GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A BACKGROUND PAPER FOR THE TOGO POVERTY AND GENDER ASSESSMENT 2022 1 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 © 2022 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved. This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. All queries on rights and licenses should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. 2 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 CONTENTS Acknowledgments4 Executive Summary 5 Introduction: Gender Inequality and Poverty in Togo 11 Gender Gaps in Endowments 17 Gender gaps in education 17 Gender disparities in health accumulation 20 Gender and Agency 28 Gender-based violence 28 Child marriage 32 Decision-making in the private and the public spheres 35 Gender Gaps in Economic Opportunities 39 Labor force participation 39 Access to finance and assets 44 Land ownership and use 45 Unpaid domestic work 50 Policy Options 54 Focus on adolescent girls 55 Assist girls in completing primary and secondary school 56 Increase access to family planning, and enhance reproductive and sexual health, particularly for adolescent girls 56 Reduce child and early marriage 57 Support female farmers to build and sustain their businesses 57 Prevent GBV and address its consequences 58 Close gender gaps in decision-making and women’s political participation59 Improve women’s economic opportunities through access to quality employment and enhanced productivity of self-employed women 60 Strategically address the root causes of observed outcomes 61 References63 3 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS T his background report to the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment (2022) was prepared by Miriam Muller and Alina Mykytyshyn and benefited from valuable contributions from Stephane N’Dri, Kolobadia Ada Nayihouba, Ro- gelio Granguillhome Ochoa, and Aissatou Ouedraogo. The team is grateful to Jozefien van Damme and Eliana Matulevitch for their very insightful comments and inputs. Kossiwa Naman and Harende Kpango provided excellent logistical and administrative support. The team worked under the guidance of Carlos Rodriguez Castelan, Andrea Coppola, Hawa Cisse, and Johan Mistiaen. A heartfelt thank you goes to all the key informants who generously shared their time, reflections, insights, and recommendations with the team to enhance the quality and relevance of this work. Those informants include representatives from the Présidence de la République; Ministère de la Planification du Développement et de la Coopéra- tion; Ministère du Planification du Développement et de la Coopération; Ministère l’Action Sociale, de la Promotion de la Femme et de l’Alphabétisation; Ministère de la Santé, de l’Hygiène Publique et de l’Accès Universel aux Soins; Ministère de de l’Agri- culture, de l’ Élevage et du Développement Rurale; Ministère du Développement à la Base, de la Jeunesse et de l’Emploi des Jeunes; Ministère des Enseignements Primaire, Secondaire, Technique et de l’Artisanat, Chargé de l’Enseignement Technique et de l’Artisanat; Assemblée Nationale ; Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques et Démographiques; GIZ Bureau de Lomé; United Nations Population Fund; United Nations Children’s Fund; United Nations Development Programme; Projet d’Appui à l’Employabilité et à l’Insertion des Jeunes dans les Secteurs-Porteurs; Fonds d’Appui aux Initiatives Economiques des Jeunes; Faîtière des Communes du Togo; Agence Nationale d’Appui au Développement à la Base; ONG Partage et Ac- tion en Synergie pour le Développement; Fédération des Entrepreneures et Femmes d’Affaires du Togo; Fédération des Organisations Non Gouvernementales au Togo; ONG Femme de Demain; Cadre National de Concertation de la Mutualité au Togo; Université de Lomé; and Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest – Unité Uni- versitaire du Togo. 4 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY G ender gaps in Togo cut across many dimensions. Inequality starts in childhood, when girls are disadvantaged in access to schooling because of prevalent social norms and gender roles. It continues into adolescence, when a larger share of girls starts dropping out of school (with fewer than one in two completing secondary education), unable to continue education because of a number of factors, including child marriage, adolescent pregnancy, and time use patterns shaped by gender norms. In adolescence and adulthood, women face the constraints of limited education and economic opportunities, restrictive gender roles that leave women little time for participation in the labor force, financial inequities, high levels of acceptance of violence against women, health risks, and a lack of agency and de- cision-making capacity. High prevalence rates of child marriage (with 1 in 4 women ages 20–24 in Togo married by age 18) and adolescent fertility (88.3 per 1,000 women ages 15–19 in 2019) not only increase health risks for women but also reduce the amount of time they have to fully participate in education and in economic opportunities. Women (ages 24–44 years) spend about five times more hours weekly than men in unpaid domestic work, affecting