availability. While speed and Women report facing more challenges availability seem to be the main reasons for when traveling, particularly in their expe- women to select boda-boda, regardless of rience with matatus. On average, men iden- household income level, the results disclose tified 2.8 challenges in their trips with public that women who belong to lower-income 48 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 26 Graph Graph 26. Reason 26. Reason to choose to choose matatumatatu (public (PT Survey) transport survey) 180 160 140 Count of Respondents 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Graph 27 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed Graph Graph 27. 27. Reason Reason to boda-boda to choose choose boda-boda (PT (public transport Survey) survey) 35 30 25 Count of Respondents 20 15 10 5 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Graph 28 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed Graph Graph 28. 28. Reason Reason totaxi to choose choose taxi (PTsurvey) Survey) (public transport 60 50 Count of Respondents 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed 49 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility groups choose boda-boda more than women as a challenge regarding the use of boda-bo- in higher-income groups. Taxi becomes a more das, but they did not report sexual harassment affordable mode for women who belong to challenges. household income groups above KES 40,000, while women and men both choose taxis for Women in the household income groups KES comfort, speed, and safety in general. Women 40,001–99,000 reported the highest (cumula- in higher-income groups are more likely to tive) number of challenges in using taxis. This select a taxi, but taxi is not the modal choice group of women also indicated the highest for lower-income groups, particularly women number of preferences for the taxi. It is im- and men whose household income is below portant to note that, though not the greatest KES 20,000. While the sample sizes for train, concerns, safety and sexual harassment are tuk-tuk, and walking are relatively small, the also challenges for women using taxis. results hint that women tend to walk due to cost and availability, not comfort. Women are more willing than men to pay for their safety. On the other hand, men Women belonging to lower household are more willing than women to pay for income groups tend to identify more chal- a reliable and faster trip. The data from the lenges using matatus and boda-bodas de- Public Transport Users Survey and BRT survey spite their dependence on them. As mata- demonstrates that women are willing to pay tu and boda-boda are the preferred modes more for their safety (road safety, personal se- for women who belong to lower household curity, freedom from sexual harassment) than income groups, it is interesting to note these men (Graph 32), but men are more willing to contradictory results (preferred but facing a lot pay for time saving (Graph 33). More than half of challenges). The results may indicate that of the respondents are not willing to pay for women select matatu or boda-boda because their safety, despite their dissatisfaction with that is the only viable and available option for the safety aspects of their trips. Nonetheless, it them in many cases. Sexual harassment and is significant to note that the average willing- safety are significant concerns for women, ness to pay for safety is KES 28.4: KES 27.0 for particularly for those who belong to house- men and KES 28.8 for women. On average, hold income groups below KES 20,000 and men are more willing to pay for the travel time KES 20,001–40,000. Sexual harassment and saving of 20 minutes than women by KES 1.4 safety are not challenges for men when they (KES 28.8 for men and KES 27.4 for women). use matatus, regardless of household income On the other hand, women are willing to pay level. more for comfort and reliable service by KES 2.8 (KES 26.5 for men and KES 29.3 for men). Road safety–related concerns, including These results reflect the gender differences the mixing of motorized transport with observed in the top three considerations when hand carts and pedestrians, seem to be choosing how to travel. common challenges for all users. Women who belong to household income groups be- When they can afford it, women are more low KES 40,001 reported more challenges with willing to pay for their safety. The data from their boda-boda trips than women in higher the public transport survey shows that women household income groups. Safety and sexual in the higher-income cohort are willing to pay harassment are the most significant concerns more for their safety (road safety, personal for women using boda-bodas, regardless of security, freedom from sexual harassment). household income. Men also reported safety At income groups of above KES 40,001, 65 50 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 29 Graph 29. Challenges traveling with matatus by HH income (PT Survey) 350 300 Count of Respondents 250 200 150 100 50 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars Graph 30 parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety Graph 30. Challenges traveling with bodaboda by HH income (PT Survey) 60 50 Count of Respondents 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars Graph 31 parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety Graph 31. Challenges traveling with Taxi by HH income (PT Survey) 70 60 Count of Respondents 50 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety 51 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility percent of women are willing to pay for bet- The preference ratio of matatu (where sexual ter safety. It is worth noting that when peo- harassment was reported as an issue in the ple can afford it, both men and women are transport users complementary survey) gradual- willing to pay about KES 30 for better public ly reduces with higher household income levels transport service that addresses their needs. for women. However, the results did not indi- Considering the BRT data’s average fare per cate such a pattern for men. In this sense, even trip (KES 72), the qualitative analysis (between if there do not seem to be major gender differ- KES 50 and 150), and men’s and women’s sen- ences in terms of sexual harassment (except for sitivity to cost, the amount men and women lower-income women), data on willingness to are willing to pay for better service is discern- pay and preference of taxis over other modes ible. This is easily translated into high demand for higher-income households (which seems to for improved public transport. be a safer option from the data of the Public Transport Users Survey) illustrates that it is an Graph 32 issue that disproportionately affects women. Graph 32. Willingness Graph to Pay 32. Willingness Extra to Pay Cost Extra Cost forfor Safety (PT) (PT Survey) Safety Female Gender Male 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Graph 33 Percentage Yes No Graph Willingness 33.33. Graph Willingness toto Pay Pay (BRT) (BRT) 53% Female 52% Gender 58% Male 64% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% Percentage for a comfortable and reliable bus service for 20-min faster service 52 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 53 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 54 Photo © Akiko Kishiue Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CHAPTER 4: RECOMMENDATIONS “We will promote access for all to safe, age- and gender- responsive, affordable, accessible, and sustainable urban mobility and land and sea transport systems, enabling meaningful participation in social and economic activities in cities and human settlements, by integrating transport and mobility plans into overall urban and territorial plans and promoting a wide range of transport and mobility options…” —New Urban Agenda #114 The study confirms that the travel pat- more than men, while they travel more for terns and needs of women in Nairobi are social and care purposes (Peralta et al., 2014; different from those of men by determining Dominguez et al., 2020; OECD, 2018; Alam, that travel patterns are affected by different 2020). This study highlights some differences factors, some of which are directly attributed between Nairobi and other cities in terms of a to transport issues (affordability, accessibility, lack of gender differences in reliance on usage availability, and acceptability, including the of public transport, specifically matatus. There issue of sexual harassment), relational issues are also similarities with other studies that con- (household income level and decision making sider gender and income variables to showcase over assets, including car ownership), socio- changes in women’s preferences with regard economic issues (including age), and gender to public transport. Comparable to our results, norms. As the previous transport plans have a study on gender and mobility for several proposed, only gender-responsive solutions Indian cities concluded that for women who that take into account gender differences in belong to higher household income groups, transport planning will allow for inclusive public transport is not their main preference.1 transport and for the Government of Kenya to A study in Bogota city also concurred with achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. the finding of lower-income women having a longer travel time compared to higher-income There are similarities and differences women, as they are willing to live farther away between the findings of this study and (Moscoso et al., 2019). Because the number other gender and mobility research car- of women who use bicycles is very limited in ried out in other cities around the world. 1 The study also shows that lower-income women prioritized Similarities in women’s mobility patterns exist: better coverage, affordability, and frequency of public transport, whereas higher-income women prioritized comfort, coverage, in general, for high- and middle-income coun- and affordability, necessitating a nuanced approach to the tries, women travel shorter distances and walk provision of public transport services (Sonal and Aishwarya, 2019). 55 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Nairobi, our data did not allow for a deeper that over 31 percent of employees in the gov- gender analysis of cycling, which has been pri- ernmental transport sector are women, these oritized in other studies in countries such as women are more concentrated in non-man- India (Sonal and Aishwarya, 2019). agement roles. It is crucial to increase female representation in technical and management Because the issues affecting gender dif- roles in transport and to enhance women’s ferences in travel pertain to both imme- participation in planning (including public con- diate circumstances and larger systems sultation) and decision-making processes to of inequality, it is helpful to consider ensure their voices are heard and their needs recommended solutions in terms of both are understood. Even if there is no evidence practical and strategic needs. The distinc- from the transport sector, there are some tion between practical and strategic needs is a proxy studies that show that having women in concept borrowed from the literature on HIV/ power can translate into policies that consider AIDS and gender. Women’s practical needs re- their interests.2 late to immediate necessities, such as access to clean water and health facilities. Strategic Future transport planning needs to be more needs, on the other hand, go beyond immedi- inclusive. The State Department of Transport ate needs and pertain to the subordination of (Ministry of Transport, Infrastructure, Housing, women, including issues such as bodily auton- Urban Development, and Public Works) is omy, legal rights, and the gendered division of currently reviewing the Integrated National labor. Addressing these needs involves chal- Transport Policy 2009. Therefore, enhancing lenging existing gender roles by, for instance, the mainstreaming of gender into the revised informing women of their rights and encour- national transport policy is recommended, with aging men to challenge harmful norms about specific targets to reduce gender inequalities masculinity. As the World Health Organization regarding access to the transport system. As notes, “While it is important that women’s part of this, it is recommended that the State practical needs be met, this alone will not Department of Transport, in coordination with transform their situation. Therefore, actions to the State Department of Gender (Ministry of also address their strategic needs are equally Public Service and Gender) and the National important if they are to have lasting benefits” Transport and Safety Authority (NTSA), es- (World Health Organization, 2009). The rec- tablishes a framework for safety in the public ommendations in this document therefore ad- spaces used to access transport and used while dress strategic needs as well as practical ones traveling. The framework is supported by clear in (i) policy and governance, (ii) transport- legal protection for men and women from any related barriers, and (iii) gender norms, for a form of harassment. Consultations with key greater chance of achieving longer-lasting, stakeholders such as relevant public transport more meaningful change. associations/unions and savings and credit co- operatives (SACCOs) in this process are sug- gested. The State Department of Transport, 1. Policy and in cooperation with the State Department Governance of Gender and NTSA, needs to establish the institutional arrangements to communicate Diversity and inclusion in transport and 2 There is some literature that shows that when more women are elected to office, policies reflect their needs. For example, in urban planning. Although another volume South Africa the increase in the number of female lawmakers of our study (Volume II: employment) revealed led to progressive legislation on land inheritance and reproductive rights (see Klugman, 2014, page 156). 