the quality of their labor force participation. Women’s dis- advantages in access to quality jobs—indicated by disproportionate levels of infor- mality, vulnerable, and self-employment—limited land ownership, and challenges in accessing finance and productive assets further trap them in poverty: only 9.2 percent of women own land (compared to 39.7 percent of men), and 25.21 percent of women have a bank account (according to data from the 2018/2019 Enquête Harmonisée sur les Conditions de Vie des Menages, EHCVM). Different forms of gender-based violence (GBV) are widespread (affecting more than a third of Togolese women), and social, religious, cultural, and geographical factors further amplify gender inequities in specific contexts. As a result, women in Togo, and rural women in particular, have severely limited agency and decision-making capacity both outside and within the household. For instance, only 30 percent of Togolese women can make their own de- cisions regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights. Additionally, inability to 5 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 afford the costs of maternal health care, insufficient coverage of health care facilities, and lack of decision-making power strongly compromise the health of Togolese wom- en, resulting in high rates of maternal mortality (396 deaths per 1,000 living births as of 2017) and high unmet contraception needs. The prevalence data presented in this paper predate the COVID-19 pandemic, and – given the global evidence – it is likely that the crisis will further amplify the existing gender gaps in the country. Importantly, gender disparities intersect with other social variables, such as loca- tion of residence, age, religion, and marriage status. For instance, religion, social norms, and opportunities vary with region. Overall, rural women are largely disad- vantaged across all dimensions observed (endowments, economic opportunities, and agency). Polygamous women seem to be more vulnerable along a number of aspects according to key informant interviews. In addition, it is noteworthy that several gen- der disparities observed occur during adolescence. In addition, those observed gender issues that occur during adolescence have high costs: they bring with them severe negative consequences later in life. In many dimensions of gender equality, Togo performs better than its regional peers. On average, Togo displays better outcomes in women’s human capital (health and education) than Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Mali, but worse than Benin, Burkina Faso, and Senegal. Moreover, women in Togo have significantly more deci- sion-making power with respect to reproductive health than women in Benin, Burki- na Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Senegal; and the prevalence rates of child marriage in Togo are far below those for Chad, the Central African Republic, and Guinea—yet still very elevated. Likewise, Togo displays one of the lowest levels of acceptance of intimate-partner violence (IPV) when compared to regional peers. In addition, the country has achieved much progress recently with regard to women’s political repre- sentation. Currently, the share of seats held by women in the Togolese parliament is substantially higher than in all regional peer countries except Mali and Senegal. At the same time, Togo performs worse than its peers in terms of economic opportu- nities, access to finance, and property ownership. For example, the share of women 6 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 who own a mobile bank account in Togo is lower than in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivo- ire, Mali, and Senegal, but higher than in Benin, Chad, and Guinea. Although such comparisons with regional peers may look favorable for Togo, those peers are among the world’s worst performers in many of the dimensions related to gender equality. The registered gaps in Togo are, therefore, still significant and critical, and continuing efforts are required to increase women’s access to finance, property ownership, and productive assets. This background paper to the Poverty and Gender Assessment Togo (2022) high- lights the importance of addressing gender disparities to achieve continued pov- erty reduction in Togo. Gender inequality matters in its own right, and it negatively affects economic development and poverty reduction (Aguirre et al. 2012; World Bank 2018). In the past decade, Togo has recorded significant progress in poverty reduction, mainly due to economic growth in the services and agriculture sectors (Christiaensen, Demery, and Kuhl 2011; Ivanic and Martin 2018; Ligon and Sadoulet 2018). Global evidence indicates that addressing specific gender gaps can promote further growth. Togo’s score of 0.43 on the World Bank’s Human Capital Index, a measure of the health and education of children born today, means that the country is only at 43 percent of its potential. Investing in girls’ education and health could boost the score and hence the country’s economic prospects. Also, according to the International Monetary Fund, promoting gender equality is associated with a variety of positive macroeconomic impacts, including higher gross domestic product (El- borgh-Woytek et al. 2013). For instance, Aguirre and others (2012) state that raising the female labor force participation rate to country-specific male levels would raise gross domestic product in the United States by 5 percent, in Japan by 9 percent, in the United Arab Emirates by 12 percent, and in the Arab Republic of Egypt by 34 percent. Other studies show that women’s economic empowerment is associated with an increased variety of goods that countries produce and export (Kazandjian et al. 2016). Moreover, studies show that eliminating the barriers women face in certain sectors and occupations—and increasing women’s participation and labor productiv- ity through better allocation of their skills and talent—could reduce the productivity 7 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 gap between male and female workers by up to one-half (Cuberes & Teignier 2011; World Bank 2012). Furthermore, closing gender gaps in agricultural productivity would mean an increase in agricultural output in developing countries of as much as 2.5 to 4.0 percent (World Bank 2012). Togo has made several positive legal reforms in recent years, yet systemic chal- lenges to gender equality persist. The reform to the Personal and Family Code (2012) provides widows and daughters with the same inheritance rights as men and introduced and established divorce by mutual consent (OECD 2018). The new Penal Code (2015) strengthens protections against some forms of GBV and discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, and other factors (Isbell and Akinocho 2018). The new Land Code (Law no. 2018-005 of June 14, 2018) contains special provisions on equal access of men and women to land ownership and emphasizes gender equality as a guiding principle for land rights formalization (Kakpo 2018; Korolakina 2016; Lomechrono 2018). However, several challenges remain. According to the World Bank’s Women, Business and the Law index for 2021, Togolese law does not prohibit discrimination in access to credit on the basis of gender, and no legislation specifi- cally addresses domestic violence.1 Finally, a major concern raised by key informants consulted for this report is the gap between de jure and de facto legislation, as a combination of customary law and religious and social norms as well as insufficient knowledge of legislation tends to undermine progress in achieving gender equality. 1 Women, Business and the Law 2021 Togo snapshot (https://wbl.worldbank.org/ content/dam/documents/wbl/2021/snapshots/Togo.pdf). 8 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Closing gender gaps in Togo will bring substantive benefits for economic growth and society overall. On the basis of the findings presented in this paper—particularly the importance of addressing the challenges faced by adolescent girls and rural wom- en—proposed policies to close gender gaps in Togo entail the following: • Assisting girls in completing primary and secondary school and providing second chance education for girls who have dropped out of school • Increasing access to family planning and enhancing sexual and reproductive health education • Reducing prevalence rates of child and early marriage • Preventing different forms of GBV and addressing their consequences • Closing gender gaps in decision-making and political participation • Improving women’s access to quality employment • Enhancing the productivity of self-employed women • Supporting female farmers in building and sustaining their businesses—including through support of women’s land ownership 9 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 INTRODUCTION: GENDER INEQUALITY AND POVERTY IN TOGO G ender disparities in human capital, agency, and economic opportunities persist in Togo, operating as constraints for inclusive growth and pov- erty reduction. Although gender equality matters on its own, it also has strong instrumental value for societies and economies. The analytical framework put forward in de Paz and Muller (2021) indicates that gender inequality and poverty are closely related. Opportunities to accumulate human capital, to exercise agency, and to be economically productive represent fundamental nonmonetary dimensions of poverty. Furthermore, gender gaps in endowments (education and health) and limited women’s agency shape differences in economic opportunities (labor market inclusion, access to assets, and entrepreneurship) between men and women, and hence women’s (in)ability to generate an income and to move out of poverty. Closing gender gaps brings substantive benefits for societies at large and reduces intergenerational poverty transmission. Improved women’s agency and bargaining power are positively associated with better investments in children’s human capital with the potential to reduce the probability of intergenerational poverty transmission (Allendorf 2007; Andrabi, Das, and Khwaja 2011; Dumas and Lambert 2011). Similarly, prevention of different forms of gender-based violence (GBV) and intimate-partner violence (IPV) increases chances of healthy cognitive and physical development of chil- dren (Forke et al. 2019). Moreover, improved access to education triggers a sequence of improvements in reproductive health, such as an increase in access to contraception, antenatal care, and healthcare facilities (Kabeer 2005; LeVine & Rowe 2009). The pro- motion of equal employment opportunities are found to result in macroeconomic gains (Woetzel et al. 2015). Finally, equal involvement of both partners in childcare creates protective and positive effects on social, educational, behavioral, and psychological outcomes of their children (Carlson and Magnuson 2011; Knox et al. 2011; Panter- Brick et al. 2014). 