56 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility and disseminate this safety and security Our study revealed that it is necessary to invest framework and the standards to local govern- in data collection methods to ensure that ac- ments, communities, and service providers. curate and necessary information is obtained Institutional arrangements will also be required to propose gender-responsive solutions based for Nairobi Metropolitan Services (NMS) and on meaningful analysis. Moreover, even if sex- Nairobi Metropolitan Area Transport Authority disaggregated data collection is possible now, (NaMATA) to provide the necessary technical it is important that future data collection uses support and guidance for SACCOs and opera- a gender lens to be able to better incorporate tors to implement the standards. questions that capture the differences in mo- bility between women and men and the dif- Capacity building and awareness raising. ferent barriers they face, not only in services, To mainstream gender in the transport sector but also in transfer points and surrounding and establish a gender-responsive transport public spaces. More granularity is needed in system, there is an urgent need to build capac- the design of these surveys to be able to cap- ity and skills on gender and transport at na- ture information about shorter trips (which are tional, regional, local, and community levels. normally made by women), information about As the transport function of Nairobi County specific distances, and more clarity regarding has recently been transferred to NMS, and questions on safety, personal security, and NaMATA is under operationalization, capac- sexual harassment, which might be confusing ity building for these agencies on gender can for the users. be the first step. At the same time, a targeted awareness program on gender and transport for local communities is suggested, using local 2. Transport-related media and social networking services. Barriers Data investments are critical, including the Advocate formalization of the public collection of gender-disaggregated and transport sector with a gender dimen- gender-responsive data. The Government sion. While reforms have been implemented of Kenya has conducted numerous transport in Kenya’s transport sector, enhancement of studies, preparatory work, and data collection. the existing road- and rail-based public trans- However, some of these initiatives did not dis- port system is also necessary for the Nairobi aggregate the data by gender; additionally, the Metropolitan Area, particularly the mod- production of gender data goes beyond disag- ernization and formalization of the matatu gregating by sex, and concepts and methods industry to improve urban access. Therefore, at every stage should adequately reflect issues integrating a gender dimension (as discussed specifically faced by certain groups, gender bi- below in the affordability/acceptability/avail- ases in social norms and attitudes, multichain ability/accessibility framework) into the public trips, and other constraints to be able to con- transport sector reform and advocating for duct proper evaluations that lead to gender- an overall formalization of the public trans- responsive solutions.3 It is imperative that data port sector to make public transport more collection starts to be gender responsive. environmentally friendly and gender respon- sive are highly recommended. While road- 3 For example, the survey contents need to be able to collect based public transport is the responsibility adequate data on issues that disproportionately affect women, of the county government, these challenges such as sexual harassment and barriers such as commuting in segmented trips. Moreover, data collection needs to follow are common for the main urban areas in the ethical considerations to ensure that it is conducted in a safe and confidential manner (https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/ publications/report/2006/gender-mainstreaming-in-surveys). 57 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility country. In light of this, the State Department women, elders, people with disabilities, and of Transport can take the lead in this public students, could be considered using the na- transport sector reform, in coordination with tional ID. Special fare setting, targeting low- NTSA, and can guide NaMATA/NMS as well income geographic areas and the matatu as county governments. The formulation of a routes to such areas would be an alterna- National Urban Transport Policy can define the tive. Integrated fares (for matatus and other government’s role in public transport manage- modes) to address the extra costs that women ment and guide the financing framework for have to pay given their intermodal and multi- urban mobility. chain trips, or discounted fares at off-peak hours could also be considered. 2.1 Affordability The establishment of a fare system under 2.2 Acceptability government control is needed. Women Safety and Security earn less than men in Kenya (World Economic An improved regulatory framework to Forum, 2017), and women constitute a bigger enhance customer service and sexual part of the informal sector. This indicates that harassment response. As part of the es- women’s travel budgets are most likely smaller tablishment of a safety framework under the than men’s. While matatu availability is high transport policy, it is highly recommended that in Nairobi—an estimated availability of 98 the State Department of Transport, in coop- percent within 20 minutes of walking (Salon eration with the State Department of Gender, and Aligula, 2012)—due to women’s smaller sets clear regulations and a guidance note to budget for transport and their tendency to operationalize the policy. In particular, as sug- travel with packages, children, or elders, public gested short-term actions, SACCOs are to de- transport might be too expensive for women. velop a) a sexual harassment policy for both The fares of matatus, buses, tuk-tuks, and bo- customers and employees and b) a customer da-bodas are not controlled, fluctuating over support system to improve their service. Stage the course of the day and increasing on spe- (bus stop) managers are expected to monitor cial days. Besides, compared with neighboring how their drivers and crews are dealing with countries and developed countries, transport customers, and SACCOs would generate the costs in Kenya are high.4 As the provision of report from the customer support system and public transport is the responsibility of NMS/ submit it to NTSA/county government on a NaMATA, NMS/NaMATA should set the fare regular basis. With the support of UN-Habitat system for public transport to ensure that eve- and Flone Initiative, two SACCOS have already ryone can access the necessary modes. In ad- developed policies on customer service and dition, they should develop an integrated fare sexual harassment (Box 1). Easy access report- system among all public transport modes. ing mechanisms and clear response protocols shall be developed for survivors to be able to While there is no subsidy provided to the pub- report cases of sexual harassment. It is impor- lic transport system in Nairobi, except com- tant that these mechanisms are tied to the ex- muter rail, the provision of a targeted subsidy isting referral pathways and legal framework. to low-income groups, including low-income 4 Minibuses in Dar es Salaam (daladalas) charge a flat fare of Awareness raising and capacity building. TSH 400 (KES 20), and minibuses in Hong Kong, a highly- Awareness raising and training of drivers and developed city, generally cost HKD 2–10, equivalent to KES 30–150 (JICA/Mombasa County, March 2018, Comprehensive crews about sexual harassment are equally im- Development Master Plan in the Mombasa Gate City in the portant as well. Awareness-raising efforts shall Republic of Kenya). 58 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility the county government, NTSA, and medical Provision of trainings to facilities, among others, which may require transport operators further discussion. Flone Initiative (supported by UN- As a prior step for the development of the Habitat) conducted a series of inter-agency response system, setting up training for two SACCOS, covering staff from management to operators. emergency hotlines at the county government At the end of the training, the is another recommendation. This is a confi- SACCOS developed policies on dential resource where survivors can report customer service and sexual cases and receive support and advice. If this harassment. A couple of months system is well established, the service can be after the training, Flone Initiative expanded. confirmed that both SACCOS adopted those policies. Flone Initiative has The development of a mobile application is an- also produced a toolkit on gender- other option, though this should be a simple sensitizing transport infrastructure in cities in Africa (UN-Habitat and Flone system that can be used by non-smartphone Initiative, n.d.). users, as the low-income groups’ access to smartphones is still limited. Environmental design for road safety and be a combination of providing information on violence prevention. NTSA’s capacity to con- the different mechanisms and entry points to duct a road safety audit needs to be enhanced respond to cases of sexual harassment, and to ensure all roads are audited. In the short-to- information on bystander interventions to medium term, the following can be explored: provide mechanisms and strategies on how enforcement of speed control, improvement to intervene in a confrontational way without of the street-crossing environment through putting oneself at risk. Training shall also tar- placement of traffic signs, installation of traffic get police officers to enable an appropriate signals and pedestrian crossings, and review of response to violence against women. It should urban road design to reduce the travel speed be noted that evidence has shown that aware- of motorized transport along urban streets. ness raising by itself is not a sufficient strategy Moreover, methodologies have been devel- for violence prevention, and this kind of strat- oped to assess public spaces in a participatory egy needs to be part of a more comprehensive way and identify design features (e.g., lack package of interventions (Kerr-Wilson et al., of lighting and visibility) that put women in 2020). situations of vulnerability. For example, Flone Initiative and Safetipin,5 funded by the Global Use of technology. Installation of more video Fund for Women, conducted a safety audit surveillance and emergency alarm systems on the main island of Mombasa, Kenya. This along the streets in the CBD and along main allows for the provision of some recommenda- streets is important. It is also recommended tions to enhance public space design related that these surveillance systems be connect- to transport systems in the planning process. ed with the planned traffic control center. 5 Safetipin is a social organization that uses a technology However, to make this system fully effective, it platform. A safety audit using Safetipin is a participatory tool for collecting and assessing information about perceptions of safety requires the establishment of an inter-agency in public spaces. Safetipin has been utilized in Colombia and response system that includes traffic police, India recently. 59 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility A similar approach to preventing violence in 3. Gender Norms public spaces in Nairobi can be explored in the short term. More research in the field of gender and transport is recommended. While both the 2.3 Accessibility and qualitative and quantitative data utilized in this Availability report suggest that gender roles and norms significantly shape the ways in which women’s Improving pedestrian infrastructure will travel differs from men’s in Nairobi, the impact have disproportional benefits for women of gender roles and norms is currently invisible given their existing mobility patterns. for transportation planning. Therefore, more Walking is an important mode for Nairobi research in the field of transport, focusing on residents, but the existing sidewalks (if any) gender roles and norms in Nairobi and more are in poor condition, or no space is allocated broadly in Kenya, is suggested, with gender- for pedestrians. Therefore, immediate action responsive data and qualitative data to inform is need to improve the walking environment. the design of gender-responsive transport sys- This study specifically confirms that women tems in the country. As strong evidence on the more often travel with children and pack- causal relationship between women’s mobility ages, and walking in the dark is challenging patterns and barriers and access to economic for women. Therefore, a complete, wide, and opportunities is still limited, it is also recom- paved sidewalk network with streetlighting mended that future research and data in should be established. As Nairobi County has gender and transport be connected to and en- a non-motorized transport policy, the county hanced and supported by statistical research budget has allocated funds for the improve- and data in other sectors, such as the Kenya ment of sidewalks, and an urban mobility Integrated Household Budget Survey, which plan that includes a street network plan is to also includes information related to gender. be developed. Such short-term improvements can promote physical integration, which will Using the transport infrastructure to re- improve women’s experience of traveling. duce women’s time poverty. As the analy- sis showed, women are still the ones mainly Gender-responsive design within the ser- in charge of household activities. That said, vices. Current matatus/buses are mainly 14 transport infrastructure can include initiatives seaters or 33–37 seaters: 14-seater matatus to ease their time by, for instance, installing do not have space to store packages, while child-care facilities or lactation rooms in trans- buses with 33–37 seats usually have high port hubs, as allowed. It is important to bear floors with high steps to climb. One study esti- in mind that easing women’s workload shall mates that the average age of matatus (based not negatively affect child development; thus, on year of manufacture) is 15.9 years, and as a proper feasibility study that includes quali- such fuel efficiency is low (Ogot et al., 2018). tative research shall be done to have a good Therefore, introducing and adopting a fleet- assessment of the pertinence of promoting renewal scheme with higher-capacity buses these kinds of initiatives. and gendered design (space for storage, low floors, or high floors with smaller steps) in the The proposed recommendations are summa- short-to-medium term will be recommended rized below, with a timeframe included. as part of public transport sector reform. 60 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Proposed strategic and operational actions and interventions for gender-responsive urban transport Area of Subject Action Responsible Time action institution/s frame* Diversity and 1. Enhance gender State Department of Short inclusion in mainstreaming in the revised Transport (SDoT) term transport National Transport Policy. and urban planning 2. Establish the institutional Nairobi Metropolitan Short arrangements to communicate Area Transport Authority term and disseminate the safety and (NaMATA) / Nairobi security framework and the Metropolitan Services standards to communities and (NMS), in consultation service providers. with SDoT 3. Establish a framework for SDoT, in coordination Short to safety and security in public with the State medium spaces used to access transport Department of Gender term and while traveling and a (SDoG) and National strategy to disseminate it. Transport and Safety Policy and Governance Authority (NTSA) 4. Enhance women’s • SDoT, Medium participation in transport • NaMATA/NMS term planning. • Nairobi City County (NCC) 5. Increase female All organizations and Long term representation in technical and entities involved in the management roles in transport transport sector institutions. Capacity 6. Conduct capacity building NaMATA/NMS Short building and for NaMATA and NMS on term awareness gender. raising 7. Carry out a targeted NaMATA/NMS under Short to awareness program on the guidance from SDoT medium gender and transport for local and SDoG term communities using local media and social networking services. Collection 8. Invest in data collection All organizations and Medium of gender- methods using a gender lens entities involved in the to long disaggregated to be able to better incorporate transport sector term and gender- questions that capture the responsive differences in mobility between data women and men. *Short term (0 to 3 years); medium term (3 to 5 years); long term (5 to 10 years). 