11 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 In Togo, significant disparities in poverty incidence exist percent). Gender-based differences in poverty incidence by gender, region, and age group. According to the EH- among the adult population are also high. In particular, CVM 2018/2019, poverty incidence is significantly higher poverty rates among women ages 20–34 are significantly in rural areas (58.7 percent) than in urban areas (34.3 per- above those of men in the same age group, and the gap cent). As a result, the distribution of the poor by area of extends to an impressive 13.8 percentage points among residence is strongly skewed, with rural areas accounting persons ages 25-29 (EHCVM 2018/2019/2019). The gap for 76.1 percent of the poor but only 59 percent of the to- reappears later in life: women above 55 years of age are tal population. At the regional level, the highest incidence consistently poorer than their male counterparts (figure 1). of poverty is recorded in Savanes, which at 65.1 percent is Women are therefore likelier than men to be poor during almost 20 percentage points higher than the national av- the core productive and reproductive stages of life. erage, followed by Kara (56.0 percent) and Maritime (54.1 Figure 1. The incidence of poverty in Togo, by age group (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 0-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75+ Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. The gender gap identified in Togo (13.8 percentage poverty incidence than older population subgroups. Inter- points for 25-to-29-year-olds) is larger than the average estingly, poverty incidence among children under 5 tends found in Sub-Saharan Africa (7.1 percentage points for to be similar for males and females. Differences emerge at 20-to-34-year-olds) by Muñoz et al. (2018). According to higher ages, especially among those 15 years or older. When the analysis, this pattern suggests that care responsibilities comparing different types of household compositions, on- for children combined with constraints in economic oppor- ly-female-earner households make up the largest share of tunities may pose major vulnerability factors for women. poor households in Sub-Saharan Africa, and one-adult- In addition, the findings by Muñoz et al. (2018) reveal sub- female households with children are also overrepresented stantial differences in poverty incidence across age groups. among the poor (Muñoz et al. 2018). Children—those under 15 years—display a much higher 12 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 two adults (45.5 percent) and multiple adults with children “Poverty is linked to gender (41.5 percent). Poverty incidence is particularly worrisome inequality, since in society women are among households with one adult female and children, limited in their access to production which represent 10 percent of the poor population (in con- factors such as land, credit, etc.” trast to 1.5 percent of households with one male adult and children) (figure 4). Even with children, the poverty rate of households with one male adult is about 5 percentage Similar results are recorded in Togo, which show that points lower than the female equivalent (45.5 percent and households composed of only one female adult with chil- 50.9 percent respectively). When distinguishing households dren are the poorest among all household compositions. by presence of children, it is noteworthy that the one-fe- Individuals from one-adult-female households display a male-adult households with children, two-adult households strikingly higher poverty incidence (45.3 percent) com- with children, and multiple-adult households with children pared to their counterparts from households with one adult all make up a larger share among the poor relative to their male (19.7 percent) (figure 2). Notably, 9.7 percent of the share among the overall population (figure 5). Therefore, poor reside in one-adult-female households, while only 1.8 gender, household composition, and poverty incidence percent of the poor belong to one-adult-male households seem to be fundamentally interconnected. (figure 3). Poverty rates are highest among households with Figure 2. Poverty incidence in Togo, by household Figure 3. Household composition in Togo (%) composition (%) 60 50 45 50 40 35 40 30 25 30 20 15 20 10 5 10 0 One female adult,no children One female adult,children One male adult,no children One male adult,children Two adults, no children Two adults,children Multiple adults,no children Multiple adults,children Only seniors Others, children 0 One One Two Multiple Only Others female male adults adults seniors adult adult Poverty rates Share among the poor All households Poor households Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 13 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 4. Poverty incidence in Togolese Figure 5. Poverty incidence in Togo, by household households, by number of children (%) composition and presence of children (%) 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 no children 1 child 2 children National average 3 children 4 children 5 children 6-9 children more than 10 children Others, children One female adult, children Multiple adults, children Two adults, children One male adult, children Only seniors Multiple adults, no children One female adult, no children Two adults, no children One male adult, no children Poverty rates Share among the poor Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. The majority of key informants also made an obvious link between poverty and gender inequality. Particularly “And when they have a lot of children, in rural areas, this link seems to be more obvious to the in- they sometimes prefer to send the formants. Here, poverty forces families to prioritize invest- men to school rather than the women. ments selectively. In those cases, girls are at disadvantage Indeed, we say to ourselves that it is when it comes to education, as are women when it comes to better to put the means on the men investments in health. Although both education and health to push them to advance, because we are crucial investments that enable one to move out of pov- have a traditional system, patrilineal, erty, in patrilineal societies (such as in Togo), investments it is that, yes, patrilineal which makes made in girls and women are less relevant, according to that the families think that by investing informants, because girls will leave the family to move on on a man it is more the perpetuation to another family later in life. of the family stock than the investment in a woman who will certainly marry In addition, key informants highlighted the impact of in another family and leave with the poverty on women’s ability to live a life free of violence. family inheritance.” Economic stress brings out aggressive behavior, which sometimes takes the form of violence (physical, psycho- logical), according to the interviewees. Gender inequality in access to productive assets—land was highlighted most 14 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 priorities as expressed in the sectoral action plans and de- “Women are not given much velopment strategies. Where appropriate and feasible, the freedom. Either because of a custom, assessment includes benchmarking analysis to position because of religion the woman, Togo relative to its regional peers, specifically the West Af- does not act freely to have some rican Economic and Monetary Union countries. financial autonomy because she is not autonomous, she will depend on Finally, key informant interviews were conducted with her husband, on the man. And that’s approximately 20 stakeholders from government, de- it, that’s the gender inequality, and velopment partners, nongovernmental organizations, that doesn’t allow her to get out of academia around (1) drivers of gender equality in Togo, poverty.” (2) explanation of quantitative findings, and (3) inter- connections between poverty and gender in Togo. Par- ticipants were selected given their experience and expertise prominently—to credit, and to economic opportunities working on gender issues in Togo from different perspec- more broadly traps women further in poverty, keeping tives and in different sectors. Interviews were transcribed them financially dependent. By contrast, men are in a more and coded before the analysis. Boxes in gray throughout promising position to move out of poverty thanks to their the text capture citations from those interviews in an anon- enhanced access to those means and opportunities. Women ymous manner. The qualitative data help explain or inter- are raised to be dependent (psychologically, economically, pret some of the quantitative data findings. However, it is socially) on men, further limiting their agency and auton- important to stress the limitations inherent in qualitative omy to advance in life and society. research. Findings from those interviews should not be generalized, and they also cannot serve as a basis to iden- This paper provides an overview of the existing gender tify causalities but rather to explore themes and correlates disparities in endowments, agency, and economic oppor- or deepen possible explanations. When interpreting the tunities in Togo and proposes policy options for their results presented in this report, it is important to take into elimination. The report is based on quantitative analysis, account that the information gathered during this phase mostly using data from the EHCVM 2018/2019, the Togo was uniquely based on key informant interviews. Key in- Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) 2013/2014, Multi- formants do not directly portray the lived experience of ple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) 2017, and the World women