61 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Proposed strategic and operational actions and interventions for gender-responsive urban transport Area of Subject Action Responsible Time action institution/s frame Fare system 9. Establish a fare system under NaMATA/NMS under Medium government control. guidance of SDoT to long term Special fare 10. Introduce subsidies or NaMATA/NMS Medium special fare structures targeting to long low-income geographic areas term Affordability and the public transport routes (matatus) serving such areas. Integrated 11. Introduce integrated fare NaMATA/NMS Medium fare system system (for matatus and other to long public transport modes) to term address the extra costs that Transport-related Barriers women endure given their intermodal and multi-chained trips. Discounted fares at off- peak periods should also be considered. Improved 12. Set clear regulations and SDoT, in cooperation Short regulatory produce guidance notes to with the SDoG and term framework operationalize a policy on SACCOs to enhance safety and security. In particular, customer SACCOs are to develop: (i) a service sexual harassment policy for and sexual both customers and employees harassment and (ii) a customer support Acceptability response system to improve their service. Awareness 13. Raise awareness and • NaMATA/NMS Short to raising and provide training to transport • SDoT medium capacity operators, including SAACCO • NTSA term building managers, drivers, and other crew members, about sexual harassment. 14. Train traffic police officers SDoT, in conjunction Short to to enable an appropriate with Ministry of Interior medium response to violence against term women. 62 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Proposed strategic and operational actions and interventions for gender-responsive urban transport Area of Subject Action Responsible Time action institution/s frame Use of 15. Develop a mobile • NaMATA/NMS Short technology application to report safety and • Nairobi County term security incidents. Government 16. Install more video • NaMATA/NMS Short to surveillance equipment and • NCC medium establish emergency alarm term systems along selected CBD streets and other main streets. 17. Set up emergency hotlines NaMATA/NMS and NCC Short to at the NCC Government and Government medium NaMATA/NMS. term Transport-related Barriers 18. Establish an inter- SDoT, in coordination Long term agency response system that with SDoG and key includes traffic police, county stakeholders government, NTSA, and Acceptability medical facilities. Environmental 19. Enhance NTSA’s capacity to NTSA Short design for conduct a road safety audit. term road safety and violence 20. Enforce speed control • NTSA Short to prevention and improve the street- • Kenya Urban Roads medium crossing environment through Authority (KURA) term placement of traffic signs and • Kenya National installation of traffic signals and Highways Authority pedestrian crossings. (KeNHA) 21. Review urban road designs/ • SDoT Short to layouts to reduce travel speeds • KURA medium of motorized transport along term urban streets. 22. Develop methodologies (or • NTSA Short to adopt existing methodologies, • NCC Government medium if any) to assess the quality of term public spaces in a participatory way and identify design features that would put women in situations of vulnerability. 63 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Proposed strategic and operational actions and interventions for gender-responsive urban transport Area of Subject Action Responsible Time action institution/s frame Improving 23. Develop an urban mobility • NaMATA Short pedestrian plan that includes a street • NMS term infrastructure network plan and designs for physical integration that consider female mobility Availability and Accessibility patterns and modes of transport. Transport-related Barriers 24. Implement a full-scale Non- • NaMATA/NMS Medium Motorized Transport Policy for • NCC Government term Nairobi Metropolitan Area. 25. Establish a complete, wide, • NaMATA/NMS Medium and paved sidewalk network • NCC Government term with streetlighting. • KURA • KeNHA Gender- 26. Introduce and adopt a fleet- • NaMATA/NMS Short to responsive renewal scheme with higher- • NTSA medium design within capacity buses and gendered term the services design (space for storage, low floors, or high floors with smaller steps) as part of public transport sector reform. Formalization of the 27. Integrate a gender • SDoT Medium public transport sector dimension into the public • NaMATA/NMS to long transport sector reform • NTSA term and advocate for an overall formalization of the sector. continued on next page 64 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Proposed strategic and operational actions and interventions for gender-responsive urban transport Area of Subject Action Responsible Time action institution/s frame More research 28. Conduct comprehensive • Academia Short to in the field of research in the field of • SDoT long term gender and transport, focusing on gender transport roles and norms in Nairobi and more broadly in Kenya, with gender-responsive data and qualitative data to inform the Gender Norms design of gender-responsive transport systems in the country. Obtain more evidence connecting transport data with other statistical data sources such as the Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey. Using the 29. Conduct feasibility studies SDoT Medium transport to assess possible initiatives to long infrastructure to ease women’s time spent term to reduce utilizing transport (e.g., install women’s time child-care facilities or lactation poverty rooms in transport hubs). 65 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 66 Photo © Akiko Kishiue Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility REFERENCES Abidemi, Asiyanbola R. 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Tanzarn, Nite (2017), Scaling Up Gender Mainstreaming in Rural Transport: Policies, Practices, Impacts and Monitoring Processes, Africa Community Access Partnership. Tolea, M. et al. (2010), “Sex-Specific Correlates of Walking Speed in a Wide Age-Ranged Population,” The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 174–184, published online 5 January 2010, doi: 10.1093/geronb/gbp130. UN-Habitat (2008), Women’s Safety Audits: What Works and Where?, New York: United Nations. UN-Habitat (2009), Planning Sustainable Cities, Global Report on Human Settlements, Earthscan. UN-Habitat and Flone Initiative (2019), Gender Sensitive Mini-Bus Services & Transport Infrastructure for African Cities: A Practical Toolkit. Uteng, Tanu Priya (2011), “Gender and Mobility in the Developing World,” World Development Report 2012. 70 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Vanderschuren, Marianne J. W. A., Sekadi R. Phayane, and Alison J. 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World Health Organization (2009), Integrating Gender into HIV/AIDS Programmes in the Health Sector: Tool to Improve Responsiveness to Women’s Needs, Geneva. 71 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 72 Photo © Akiko Kishiue Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ANNEX I: ANALYSIS ON MOBILITY WITH GENDER DIMENSIONS JICA/NCC Nairobi Integrated Urban Development Plan Household Survey Under the 2014 Nairobi Integrated Urban Development Study (NIUPLAN), a person trip survey was conducted. It included 10,000 household interviews with 8,459 female (50 percent) and 8,338 male (50 percent) respondents (total 16,797 samples). A total of 38,632 trips with gender information were confirmed from the samples—18,798 trips made by women (49 percent) and 19,835 trips made by men (51 percent). Social-economic background of respondents The number of households interviewed: 10,000. TABLE 1-1: SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND OF RESPONDENTS Female Male Total No. of respondents 8,459 8,338 16,797 Respondents without travel 670 176 846 The total number of trips 18,798 19,835 38,633 Average number of trips per day 2.20 2.39 2.30 Average travel time 44.8 50.3 47.7 Car ownership at HH 2,777 3,033 5,810 Car ownership (for own use) 1,538 2,970 4,508 Income level of respondents The graph shows that the representation of the lowest income group in the dataset is the highest for both men and women. About 40 percent of the respondents belong to an income level of KES 20,000 or below. 73 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1-1. Income level of respondents Female Male over 100,000 Monthly Household Income 50,000-99,999 40,000-49,999 30,000-39,999 20,000-29,999 15,000-19,999 10,000-14,999 5,000-9,999 2,000-4,999 under 1,999 0.00% 2.00% 4.00% 6.00% 8.00% 10.00% 12.00% 14.00% 16.00% 18.00% Percentage Graph From MONTHLY JICA data Household (useMale INCOME Monthly Household Female Grand Total income) under 1,999 2.08% 2.42% 2.25% 2,000-4,999 2.96% 4.02% 3.47% 5,000-9,999 10.19% 10.76% 10.47% 10,000-14,999 13.09% 12.66% 12.88% 15,000-19,999 12.52% 11.90% 12.22% 20,000-29,999 15.32% 14.97% 15.15% 30,000-39,999 11.77% 12.00% 11.88% 40,000-49,999 9.25% 10.23% 9.72% 50,000-99,999 12.64% 12.49% 12.57% over 100,000 10.18% 8.55% 9.39% Grand Total 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 74 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility h 1-2Age group About 60 percent of male and female respondents belong to the age group of 21–40. Female respondents are composed of age groups mostly below 40 years old, and male respondents have equal representation of age groups between 11–20 and 41–60. Graph 1-2. Age Group of respondents Female Male 60+ 41-60 Age Group 21-40 11-20 0-10 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% Percentage ph From JICA data 75 Graph 1-3 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Occupation About 25 and 18 percent of male and female respondents were employees. Graph 1-3. Occupation of respondents Female Male 8. Others 7. Jobless 6. Housewife Occupation 5. Student (H.S. & Univ.) 4. Student (Elem.) 3. Own account worker 2. Employee 1. Employer 0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% Percentage Graph From JICA data 76 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility THE NUMBER OF TRIPS The average number of trips per day by women and men are 2.20 trips/day for females and 2.38 trips/day for males. No significant difference between men and women in the average number of trips was observed. The majority of women and men (65.6 and 62.3 percent) had two trips/day. About one-quarter to one-third of men and women make more than three trips per day. The male ratio of the number of trips, which is more than three, is higher than the female ratio, and the results show that there are more women who do not travel than men. 77 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Trip number by income level The study analyzed whether the average number of trips per day is varied among different monthly income levels. Each income group has the highest ratio of two trips per day. However, the higher the income level, a) the lower the ratio of two trips per day and b) the steeper the ratios of three and four trips per day. The graph indicates that these trends are more obvious for men than women. About 7 percent of women in the income groups of 1 (under KES 1,999) and 10 (over KES 100,000) do not travel (“0 trip”). 78 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Trip number by age group The study analyzed the average number of trips per day with the age groups. About 90 percent of the age group 0–10 has two trips per day regardless of gender. As it is safe to consider that the majority of respondents belonging to this age group are students, it is easily understood that they make two trips daily without gender difference: home to school and school to home. On the other hand, the results show that the age groups of 21–40 and 41–60, which are socially ac- tive, make more trips than younger age groups. While the ratio of two trips per day is higher for women than for men in these two age groups, the ratio of more than four trips per day is higher for men. The average trip numbers of the age group 61-plus are more diverse for both men and women, and more than 10 percent of women in this age group do not travel. 79 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL TIME Men travel longer than women by 7 minutes (51 minutes vs 44 minutes). Women are predomi- nant within trips shorter than 30 minutes than men (30 percent women vs 21 percent men). Travel time between 30 minutes and 44 minutes demonstrates the highest share for men and women (32 percent women vs 30 percent men). While the share of trips lasting between 45 Graph 1-7 minutes and 59 minutes drops, it increases for trips lasting between 60 minutes and 89 minutes. For trips above 45 minutes, the roles invert, with men being predominant (39 percent women vs 49 percent men). Graph 1-7. Travel Time in mins (JICA) Female Male Above 120 2.37% 3.14% 90-120 9.25% 12.43% 60-89 19.55% 24.43% Travel Time 45-59 7.54% 8.74% 30-44 31.74% 30.20% 15-29 17.19% 13.64% 0-14 12.35% 7.43% 0.00% 5.00% 10.00% 15.00% 20.00% 25.00% 30.00% 35.00% Percentage Graph From JICA data 80 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Average travel time (peak and off-peak) The longest travel time is observed before 6 am and during the afternoon peak (4 pm–6 pm) for both men and women. The average travel time during the morning peak hour (6 am–8 am) for men and women is 50 minutes and 47 minutes, respectively. Travel time becomes longer for men and women during the afternoon peak hour by 8 minutes and 4 minutes, respectively. For all time Graph 1-8 periods, women’s travel time is shorter than men’s. Female travel time has a clear pattern, with peak and off-peak. It reduces from 6 am toward noon, increases toward the afternoon peak, then reduces again. On the other hand, men’s travel time does not reduce sharply, even during off- peak (10 am to 4 pm). The variance of travel time in different time periods is larger for women. Graph 1-8. Average Travel Time by Time Period Female Male 70 60 Average Travel Time 50 40 30 20 10 0 0-6 6-8 8-10 10-12 12-14 14-16 16-18 18-20 20-24 Time Period 81 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Average travel time by income level The report conducted a cross-analysis of travel time with gender and household income group. raph 1-9 The variance of men’s average travel time among different household income groups, particularly income between KES 10,000 and KES 99,999, is nominal. Women whose household income is less than KES 5,000 have longer travel time than other household income groups. On the other hand, men who belong to these income groups have a shorter travel time. Graph 1-9. Average Travel Time by Income Group Female Male over 100,000 50,000-99,999 40,000-49,999 Household Income 30,000-39,999 20,000-29,999 15,000-19,999 10,000-14,999 5,000-9,999 2,000-4,999 under 1,999 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Average Travel Time 82 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Travel time by age group Men travel longer than women regardless of age, except the age group of 60-plus. This trend is more explicit for the age groups of 21–40 and 41–60, by about seven minutes. The older age groups travel longer than the younger age groups in general. However, the travel time of men and women in the age group of 60-plus becomes shorter than the age groups of 21–40 and 41–60. 83 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Travel time (walking) Men’s walking time is slightly longer than women’s, by 1.2 minutes: 33 minutes for men and 31.8 minutes for women. Furthermore, average walking time is examined by gender and household income groups, as walking is the main trip mode. While the report observes trends that household groups with lower incomes have longer travel time for walking for both men and women, women who belong to household income groups of less than KES 5,000 walk longer than women in other household income groups by 7 to 15 minutes. For men, the lower-income groups (below KES 1,999 to KES 14,999) walk longer (aver- age 37 minutes), and the average walking time for higher-income groups above KES 50,000 is 27.3 minutes. This gap among income groups becomes more apparent for women, as the aver- Graph 1-11 age walking time for the lower-income groups (below KES 1,999 to KES 4,999) and the higher- income groups (above KES 50,000) is 41.8 minutes and 26.9 minutes respectively. Graph 1-11. Average Travel Time (Walking) by Income Group and Gender Female Male over 100,000 50,000-99,999 40,000-49,999 30,000-39,999 Household Income 20,000-29,999 15,000-19,999 10,000-14,999 5,000-9,999 2,000-4,999 under 1,999 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Average Travel Time (Walking) 84 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Average walking time by trip purpose The average walking time of men and women is analyzed with trip purposes. For trips to school, shopping, and business (personal and firm), the results do not indicate a significant difference in the walking time between men and women. However, men walk longer than women by 5 min- utes and 4 minutes when they go home and to work, respectively. On the other hand, women walk longer than men by 5 minutes for social purposes. 85 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility MODE SHARE The study examines the mode choice of each trip by gender. When the trip is multiple segments with multi-modal transport, the analysis selected the main mode in its prominence among all the modes used. For example, for a trip with two walking segments, one boda-boda segment, and one matatu segment, the modal choice of this trip is labeled as a matatu trip. The results indicate the variance by gender in the mode share of walking and car use. Women rely on walking more than men (45 percent vs 31 percent), but only 8.9 percent of women’s trips use a car, which is less than 55 percent of men’s (16.3 percent). On the other hand, the results show a similarity between men and women in the mode share of matatu, bus, and boda-boda, though men’s mode shares of these three modes are higher than women’s. The mode share of main modes (walking, matatu, bus, car) by gender and household income groups is observed. For both men and women, the modal share of walking increases from the income group below KES 1,999 (1) to the income group between KES 2,000 and 4,999 (2), then it gradually decreases with higher income levels. The share of matatu for female trips slightly decreases from the income group of KES 1,999 (1) to the income groups of KES 2,000–4,999 (2) and KES 5,000–9,999 (3), then it gradually increases. However, for the income groups of KES 50,000–99,999 (9) and above KES 100,000 (10), the modal share of matatu shows a sharp decrease. On the other hand, the modal share of matatu for men shows a more linear and slight increase with income level, excluding the income groups of KES 50,000–99,999 (9) and above KES 100,000 (10), where a sharp decrease is observed too. The increase of the modal share of cars for men and women demonstrates a clear correlation with income level. The modal share of car is low for men and women, which accounts for less than 10 percent until the income level reaches KES 30,000 (7) for men and KES 40,000 (8) for women. A drastic increase of the modal share of car is observed from the income level KES 40,000 (8) for men and KES 50,000 (9) for men. The results also show the income groups of KES 50,000–99,999 (9) and above KES 100,000 (10) shifting from walking and matatu to car, and this variance is considerable for men. 86 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1-14 Graph 1-14 Mode by Household Income 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% Percentage 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Household Income Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk 87 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Car ownership While women’s car ownership rate is slightly lower than men’s at the household (HH) level, there is no significant difference observed by gender (male 36 percent, female 33 percent). By the HH income level, in all HH income groups, excluding HH income group 9, fewer women own a car than men. And the ratio of car ownership clearly increases with the HH income level. About half of respondents who belong to HH income group 6 (KES 20,000–29,999) own a car at the household level, and respondents who belong to HH income group 10 own more than one car on average. However, there is a distinctive difference in car ownership ratio for own use. While 98 percent of men whose household owns a car answered that the car is for their use, only 55 percent of women responded that the car is for their use, meaning that about half of women do not have access to or use a car for their own purposes. 88 Graph 1-16 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1-16. Car Ownership(Average Total Vehicles) by Income Female Male 1.8 1.6 1.4 1.2 Car Ownership 1 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Household Income 89 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Travel time by mode Except for trips by taxi/tuk-tuk, women’s travel time is shorter than men’s. When trips by public transport, which includes matatu, bus, commuter rail, and metro shuttle, are considered, women’s trips are shorter than men’s by about nine minutes (men 61.6 minutes vs women 52.9 minutes). Graph 1-17 When traveling with taxi/tuk-tuk, women travel longer than men by seven minutes. Graph 1-17. Travel Time by Mode (mins) Female Male 70 60 50 Travel Time 40 30 20 10 0 Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk Travel Mode 90 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRIP PURPOSE A trip purpose of traveling home has the dominant share for both men and women (43 percent and 45 percent). Men’s ratio of trips to work is higher than women’s by 8 percent (29 percent vs Graph 1-18 21 percent). On the other hand, women’s ratio of shopping trips is higher than men’s by 5 percent (8 percent vs 3 percent). Graph 1-18. Travel Purpose (JICA) Female Male 50.00% 45.00% 40.00% 35.00% 30.00% Percentage 25.00% 20.00% 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00% Home Work School Personal Business Social Shopping Others Travel Purpose 91 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Travel time by trip purpose Both men’s and women’s travel time is longer when they travel to home, to work, for business, and for social purposes than other reasons. For men, trips “to home” show the longest travel time, followed by trips “to work” and for business purposes. For women, trips related to social purposes, “to home”, and “to work” show the longest travel times and fall within a similar travel time range of 47 minutes to 50 minutes. Women travel longer than men only when it is related to social purposes. 92 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Timing of trips Trips of both men and women are concentrated during morning peak hours (6–8 am) and after- noon peak hours (4–6 pm), though men’s trips during morning peak hours have higher concen- tration. More women travel during day time (8 am to 4 pm) than men. The study examined the timing of travel and occupation. The result demonstrates the concentra- tion of trips by students, employees, employers, and own-account workers, regardless of gender, during peak hours in the morning and afternoon. However, women’s trips are less clustered around the peak hours than men’s, and more women travel during off-peak hours, excluding employees and elementary school children. On the other hand, travel time variations between housemen/housewives and the jobless have similar patterns, which are opposite to the others, concentrating their trips before the morning peak hours and during off-peak hours. There is a clear difference in travel timing between housemen and housewives during off-peak hours, as Graph 1-20 presented below. For housewives, almost half of their trips are made between 10 am and 4 pm. For unemployed women, the ratio of travel starting before 6 am is the highest. Graph 1-20. Travel Time Variation Female Male 30.00% 25.00% 20.00% Percentage 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00% 0-6 6-8 8-10 10-12 12-14 14-16 16-18 18-20 20-24 Time Period 93 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 94 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1-23 Travel time variation of housemen/housewives Graph 1-23. Travel Time Variation (Housewife) Female Male 20.00% 18.00% 16.00% 14.00% 12.00% Percentage 10.00% 8.00% 6.00% 4.00% 2.00% 0.00% 0-6 6-8 8-10 10-12 12-14 14-16 16-18 18-20 20-24 Time Period 95 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL DISTANCE The NIUPLAN dataset does not have information to determine the travel distance (in kilometers) of respondents. However, information on the residential zone, departure zone, and arrival zone based on the census zone codes is available. Therefore, this study analyzed the trips within the same zone and trips to different zones to see if there is any difference by gender. For this section of the analysis, the expansion factor is not utilized, unlike other parts of the analysis. In total, as a result, we identified 37,400 trips, of which 14,101 trips are traveling within the same zone. Mode The results show that while 43 percent of women’s total trips are made within same zone, only 33 percent of men’s trips are made within same zone. Women are relying on walking for the Graph 1-24 trips within the same zone, and men uses more passenger cars for trips to different zones than women. Graph 1-24. Intra/inter-trip by mode 14000 12000 10000 Number of trips 8000 6000 4000 2000 0 Female Male Female Male Same Zone Different Zone Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk 96 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The income group parameter is further added to the above analysis, as presented below. Women in the higher HH income groups 9 and 10 (9. KES 50,000–99,999, 10. KES 100,000 and over) travel more to different zones than women in other income groups. Particularly, almost half of women’s trips in HH income groups 3 to 5 (3. KES 5,000–9,999, 4. KES 10,000–14,999, 5, KES 15,000–19,999) are within the same zone. Although the ratio of intra-zone trips decreases in the HH income group 10, the intra/inter-zone trip ratio difference among HH income groups is less distinctive for men. Women’s modal share of public transport is nearly even for HH income groups 3 to 9 (Group 3: KES 5,000–9,999, Group 9: KES 50,000–99,999) in same-zone trips. While walking is the pre- dominant mode for women in all income groups for intra-zone trips, men’s modal share in the same-zone trips shows a higher ratio of motorized transport than women. The trips with the mode choice of passenger car become more significant in the highest three Graph 1-25 income groups for men and women when traveling to different zones: it is particularly high for the highest income group of men, comprising 73 percent of total trips. Graph 1-25. Ratio of Same/Different Zone trip by Income (JICA) Same Zone Different Zone 100.00% 90.00% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% Percentage 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00% Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male under 2,000- 5,000- 10,000- 15,000- 20,000- 30,000- 40,000- 50,000- over 1,999 4,999 9,999 14,999 19,999 29,999 39,999 49,999 99,999 100,000 Household Income level 97 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The study examines travel patterns in the same zone and to different zones by age group. Regardless of gender and intra/inter-zone trips, for the age groups of 21–30 and 31–40, boda- boda (motorcycle taxi) becomes a travel mode option. For women, trips made by the age group 21–30 consist of more than half of total trips (51 percent for the same zone, 52 percent for dif- ferent zones). For men, the age groups of 21–30 and 31–40 are the two most active travelers. The study examined travel patterns within the same zone and to a different zone by gender and trip purpose. For the intra-zone trips, men tend to spend a longer time going to home and work than women by four to five minutes, and women’s average travel time for social purposes is longer than men’s by nine minutes. For the inter-zone trips, most likely men spend more time on their trip regardless of trip purpose, excluding the trips for personal purposes, though the differ- ence is marginal. From the travel time differences observed in the graph, it is safe to assume that the average travel distance of trips within the same zone is shorter than trips to a different zone. 98 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility When we examine the average travel time in the intra/inter-zone trips by gender and income level, we can observe that women in lower-income groups tend to travel longer than those in higher-income groups. For example, the average travel time of income groups below KES 20,000 (1–5) for same-zone trips is longer than women in the higher-income groups 6 to 10. In the trips to a different zone, the results indicate that women belonging to income groups 1–2 travel, on average, four to ten minutes longer than women in other income groups. On the other hand, such a difference in travel time by income group is not observed for men, except the travel time of income groups 9 and 10 for intra-zone trips, which are clearly shorter than other income groups. In the same-zone trips, women’s average travel time is shorter than men’s in all income groups, while it is longer than men’s for the income groups 1 and 2 in the trips to a different zone. 99 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 100 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility While the average travel time of women to a different zone is shorter than that of men, the results from examining the number of modes that men and women used for each of their trips show that women use a higher number of modes than men for all trip purposes when they travel to a different zone. The study assesses these trips with household information. The survey did not ask if the respond- ents traveled with a child/children. However, when the parameter of “households with a child below 5 years old” is added to the analysis, we see some trends in travel patterns between men and women. The number of trips taken by women who have “a child below 5 years old” in their households is higher than those of women without a child below 5. Men’s travel shows the op- posite patterns. More women who have children below 5 tend to have trips within the same zone and choose to walk more often than other travel modes. Men who have a child below 5 years of age tend to travel more with passenger cars and choose less walking than those without a child Graph 1-30 below 5. Graph 1-30. Average Number of Modes by Gender and Purpose (JICA) Female Male 2.5 2 Average Number of modes 1.5 1 0.5 0 Firm Home Others Personal School Shopping Social Work Firm Home Others Personal School Shopping Social Work Same Zone Different Zone Travel purpose 101 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The results also suggest that future surveys and studies examine the trips together with a small Graph 1-31 child/children for a better understanding of the impact and needs of traveling with a child/children. Graph 1-31. Trip by household with children under 5 8000 7000 6000 5000 Number of Trips 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male No Child < 5 With Child < 5 No Child < 5 With Child < 5 Same Zone Different Zone Boda Boda Bus Matatu Other Passenger Car Walk TABLE 1-2: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION (HH WITH CHILDREN UNDER 5 YEARS OLD) Men Women Average % of HH with children under 5 in total respondents 43 52 48 % of HH with children under 5 in total trip samples 44 53 49 % of HH with children under 5 in same-zone trips 46 59 53 % of HH with children under 5 in trips to different zone 45 54 49 102 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ORIGIN-DESTINATION (ALL TRIPS WITH GEOGRAPHICAL ZONE INFORMATION) The study tried to see if gender affects the origin-destination pattern, using the information related to geographical information in the questionnaire. The code of starting place and destination (home, work, school, etc.) was linked with the zone number for household, work, and school. When the zone number was not provided, but the trip purpose (to work, to home, to school, etc.) was provided, these were linked with the zone number. As a result, we identified 37,400 trips, of which 14,101 trips are within the same zone. We have 4,040 unique trip patterns in total. There are 3,185 unique trip patterns for males and 2,643 unique trip patterns for females. The report presents origin-designation (O-D) lines for all trips, trips made by men and women, and the top 50 origin-destination patterns. The most popular O-D patterns are those connecting the city center and eastern and east/south- ern sections of the city, which are Kasarani and Embakasi Divisions. This trend is more obvious for men than women. However, any other distinctive gender difference is observed from this. Figure 1-1 -1 103 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility gure 1-2 Figure 1-2 Men’s and women’s trips with zone information gure 1-3 Figure 1-3 104 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 1-4 Figure 1-4 Top 50 origin-destination patterns for men and women 1-5 Figure 1-5 105 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRIPS IN SLUM AREAS We received GIS data on slums in Nairobi from researchers Julia Bird and Tanner Regan. We also used the land use map (2010) of Nairobi prepared by the Center for Sustainable Urban Development, Columbia University. We overlaid the slum area map, land use map, and census zones, and calculated slum area ratio over the total built-up area for each census zone. The result is presented in quintiles. The top quintile contains 23 census zones with 54.2 percent or more of the built-up area in each zone considered a slum area. We further overlaid this slum percentage map and the same-zone trips to understand if more same-zone trips are recorded in the slum areas than other census zone areas. As the definition of slum is associated with several factors, we checked the distribution of HH income groups in the top 20 percent of census zones with a high slum area ratio to confirm if we can define them as lower-income groups than other census zones with a lower slum area ratio (Graph 1-32). Both zones are composed of different HH income groups, but the figure clearly demonstrates the higher composition of lower HH income groups 0 to 5 (below KES 15,000) and a drastic reduction of HH income groups 7 to 10 (KES 30,000 or above) in the census zone with top 20 slum area ratios. Therefore, in this report, we consider that men and women living in census zones in the top 20 percent of slum area ratios belong to lower HH income groups than those in other zones. Figure 1-6 re 1-6 106 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 1-32 Graph 1-32. Income group distribution in Top 20% slum ratio (per built-up) zones (intra-zone trip) 20.00% 18.00% 16.00% 14.00% 12.00% Percentage 10.00% 8.00% 6.00% 4.00% 2.00% 0.00% Top 20 Slum Per Built-up Other Top 20 Slum Per Built-up Other Female Male Household Income 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 The top 20 percent of same-zone trips were observed in Kawangare, CBD, Mathare, Eastleigh, Huruma, Viwandani, Kangemi, Githurai, Dandora, Ruaraka, and northeastern and southeast- ern parts of Nairobi. The second top quintile includes parts of Kibera, Mathare, Huruma, CBD, Eastleigh, Viwandani, and Ruai, among others. The fifth quintile slum area ratio (highest 40 percent) accounts for 26 percent of the top quintiles of the same-zone trips. When we see the geographical distribution of the same-zone trips by gender and slum area, we do not observe a significant disparity between men and women. re 1-7 Figure 1-7 107 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Figure 1-8 Figure 1-8 Figure 1-9 Figure 1-9 We further disaggregated walking trips within the same zone and to the different zones by gen- der and slum area ratio. Zones with a higher slum area ratio (56 to 100 percent), including Kibera, Mathare, and Mukuru Kwa Njenga, account for about 30 percent of the top 20 walk trips ratio in the same-zone trips. However, men’s top 20 walk trips ratio is observed in zones regardless of the slum area ratio. The results show that the walk trip ratio in the same-zone trips is higher in the census zone with top 20 slum area ratio than other zones for men and women. This trend is more dominant for women, indicating that more than 72 percent of trips in the top 20 slum area ratio zones are made by walking (Table1-3.). 108 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Figure 1-10 Figure 1-11 Figure 1-12 Figure 1-11 TABLE 1-3: AVERAGE WALK TRIP RATIO IN SAME-ZONE TRIPS Average walk trip ratio Men Women Top 20 slum area ratio zones 60.4 72.4 Other zones 54.4 60.9 109 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The result of walk trips to different zones revealed a similar pattern as the same-zone trips. For this analysis, we examined the zones where respondents started their walk trips. Women rely on walking more than men in all trips to a different zone. Men’s and women’s walking dependency rate is higher at the top 20 percent of slum area ratio zones than other zones by 4.7 and 9.1 percent respectively. It is worth noting that about 30 percent of female trips to different zones in the top 20 percent of slum area ratio zones is only walking. re 1-13 Figure 1-12 TABLE 1-4: AVERAGE WALK TRIP RATIO IN TRIPS TO DIFFERENT ZONES (ORIGIN) Average walk trip ratio Men Women Top 20 slum area ratio zones 18.9 28.4 Other zones 14.2 19.3 110 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ANNEX II: ANALYSIS ON MOBILITY WITH GENDER DIMENSIONS BRT Line 1 Feasibility Study—Travelers’ Interviews These interviews with a sample of travelers were conducted at four main destinations/locations of current matatu routes along Mombasa Road and Waiyaki Way in 2016: Kenyatta Avenue, near Westlands Mall–Waiyaki Way, Moi Avenue/Haile Selassie Avenue, and Nakumatt Mega opposite Nyayo Stadium off Mombasa Road. The survey collected a total of 556 samples from 325 male respondents and 231 female respondents. More than 70 percent of respondents (74 percent for males and 79 percent for females) belong to the age group of 16–40, as presented in the table. TABLE 2.1: SUMMARY OF RESPONDENTS Age Male Female Total x<16 1 1 2 16-40 231 183 414 41-60 93 45 138 60+ 0 2 2 Total 325 231 556 111 Graph 2-1 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 2-1. Demographic Information of Respondents 250 200 Count of Respondents 150 x<16 16-40 100 41-60 60+ 50 0 Female Male Age Group TRAVEL TIME Among 556 samples, four respondents traveled to/from outside metropolitan Nairobi and/or with more than three hours of travel time. These travels were considered non-daily commuting trips and excluded from the analysis. Therefore, travel time in this study was examined using 552 respondents composed of 323 males and 229 females. The average travel time for this group of samples is 67.6 minutes: 67.8 minutes for men, 67.3 minutes for women. Men’s average travel is longer than women’s by 0.5 minutes, with an insignificant difference. The average travel time distribution is presented in Graph 2-3. There is no significant difference in travel time between men and for travel times of 16–30 minutes and 31–60 minutes. While the analysis observes more women in the travel time rage of 61–90 minutes, by 6 percent, men’s ratio becomes higher by 4 percent when the travel time is longer than 90 minutes. While the average travel time between men and women does not have any significant difference, when the travel time is categorized by trip purpose, it becomes apparent that women spend more time on trips for educa- tion, health, and social/recreational purposes. 112 Graph 2-2 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 2-2. Travel Time in Minutes 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% Percentage 30.00% Female Male 20.00% 10.00% 0.00% 10 16-30 31-60 61-90 91-120 120+ Travel Time Graph 2-3 Graph 2-3. Average Travel Time by Travel Purpose 100.00 90.00 80.00 70.00 Average Travel Time 60.00 50.00 Female 40.00 Male 30.00 20.00 10.00 0.00 Education Health Home Other Shopping Social/Recreational Work/Business Travel Purpose 113 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The average travel time is analyzed by age group. There are only two samples each for the age groups of “below 16” and “plus-60” for men and women. Therefore, only men and women in the age groups of 16–40 and 41–60 are examined here. While women belonging to the age group of 41–60 travel slightly longer than women belonging to the age group of 16–40, by 1.5 minutes, men have an opposite trend. 114 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility When we added a parameter of trip purpose to travel time by age group, women’s travel time presents more variety. Women in the age group of 41–60 tend to spend a shorter time on the trips for shopping, but spend more time on the trips for social/recreation and education. 115 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Average travel time (peak/off-peak) Both men and women travel longer during the morning peak hour than the afternoon peak. h 2-6 Women’s travel times between morning and afternoon peak hours shows a substantial difference of about 38 minutes. While women travel a longer time than men in the morning peak hour, men’s travel time becomes longer in the afternoon peak by about 10 minutes. 116 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Average travel time by mode The average travel time by matatu for men and women of the age groups of 16–40 and 41–60 ranges between 68 minutes and 70 minutes with nominal gender and age difference. The aver- age travel time by car varies among men, women, and age groups. Women’s average travel time by car is shorter than men’s. In particular, for the age group of 16–40, men travel longer with cars than women by 28 minutes. 117 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility MODE SHARE The mode share of travelers is presented here. More than 90 percent of men and women an- swered “matatu” as their travel mode. It is safe to consider that the dominance of matatu in this survey sample is due to the survey locations, which were along the major matatu corridors and walking times shorter than 15 minutes were excluded from the mode share choice in the ques- tionnaire. Even for the trips with multiple stages, respondents completed their journeys only with matatu and short walks. Only 55 trips included another transport mode in addition to matatu, Graph 2-8 most of which are long walks of more than 15 minutes. Men’s travel with cars and walking is slightly higher than women’s. Graph 2-8. Mode Share Car Matatu Rail Walk 0% Female 3% 95% 2% Gender 1% Male 4% 92% 4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Percentage 118 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The average walking time of respondents was obtained. Average walking times for men and Graph 2-9 women are 15.3 minutes and 13.5 minutes respectively. Men’s walking time is longer (by 1 to 8 minutes) for most trip purposes except for education and to home. Graph 2-9. Average Walking Time by Trip Purpose 25.00 20.00 Walking Time 15.00 10.00 Female Male Average 5.00 0.00 Trip Purpose CAR OWNERSHIP AT THE HOUSEHOLD LEVEL Table 2-2 shows car ownership at the household level. While average car ownership at the house- hold level is 19 percent, female responses revealed higher household car ownership than men by 8 percent. TABLE 2.2: CAR OWNERSHIP Male 15% Female 23% 119 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRIP PURPOSE In this survey, both men and women travel most frequently to their work, which accounts for 44 percent of the total trips for men and 37 percent for women. The results show that more men travel to work than women by 7 percent, and more women travel to home than men. Women travel more for education and shopping purposes than men by 7 and 1 percent, respectively. FREQUENCY OF MATATU USE The results show that the majority of men and women use matatus on a daily basis and indicate that women depend on matatus slightly more than men for their daily commute. Only about 16 percent of men and women who answered travel by matatu infrequently. 120 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility FARE Graph 2-12 presents the average fare of trips. Three respondents who traveled to/from outside Nairobi were excluded from the analysis, as their fare scale is different from normal commuting fare within metropolitan Nairobi. The average fare for each trip for men and women is KES 61.6 and KES 77.5 respectively. In gen- eral, women spend more for trips than men by about KES 16. When we see the trips by purpose, distinctive gender difference in average fare is observed when traveling for education, health, home, and social/recreational trips. 121 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility FACTORS AFFECTING TRAVEL Factors affecting travel are presented below. Cost/fare is the most important factor for both men and women. As there is no standing in matatus under the current regulations, we assume that “having a seat” in this context is equivalent to “having a ride without waiting for the next matatu.” Journey time is ranked third for men, and safety is ranked third for women. While women value comfort and safety more than men, the reliability and frequency of services are less important than other factors for both men and women. TABLE 2-3: TOP THREE FACTORS AFFECTING TRAVEL Ranking 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Female Cost/fare Having a Safety Comfort Journey Reliability Frequency seat time of service Male Cost/fare Having a Journey Safety Reliability Comfort Frequency seat time of service 122 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The top three considerations are presented in Figure 2-14. Cost/fare is the most important factor under the first consideration for both men and women. Having a seat became more important in the second and third considerations than the first consideration. While safety was the third factor that affects travel for women (Table 2-3), priority to this factor is given mostly in the third consideration. Women choose comfort evenly for the first to the third considerations. More men than women choose reliability as their second and third considerations. Graph 2-14 Graph 2-14. Top three considerations 350 300 250 Counts of Respondents 200 150 100 50 0 1st Consideration 2nd Consideration 3rd Consideration 1st Consideration 2nd Consideration 3rd Consideration Female Male Cost/Fare Having a seat Journey time Comfort Safety Reliability Frequency of Service 123 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility WILLINGNESS TO PAY Users’ willingness to pay for comfortable and reliable bus/matatu service and a travel time saving of 20 minutes was also interrogated. About 50 percent of women and more than 50 percent of men are willing to pay for better service. For both improvements (comfort/reliability and travel time saving), more men reported their willingness to pay than women. While there is no differ- ence in the average amount of willingness to pay for comfort/reliability and travel time saving, women are willing to pay more for comfort/reliability (KES 17.9) than time saving (KES 15.3). Overall, men are more willing to pay for comfortable and reliable service and the travel time sav- ing of 20 minutes than women by KES 1.4 and 3.8, respectively. When we see the willingness to pay with the respondents’ travel purposes, women are willing to pay more than males when traveling to work, to home, and for other purposes. Graph 2-15 Graph 2-15. Willingness to pay Female Gender Male 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% Percentage for a comfortable and reliable bus service for 20-min faster service Similar to the results of the willingness to pay for comfortable and reliable bus/matatu service, women are willing to pay more than men when traveling to work, to home, and for other pur- poses for time saving. On the other hand, men are more willing to pay for a 20-minute saving than women for trips for health (by KES 18) and education purposes (by KES 6.6). But for trips to work, women become more willing to pay for saving time than men by KES 1.5. 124 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 125 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility During the interview, respondents were asked to rate the following seven different aspects of their trip from 1 (not a problem) to 5 (big problem), in which 3 would be neutral: a) Have to interchange, b) Wait a long time to board, c) Too expensive, d) Uncomfortable, e) Can’t travel at time I want to, f) Travel in unsafe vehicle, and g) Takes too long. The higher the number in Table 2-4, the more dissatisfied the passengers. The results (Table 2-4) show that both men and women consider that these aspects are not prob- lematic for their trips by matatu. Compared with matatu trips, men and women scored waiting time, comfort, and fare aspects more negatively for trips by rail. Although “transfer” in public transport is considered a negative aspect in general, it seems that men and women in Nairobi have higher acceptance for transfers during their trips. Table 2-4 also shows that men and women have different opinions on the safety of trips by car, rail, and regional bus. While women consider safety less problematic than men when they travel with cars and trains, there is a big gender difference in the safety in travel by regional bus, though women’s score for the safety regarding regional bus is 3, which means neutral. In general, these results indicate that women in Nairobi have a higher tolerance than men for these negative aspects associated with their trips, scoring only one aspect (“takes too long” for motorcycle) in the problematic range. TABLE 2-4: RATING OF VARIOUS ASPECTS FOR EACH TRANSPORT MODE Female Matatu Car Rail Regional Motorcycle Bus Have to interchange 2.3 2.2 2.0 2.0 2.6 Wait a long time to board 2.2 1.7 3.0 3.0 1.4 Too expensive 2.6 1.8 3.0 2.0 2.4 Uncomfortable 2.6 1.8 3.0 2.0 2.4 Can’t travel at time I want to 2.1 2.2 3.0 3.0 1.4 Travel in unsafe vehicle 2.3 1.6 2.0 3.0 2.2 Takes too long 2.3 2.3 2.0 2.0 3.2 Male Matatu Car Rail Regional Motorcycle Bus Have to interchange 2.2 2.3 2.0 1.0 4.00 Wait a long time to board 2.1 1.6 3.8 1.0 1.7 Too expensive 2.7 3.0 3.0 1.0 3.0 Uncomfortable 2.7 3.0 3.0 1.0 3.0 Can’t travel at time I want to 2.1 1.4 1.3 1.0 1.7 Travel in unsafe vehicle 2.2 2.2 2.5 1.0 2.7 Takes too long 2.6 1.8 3.0 1.0 2.7 126 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ANNEX III: ANALYSIS ON MOBILITY WITH GENDER DIMENSIONS Interview Survey for Public Transport Users A Public Transport Users Survey was conducted under this report. A total of 400 matatu users along 1. Jogoo Road, 2. Mombasa Road, 3. Thika Road, 4. Langata Road, 5. Argwings Kodhek Road, 6. Waiyaki Way, and 7. Limuru Road were randomly selected for the interviews. To hear women’s views as public transport users, the interview survey aimed to have 75 percent of re- spondents be women. As a result, there were 298 samples from female public transport users and 101 samples from male public transport users, with 1 unknown gender. The respondents of the surveys were a good mixture of employees in the public and private sec- tors, self-employed persons, students, housewives, and unemployed persons. 127 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Age groups of respondents are presented here. Each age group is balanced well to see if there is any view related to the age group. The majority of the female respondents belong to the income group up to KES 40,000. For male respondents, the main income groups are between KES 20,001 and 40,000, and between KES 40,001 and 99,999. About 30 percent of both men and women did not provide information on their income. 128 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility CAR OWNERSHIP Male car ownership is slightly higher than that of females, by 4 percent. The results of car owner- ship by income group show that the majority of respondents who own cars answered that their monthly income is higher than KES 40,000, and the majority of non-car owners belong to an income range below KES 40,000. About 17 percent of women whose monthly income is less than KES 40,000 answered that they own a car. 129 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility TRAVEL TIME The average travel time during off-peak and peak are 25.7 minutes (male: 27.3 minutes, female: 25.2 minutes), and 63.9 minutes (male: 54.5 minutes, female: 67.1 minutes). The respondents were asked to select average travel time a) during peak hours (5 am to 9 am, 4 pm to 8 pm) with 30-minute intervals from less than 30 minutes to more than 120 minutes and b) off-peak (10 am to 3 pm) with 15-minute intervals from less than 15 minutes to more than 60 minutes. The analysis adopted the midpoint of the travel time range to obtain the average travel time. More than 60 percent of women responded that their average travel time is less than 30 minutes during off-peak hours, and more men selected a travel time shorter than 30 minutes and between 30–45 minutes. For more than 90 percent of males and females, travel time during off-peak hours is shorter than 45 minutes. The survey results show different trends for the travel time during peak hours (5 am to 9 am, and 4 pm to 8 pm) compared to off-peak travel time, indicating that women’s travel time is longer than men’s. While 61 percent and 31 percent of men’s travel time are between 30 and 60 minutes and 61 and 90 minutes, 39 percent and 42 percent of women’s travel time are between 30 and 60 minutes and 61 and 90 minutes, respectively. More than 16 percent of women responded that their travel time during peak hours is more than 91 minutes, but only 4 percent of men responded so. 130 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility When we analyze the average travel time during the peak hours by age group, we can observe that women in older age groups tend to travel longer, particularly for the age groups of 46–55 and 56–60 years. For men, the results show variations without indicating the trend associated with the age group. 131 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Travel time during the peak is further examined with HH income levels. During peak time, a ratio of travel time longer than 60 minutes reduced with a household income increase for women. The results of travel time distribution for women in the income groups below KES 100,000 show a similar pattern, and travel time of women belonging to the HH income group of above KES 100,000 decreases. Based on the data that only 33 percent of households in Nairobi belong to the HH income groups of more than KES 22,500, it is worth noting that women in the upper middle HH income group (41,000–99,999) also report the longer travel time. For men, we do not observe the travel time pattern by income group. 132 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility On the other hand, we did not observe the pattern in the travel time during off-peak hours by age groups of both men and women. Although all men in their 60s or older reported that their trips are shorter than 30 minutes, the sample size is too small to conclude that age is a factor affecting travel time. 133 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women’s off-peak travel by HH income levels below KES 100,000 shows a similar pattern, and women who belong to HH income groups higher than KES 100,000 report shorter travel time during off-peak hours. 134 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Preferred Travel Mode More than 90 percent of men and women selected matatu as the preferred public transport Graph 3-12 mode. Following matatu, boda-boda and taxi are other preferred options for both men and women. In this survey, while there is no substantial gender difference in matatu, boda-boda, and tuk-tuk, more men than women choose cycling, walking, railway, and taxi as the preferred mode. Graph 3-12 Preferred Travel Mode by Gender 100% 90% 80% 70% Count of Respondents 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Matatu Bodaboda Tuktuk Taxi Train Walking Cycling Travel Mode Female Male 135 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Regardless of HH income and gender (except for women in the HH income group KES 150,001– 200,000), matatu received the highest popularity. The preference ratio of matatu gradually re- duces with higher HH income levels for women, but the result did not indicate such a pattern for men. While women reported the same level of preference of boda-boda for all HH income groups, except for those belonging to HH income group above KES 200,000, more women prefer to use taxis when their HH income increases. The preference for taxis by higher income groups is also observed for men. More men and women who belong to the HH income group of less than KES 20,000 use tuk-tuks than other income groups. About 10 percent of men in the HH income groups of below KES 20,000 and KES 20,001–40,000, and men and women in the HH income group of KES 100,000–150,000, chose railway as their preferred mode. Preference for walking Graph 3-13 also reduces with HH income increase, and this trend is clearer for male respondents than females. Graph 3-13 Preferred Travel Mode by Income and Gender 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% Percentage 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Under 20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 100000-150000 150001-200000 More than 200000 Household Income Matatu Bodaboda Tuktuk Taxi Train Walking Cycling 136 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility FREQUENCY Frequency (in a week) of public transport use was examined. More than half of respondents (male: 59 percent, female: 63 percent) answered “daily” use of public transport. Women rely on public transport for their daily trips slightly more than men. TRAVEL PURPOSE The common reasons for travel are presented below. Work and school are the main reasons for men and women to travel. Women travel more for shopping, business, home, and leisure than men do. It is interesting to note that about 18 percent of men answered “other,” which accounts for a higher share than the travel purposes of shopping, business, home, and leisure. FARE The average travel cost per day by gender is presented below. We do not observe a significant difference between men and women in their average travel costs per day. More than half of men and women spend between KES 101 and 200 per day for their travel. 137 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility The travel cost per day increases with the increase of HH income regardless of gender. While the travel cost between KES 101 and 200 takes the highest share for all HH income groups, we recog- nize that the share of travel costs between KES 101 and 200 reduces and is replaced by higher cost ranges for higher HH income groups. The share of travel costs between KES 30 and 100 fluctuates among different HH income groups, instead of reducing with HH income. Comparing men and women in each HH income group, women spend more on travel than men. Female respondents in the HH income groups of KES 40,001–99,000 and above KES 100,000 spent more on their daily travel than women in lower HH income groups. All men who belong to HH income groups below KES 20,000 responded that they spend between KES 30 and 100, or KES 101 and 200. 138 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility FACTORS AFFECTING TRAVEL Respondents selected the reasons for choosing a transport mode from among cost, availability, safety, comfort, and travel time (speed). There are clear differences among transport modes. Women in lower HH income groups tend to select matatu, boda-boda, and tuk-tuk more than higher HH income groups. It is interesting to note that women in HH income groups of below KES 20,000, and between KES 20,001 and 40,000, choose matatu for its cost and availability, but they Graph 3-18 choose boda-boda for speed and availability. Graph 3-18. Reason to choose Matatu by HH income 180 160 140 Count of Respondents 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Graph 3-19 Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed Graph 3-19. Reason to choose Bodaboda by HH income 35 30 25 Count of Respondents 20 15 10 5 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed 139 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women in higher HH income groups are more likely to select a taxi for comfort. While the sample sizes for train, tuk-tuk, and walking are relatively small, women tend to walk due to cost and Graph 3-20 availability, not comfort. None of the male respondents choose to walk due to cost. Tuk-tuk is selected mostly by women who belong to the HH income groups below KES 20,000. Graph 3-20. Reason to choose Tuktuk by HH income 14 12 10 Count of Respondents 8 6 4 2 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Graph 3-21 Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed Graph 3-21. Reason to choose taxi by HH income 60 50 Count of Respondents 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed 140 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 3-22 Graph 3-22. Reason to choose train by HH income 10 9 8 7 Count of Respondents 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed Graph 3-23 Graph 3-23. Reason to choose walking by HH income 8 7 6 Count of Respondents 5 4 3 2 1 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Houesehold Income Cost Availability Safety Comfort Speed 141 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Challenges in using public transport The survey requested respondents to select the challenges they experience when they travel by public transport. The respondents were able to select multiple choices from 12 pre-identified challenges. In total, we obtained 1,329 answers from 400 respondents, of which there were 1,093 challenges (cumulative) from 298 female respondents and 236 challenges from 101 male respondents. On average, men picked 2.3 challenges, and women picked 3.7 challenges. For men and women, traffic congestion is the biggest challenge in their public transport trips. Women selected sexual harassment, safety, and overloading as other main challenges. On the other hand, men identified lengthy queues, crowding at termini, overloading, safety, and poor infrastructure. We asked about challenges while using public transport by mode and obtained 1,495 challenges in total (Table 3-1), which is a similar but a slightly higher number of responses than responses to general/overall public transport challenges. Challenges identified by men and women are con- centrated in their trips by matatu (males 53 percent, females 66 percent). Following matatu, both men and women identified challenges in their trips with taxis and boda-bodas. A majority of chal- lenges (81 percent for men and 90 percent for women) are trips with one of these modes. The challenges noted in using these three modes were disaggregated by HH income groups. 142 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women reported about 85 percent of the challenges identified for matatu trips. We can confirm that women belonging to the lower HH income groups tend to identify more challenges using matatu compared with others. As the matatu is the preferred mode for women who belong to the lower HH income groups, it is interesting to note these contradictory results (preferred but facing a lot of challenges). This result may indicate that women select matatu be- cause that is the only viable travel option for them in many cases. Sexual harassment and safety are great concerns for women, particularly for those who belong to HH income groups of below KES 20,000, and KES 20,001–40,000. Sexual harassment and safety seem not to be challenges for men when they use matatus, regardless of HH income level. TABLE 3-1: CHALLENGES BY MODE Male Female Total Matatu 146 798 944 Boda-boda 38 139 177 Tuk-tuk 10 30 40 Taxi 42 153 195 Train 15 31 46 Walking 18 55 73 Cycling 9 11 20 Graph 3-25 Total 278 1,217 1,495 Graph 3-25. Challenges traveling with matatus by HH income 350 300 Count of Respondents 250 200 150 100 50 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety 143 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women who belong to HH income groups of below KES 20,000 and KES 20,001–40,000 reported more challenges with their trips with boda-boda than women in higher HH income groups. Safety and sexual harassment are the greatest concerns for women regardless of HH income level when using boda-boda. Men also reported safety as a challenge when using boda-boda, but they did Graph 3-26 not report sexual harassment challenges. Road safety–related concerns such as mixing motorized transport with handcarts and pedestrians seem to be common concerns for all users. Graph 3-26. Challenges traveling with bodaboda by HH income 60 50 Count of Respondents 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion Graph 3-27 lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety Graph 3-27. Challenges traveling with Taxi by HH income 70 60 Count of Respondents 50 40 30 20 10 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Household Income Traffic congestion overloading obstruction by parked cars parking difficulties/spaces proliferation of motorcycles person/pedestrian congestion lengthy queues crowding at termini poor infrastructure intermix of motorized and human drawn vehicles/carts sexual harassment safety 144 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women in the HH income group KES 40,001–99,000 reported the highest (cumulative) number of challenges in using taxis. While women also reported safety and sexual harassment as chal- lenges when using taxis, these are not the greatest concerns, unlike for using boda-bodas and matatus. Instead of personal security, challenges associated with parking, traffic flow, and road safety became men’s and women’s concerns. Satisfaction about safety issues during traveling During the interview, respondents were asked to rate the degree to which public transport in Nairobi satisfies their travel needs in the following three points of view: a) road safety, b) sexual harassment, and c) personal security, from 1 (not at all) to 5 (to a very large extent). As such, the higher the number, the more satisfied the passengers. Table 3-2 shows the results from this question. For these three factors, both men and women are not satisfied with the current public transport system in Nairobi, and women rated all three factors lower than men. Among the three aspects, both men and women rated personal security the worst. TABLE 3-2: SATISFACTION ON SAFETY Gender Road safety Sexual Personal harassment security Male 2.22 2.32 2.06 Female 2.20 2.16 2.00 145 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility We have disaggregated these satisfaction ratings by HH income group. While more than 60 percent of the female respondents who belong to a HH income level below KES 100,000 reported an unsatisfactory rating of 1 or 2 on road safety, it reduced to less than half in the HH income level above KES 100,000. On the other hand, more than 60 percent of men, except the HH income group of KES 40,001–99,999, rated road safety unsatisfactory. This confirms that road safety is an issue for both men and women. 146 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Concerning sexual harassment during their trips, about 70 percent of women who belong to the HH income groups of below KES 20,000 and KES 20,001–40,000 are unsatisfied. This ratio drops by about 10 percent in the higher HH income groups. The results show an identical scoring pat- tern for satisfaction regarding sexual harassment in their trips with public transport for men and women who belong to the HH income groups of KES 40,001–99,999 and above KES 100,000. We may assume from this result that men recognize sexual harassment as an issue, though they do not identify it as a challenge for their use of public transport, as discussed in the main text. 147 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility On security, the results show that more than 70 percent of men and women who belong to HH income levels below KES 40,000 gave an unsatisfactory rating. The ratio of unsatisfactory rating slightly reduced for men and women who belong to higher HH income groups, but still about 60 percent consider security in current public transport unacceptable. 148 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Willingness to pay The respondents were further asked if they are willing to pay extra for safety. Only 30 and 40 percent of men and women respectively showed their willingness to pay for safety. This suggests that the majority of respondents are not willing to pay for their safety, even though they are not satisfied with the safety aspects associated with their trips. Nonetheless, the average willingness to pay for safety is KES 28.4: 27.0 for men and 28.81 for women, which accounts for about 20 percent of the average fare per trip reported under this survey. Women are willing to pay more than men by KES 1.8. Willingness to pay and the satisfactory rating of these three aspects are presented below. It is interesting to note that for male respondents, those who disagree with “extra cost for safety” Graph 3-31 rate all three aspects worse than those who are willing to pay. 1 One of the male respondents demonstrates his willingness to pay KES 1,000. To measure more accurate results in willingness to pay, this respondent is excluded from this section. Graph 3-31. Willingness to Pay Extra Cost for Safety (PT) Female Gender Male 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Percentage Yes No 149 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility We disaggregated the results of willingness to pay for safety by HH income levels (Graph 3-32). We observed that more men and women who belong to HH income levels below KES 40,000 answered “No” to paying an extra cost for their safety. However, the results show that about two- thirds of women in the higher HH income groups are willing to pay for their safety. In contrast, more men are not willing to pay an extra cost for their safety, even if their HH income is above KES 100,000. Thus, women are willing to pay an extra cost for safety when they can afford it. TABLE 3-3: WILLINGNESS TO PAY AND SATISFACTION RATING Willingness to Gender Satisfaction rating pay extra cost for safety Road safety Sexual Personal harassment security Yes Male 2.53 2.77 2.57 Female 2.19 1.94 2.04 No Male 2.08 2.13 1.85 Female 2.20 2.31 1.97 150 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility SEXUAL HARASSMENT Respondents were asked if they have heard/witnessed sexual harassment in public transport. A total of 305 respondents out of 400 answered “Yes” to this question, 67 males and 238 females, which account for 66 percent and 80 percent, respectively. This result is further categorized by age group. The youngest age group, between 18 and 25 years, had no gender difference. For other age groups, female respondents reported higher levels of experiencing/witnessing sexual harassment than male respondents. For women, the ratio of experiencing/witnessing sexual harassment increased in higher age groups, but it reduced for age groups above 60. Graph 3-34 Graph 3-34. Trips with witnessed / experienced sexual harassment in public transport by age group >60 55-60 46-55 Age Group 36-45 31-35 26-30 18-25 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Percentage Female Male 151 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Women who belong to the HH income groups of under KES 20,000, 20,001–40,000, and 40,001–99,999 reported more experiences and witnessing of sexual harassment (about 90 per- cent). This ratio dropped for women in HH income groups of KES 100,000–150,000 and KES 150,001–200,000. All men and women who belong to HH income groups above KES 200,000 reported experiencing and witnessing sexual harassment while traveling with public transport. The study further tried to understand the common forms of sexual harassment experienced by public transport users in Nairobi. The respondents who had witnessed sexual harassment selected from six options. The results reveal that indecent/suggestive remarks are the most common form, which more than 75 percent of males and 90 percent of females who witnessed sexual harass- Graph 3-35 ment pointed out. Inappropriate watching and touching are other common forms observed by the respondents. In all six forms, the ratio of female respondents’ witness is higher than males’. Graph 3-35. Trips with witnessed / experienced sexual harassment in public transport by HH income More than 200000 150001-200000 Householde Income 100000-150000 Female 40001-99999 Male 20001-40000 Under 20000 Graph 3-36 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 120% Percentage Graph 3-36. Form of Sexual Harassment 250 200 Unwanted watching Count of Respondents 150 Indecent/ suggestive remarks Unwanted touching 100 Requests or demands for sex Dissemination of pornography 50 Rape 0 Female Male Form of sexual harassment 152 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility BARRIERS TO USING PUBLIC TRANSPORT Respondents were asked about barriers to using of public transport. This was an open question by mode, including non-motorized transport (walking and cycling), and interviewers recorded respondents’ answers as they were. Based on the quotes, we categorized them into the following eight barriers: a) Road Safety, b) Security, c) Sexual Harassment, d) Traffic Jams, e) Unregulated Fares, f) Regulations, g) Sanitation/Hygiene, and h) Other. The corresponding graphs present the results. Overall, women reported more barriers than men. We found a significant difference between men and women in the barriers to using matatus and boda-bodas. More than 90 percent of fe- male and 34 percent of male respondents listed one or more barriers for women to use matatus, counting 358 cumulative barriers. Meanwhile, 101 female and 22 male respondents listed one or more barriers for women to use boda-bodas. On the other hand, 77 percent and 11 percent of men and women reported one or more barriers for men to use matatus, counting 112 cumulative barriers. About 30 percent of female respondents reported that sexual harassment is a barrier for them to Graph 3-37 use matatus, and security and unregulated fares are other main barriers. While the scale is differ- ent, men also listed these three aspects as the barriers to using matatus. Graph 3-37. Barriers to use of public transport 400 350 300 Count of Respondents 250 Other Regulation 200 Sanitation Unregulated Fare 150 Traffic Jam Sexual Harassment 100 Security Road Safety 50 0 Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Matatu Bodaboda Tuktuk Taxi Train Walking Cycling Travel Mode 153 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility For boda-bodas, road safety is the main barrier for both men and women, together with sexual harassment and security as other barriers for women. Both men and women reported barriers other than the seven categories listed above for all modes. As most barriers reported are associated with trips by matatu, we further disaggregate the barriers when they use matatu by age group, HH income, and gender. From the results presented (Graphs 3-38 and 3-39), we can observe that, for women’s barriers to using matatus, younger age groups from both male and female respondents report more barriers than older age groups, though the majority are female respondents and sexual harassment is the Graph 3-38 main barrier. Both male and female respondents reported barriers for men to travel by matatu, but most of the barriers reported are other than the seven categories. Graph 3-38. Barriers for men to use matatu 30 25 Count of Respondents 20 15 10 5 0 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-45 46-55 55-60 60+ 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-45 46-55 55-60 60+ Female Male Age Group Graph 3-39 Road Safety Security Sexual Harassment Traffic Jam Unregulated Fare Sanitation Regulation Other Graph 3-39. Barriers for Women to Use Matatu 120 100 Count of Respondents 80 60 40 20 0 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-45 46-55 55-60 60+ 18-25 26-30 31-35 36-45 46-55 55-60 60+ Female Male Age Group Road Safety Security Sexual Harassment Traffic Jam Unregulated Fare Sanitation Regulation Other 154 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Graph 3-40 and 3-41 reveal that women in the HH income groups of under KES 20,000 and KES 20,001–40,000 reported more barriers for women to use matatus than women in higher income groups, and the most serious barrier is sexual harassment, followed by unregulated fares. Men hardly reported the barriers for women to use matatus, but men reported a variety of bar- riers for men to use matatus. Among men, those who belong to the HH income group of KES 40,001–99,999 pointed out more barriers than other income groups. It is noted that quite a large group of men and women reported other barriers that are not part Graph 3-40 of the seven categories, suggesting that more research is necessary to scrutinize the obstacles for men and women to use public transport. Graph 3-40. Barriers for men to use matatu by HH income 20 18 16 14 Count of Respondents 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Female Male Household Income Graph 3-41 Road Safety Security Sexual Harassment Traffic Jam Unregulated Fare Sanitation Regulation Other Graph 3-41. Barriers for women to use matatu by HH income 120 100 Count of Respondents 80 60 40 20 0 <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 <20000 20001-40000 40001-99999 >100000 Female Male Household Income Road Safety Security Sexual Harassment Traffic Jam Unregulated Fare Sanitation Regulation Other 155 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ANNEX IV: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS Findings from Focus Group Discussions with Male and Female Public Transport Users Three focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted: 1. Male Public Transport Users, 2. Female Public Transport Users, and 3. Female Public Transport Users (self-employed/informal sector). For the first two FGDs, the 10 participants (each FGD) were randomly selected from the residents of Nairobi who use the public transport plying Jogoo Road (Nairobi’s Eastlands). For the third FGD, 12 self-employed women who work in markets, are aged 35 to 64 years, and are daily users of public transport, were selected. “We must also remember that most of the travelers/users of this transport are women. So, if there is a problem in the sector, it is the women who are suffering.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 1 Mobility and affordability “The boda-boda gives better mobility in that it is fast, and one avoids being stuck in traffic jam. The price is also fair, and one can always negotiate on the fare.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 2 “The costs of transportation of our goods has now increased by over 40 percent; initially you will get your goods from the bus and take them to your bench, but nowadays, after getting your goods from the bus, you then have to hire a boda-boda to take you and your goods to the market.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 3 “Travel for women is always bad. Rain makes travel particularly tough.” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 4 156 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility “The costs are higher when it rains and during market days.” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 5 While the previous studies found that affordability of the motorized transport options is an issue for low-income groups, from the FGDs we found that both male and female participants consid- ered the unregulated fare structure of public transport a constraint. Costs per trip are between KES 50 and 150. Currently, government institutions are not playing any role in fare setting and regulation, except for the railway. As a result, matatu fares fluctuate throughout the day, based on weather and peak hours, and increase for special days and special routes. As the cost of boda- boda is based on negotiation, boda-boda e-platforms are becoming popular in Nairobi, with pre-fixed fares. Travel pattern and modes “I start travelling very early in the morning; I leave my house when it is dark using a boda-boda. From the bike, I go to the market, then take a matatu to town.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 6 “The big buses and the matatus are useful when carrying goods from the main market in Nairobi. But immediately they reach the Ngong market, the motor bikes and handcarts take center stage and they become the main mode of transportation.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 7 “Carrying a woman is difficult; it is not like carrying a man. A man just sits on the motorbike; for a woman, they carry you, there is your child on your back, there is the kiondoo you’re carrying. So it is always more!” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 8 “When a woman is travelling, it is different from men. Men just walk or get into a car. For a woman, you at times have a child, or you have the carry bag for food. So, the women often pay more than men.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 9 The FGDs found out that people rely on matatu: the female participants reported that they use motorcycle (boda-boda) and matatu for their trips, and their travel distance per trip has a wide range of 2 to 30 kilometers. Women who are self-employed and working in a market tend have 157 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility more complex trips, combining walking and the different motorized transports of boda-boda and matatu. Their trips often include mkokoteni (handcart) too. They travel very early in the morning when it is still dark. The FGDs confirmed that most of women’s trips are with children or goods, which require additional attention. Operators sometimes refuse to let them board, resulting in reducing women’s mobility. Travel challenges “Least popular is carrying the load into the market. As a woman, we are not as strong, and the body cannot survive the heavy lifting and walking from the roadside to the stalls.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 10 “In the past, once we reached the roadside, I would only need the load carried into my stall. Currently my transport costs have increased by close to 50 percent. The only way to help us is to ensure that we have a bus stop just outside the market. This will make it easy for the customers and our goods.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 11 “Another thing with the buses is that sometimes you stay too long as you wait for the bus that will carry you and your goods! Some buses will not carry farm produce in their bus. So, you stay a long time before you can start selling your goods.” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 12 “Sometimes some vehicles will not carry my goods. So, I have to wait for a vehicle that is willing to carry my goods.” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 13 “Come on… you know what happens when it is dark and you are alone in the dark as a woman…” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 14 The daily mobility of women who are engaging in the informal sector in Nairobi seems to face challenges when they travel with goods and packages. Their trips can be completed only when their goods are also brought to the destination (a market in this case). Statements from the FGDs explain why many women try to remain roadside vendors or return to the roadside even if they are not designated areas for market activity. While the person trip and travelers’ interview surveys reveal travel patterns, we cannot comprehend the actual composition of the trips from 158 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility figures. Studies have indicated that Kenya had a large and growing informal sector of 14.9 million in 2018,1 which accounts for 62 percent of the labor force,2 but the voices of the FGD partici- pants suggest that current transport planning and urban planning are not well informed by the business-support needs of the people engaged in the informal sector. Female and male participants raised public transport security and sexual harassment concerns. Sexual harassment by male conductors/touts such as pulling and pushing female passengers, forceful boarding, inappropriate exchanges, especially to the point of unwillingness to return change, forceful exit from the bus at unmarked bus stops while vehicles are on the move, and frequent pick-pocketing were pointed out. Gender norms and the role of women “After travelling you must go home to take care of the family. You must not forget that if the man goes to work and leaves you at home, you are first to hear the knock at the door from the landlord asking for rent, when the child is sent away from school, you are the first to get the report. Whatever trouble that the home faces, you are first to hear about it, so you must do something.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 15 “If you stay so long on the road, your husband thinks you are outside with other men… This means that you are sacrificing your family because of traveling. The man gets so angry, yet you are also looking for…how to support the family as well.” —Respondent aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 16 Most women who participated in the discussions are working women. While the women’s labor force participation rate has increased in Kenya, the discussions revealed that they were still hold- ing the multiple roles of being wife, mother, childcare provider, and food provider, which a study in the 1980s recognized as the traditional roles for Kenyan women. While women’s lifestyles have changed with their increased economic activities outside of the house, the role of women in the house has not changed accordingly. This unbalanced situation creates a challenge for many women to travel and makes women’s travel more stressful. Moreover, compromised mobility cre- ates time poverty for women who are balancing both the responsibilities of home and paid labor.3 Participants reported the additional burdens/obligations of married women. There is a paradox of having to get home quickly to avoid repercussions (conflict, violence, other) from one’s husband, 1 Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, Economic Survey 2019. 2 https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.TOTL.IN?locations=KE&view=chart. 3 Chantal Duchene (2011), Gender and Transport, discussion paper, International Transport Forum, OECD, https://www.itf-oecd.org/ sites/default/files/docs/dp201111.pdf. 159 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility and to fulfill the gender role expectation of making dinner, versus spending additional money to get home in time to accomplish these things, which results in losing money/support for the family. While more analysis is necessary, this may explain why women are willing to pay more than men for a 20-minute time saving between work and home, as they are time poor given their double burden of work and household activities. Gender norms and perceptions “You need one of these youths to carry your goods to the stall, thus you have to pay more…and you have not sold anything.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 17 “Most of the jobs in this sector are rough and need a type of toughness that we don’t naturally have as women.” —Woman aged 35–64, Nairobi, quotation 18 Perceptions related to women being physically weaker may cause women to pay men and youth to carry their wares to market. The FGDs suggested that these perceptions have discouraged women from engaging in jobs in the transport sector, particularly the public transport sector, which female participants stated is “masculine in practice.” However, despite these perceptions and statements during the FGDs, female participants showed strong interest in working in the public transport sector and also suggested that gendered cultural norms/beliefs are less hamper- ing for women now compared to the past. 160 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility ANNEX V: SURVEY INSTRUMENTS JICA/NCC Survey Form The four-page survey form is presented from the following page. 161 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility  A3.2 Survey Forms A3.2.1 Person Trip Survey Form Figure A.3.1: Household Information Form for Person Trip Survey 1LSSRQ.RHL&R/WG Appendix 3-5 )LQDO5HSRUW ,'&-,QF (-(&,QF 162 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility  FigureA.3.2: Household Member Information Form for Person Trip Survey 163 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility  Figure A.3.3: Trip Information Form for Person Trip Survey 1LSSRQ.RHL&R/WG Appendix 3-7 )LQDO5HSRUW ,'&-,QF (-(&,QF 164 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility  A3.2.2 Stated Preference Survey Form FigureA.3.4: Stated Preference Survey Form 1LSSRQ.RHL&R/WG Appendix 3-8 )LQDO5HSRUW 165 ,'&-,QF (-(&,QF Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Questionnaire: Nairobi BRT Line 1 Survey Form TravelerInterviewquestionnaire–NairobiBRTLine1 SurveyorName: Date: Responsenumber: Location: Timeof 24hr,hh:mm ‰KenyattaAve ‰MoiAvenue/HaileSelassieAve interview: ‰Westlands ‰NakumattMega(oppNyayo) :   WeareconductingasurveyofpassengertravelintheNairobiforKeNHAandMOTI.Thiswillbeusedtohelpplanfuture transportprojectsintheCity.Wewouldliketofindoutaboutyourtriptoday,andyourreasonforchoosingthemeans oftransportusedforyourjourney.  SECTIONA:Detailsofthelastjourneymade(orifmidͲtransitthejourneycurrentlybeingmade) 1.a)Origin:(Originalorigin,e.g.homelocation) 2.a)Destination:(Ultimatedestination,e.g.workplace) Pleasetellmewhereyourlastorcurrent Pleasetellmewhereyourlastorcurrent journeystarted? journeyfinishes  Neighbourhood: Neighbourhood: City/Town: City/Town: 1.b)Whatwasyourreasonforbeingthere? 2.b)Andwhatisyourreasonforgoingthere?  ‰Home ‰Education  ‰Home ‰Education  ‰Work/Business ‰Social/Recreational ‰Work/Business ‰Social/Recreational ‰Shopping ‰Health ‰Other ‰Shopping ‰Health ‰Other 3.Howmanyofthefollowingtypesoftransporthaveyouused,orwilluse,tocompletetheentirejourney? Typeoftransport Numberofvehiclesused/boarded tocompleteentiretrip Matatu  Regional/metropolitanbus  Motorcycle/tuctuc  Taxi  Car  Rail  Bicycle  Walkfor15minutesormore   4.Whattimedidyoustarttheentirejourney? : 24hr,hh:mm 5.Estimatehowlongittookyoutocompletetheentirejourney(includingwalking) hrs mins 6.(IfMatatuused)Howlongdidyouwaitandqueuetoboardyourfirstvehicle? mins 7.Howlongdoyouthinkyouspentwalkingfortheentirejourney? hrs mins 8.Farefortheentirejourney: K 166 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility 9.Howoftendoyouconductthisjourney?  ‰7daysaweek(everyday) ‰5or6daysaweek ‰2,3or4daysaweek ‰Onceaweek   ‰Twiceamonth ‰Infrequently SECTIONB:TravelIssues 10.Pleaseratethefollowingissuesregardingthetypetransportyouhaveusedtoday. Ratefrom1to5where1is‘notaproblem’and5isa‘majorproblem’  1=noproblem5=majorproblem Traveltakestoolong 12345Notapplicable Travelisuncomfortable 12345Notapplicable Travelistooexpensive 12345Notapplicable Ihavetowaitalongtimetoboardthevehicle 12345Notapplicable Ioftenhavetousemorethanonevehicletogettowhere 12345Notapplicable Iwanttogo IcannottravelatthetimeIwantto 12345Notapplicable Travelisunsafe 12345Notapplicable 11.Pleaserankyourtop3considerationswhen 12.[Onlyaskiftherespondenttravelledbybusormatatu] chosinghowtotravelgenerally:(Choose3options Howmuchadditionalfare,onwhatyouare onlyandrankthem1to3,with1beingmostimportant) currentlypaying,areyoupreparedtopayfora  comfortableandreliablebusserviceforajourney Having  aseat Cost/Fare ofthesametime? Journeytime  K Reliability   Frequencyofservice Safety 13.[Onlyaskiftherespondenttravelledbybusormatatu] Howmuchadditionalfare,onwhatyouare Comfort currentlypaying,areyoupreparedtopayforabus servicesthatis20minutesfasterthanyourcurrent traveltime? K SECTIONC:PersonalDetails 14.Doesyourhouseholdownacar?Ifsohowmany?‰0‰1‰2‰2+ 15.Gender(don’task):‰Male ‰Female 16.Age(estimate):‰<16‰16Ͳ40‰41Ͳ60‰60+  167 Gender in Urban Transport in Nairobi, Kenya Volume I: Mobility Transport is traditionally a male-dominated sector. Considering that the transport sector is undoubtedly one of the major drivers of a country’s economic development, an excellent opportunity could open for Kenya’s transport sector to further influence progress, especially for women and other vulnerable and underrepresented population groups. This is what Kenya’s Vision 2030, the country’s blueprint for development, advocates for and is committed to enact. This analytical study pursues the World Bank Group’s Gender Strategy, aligns with the Africa region’s priorities, and engages with the priority areas of the Government of Kenya’s gender strategy developed in 2011. We anticipate that, through sustained dialogue with the Government of Kenya, an initial set of necessary actions will be chosen to support the preparation of a gender- responsive transport system and to promote the generation of equal opportunities for women in Nairobi’s urban transport sector. The study encompasses two independent analyses on mobility and employment in urban transport for the Kenyan capital context. Its findings are presented in this first volume (Volume I: Mobility) and separately in Volume II: Employment. 168