themselves. Moreover, key informants have their Development Indicators (WDI). In addition, a thorough own biased views with respect to several of the challenges literature review was conducted on gender equality issues and issues discussed during interviews, often influenced by in Togo. The report also reflects on government policy their own area of work. 15 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 16 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER GAPS IN ENDOWMENTS I nvestments in human endowments including education and health are im- portant in and of their own right, enabling women and girls to function pro- ductively and reach their potential in society, yet they are also crucial to enable individuals to take up economic opportunities and to make decisions for them- selves. Promoting girls’ education determines their ability to earn higher wages and to own and operate productive businesses later in life (World Bank 2012). Moreover, women’s education increases the well-being of their children, thus alleviating the probability of intergenerational poverty transmission (Kabeer 2005; Klugman et al. 2014). Similarly, improvements in reproductive and maternal health outcomes in- crease the rate of women’s labor force participation (Albanesi and Olivetti 2016). According to the Human Capital Index (HCI) report, the HCI in Togo is 0.43, indicating that a Togolese girl born today will be able to reach 43 percent of her potential when she is an adult. Although this score is relatively low, compared to regional peers such as Ghana (0.45), it puts Togo in a slightly better position com- pared to the sub-Saharan African average, which is estimated at 0.38. According to UNDP, Togo’s Gender Development Index stands at 0.822, which is lower than the world average of 0.943. In Togo, differences in educational outcomes are particularly stark, and the health of Togolese women is seriously compromised by a high risk of maternal mortality, unmet contraception needs, and early pregnancy. Gender gaps in education Disproportionally more women than men ages 15+ have no education, yet the extent of the gap varies when comparing different age groups, regions, and income levels. When looking at place of residence, the gender gap in educational attainment is wider among the rural population: 56 percent of women and 30 percent of men have no education in rural areas, compared to 24.3 percent of women and 7.3 per- cent of men in urban areas. There is also a correlation between wealth quintile and educational attainment: as income levels increase, the share of those with no educa- tion goes down (figure 6). Among older age cohorts, the gap between women and 17 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 men is significantly larger compared to younger cohorts. individuals ages 15–19, still with more women (9.3 percent) The smallest gender gap in this regard is observed among than men (5.5 percent) having no education (figure 7). Figure 6. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ with no education, by place of residence, region, and wealth quintile (%) 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Figure 8. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ Figure 7. Share of Togolese population ages 15+ who have completed secondary education, by age with no education, by age group, 2018 (%) group, 2018 (%) 73.27 59.09 53.21 59.51 44.84 66.44 40.18 46.11 44.45 43.55 35.07 37.66 36.07 45.52 19.39 25.95 30.23 9.33 20.98 22.44 25.28 14.00 14.99 19.04 17.94 9.26 9.65 5.52 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 Male Female Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 18 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 complete secondary school, likely because of gender social “If a family has the means to educate norms, early marriage, and pregnancy. a person and obviously, the choice will be for the boy rather than the girl. Recently, lower-secondary school enrollment rates in- Because in the African mentality, and creased for girls and boys. Total enrollment rates increased especially in our mentality, the girl’s from 67.3 percent in 2011 to 75.8 percent in 2018, corre- place is at home, in the kitchen, that’s sponding to an average annual growth rate of 5 percent- what…” age points (Republique Togolaise 2020). Importantly, the increase was more pronounced among girls: in 2017 girls constituted 44.8 percent of all enrolled students, up from Although girls outnumber boys in primary school, the 38.8 percent in 2011. This positive trend is also reflected gender gap in enrollment favors boys in each subsequent in the fact that younger cohorts are significantly more like- educational level, and the chances of girls to complete ly than older generations to have secondary education. By secondary school are much lower than those of boys— age, gender disparities in secondary education completion and this is true for all regions and all income levels rates are highest among individuals ages 45–49 (9.7 percent (figure 8). According to EHCVM (2018), more girls (84.7 of women versus 36.1 percent of men) and lowest among percent) than boys (83.9 percent) are enrolled in primary those ages 15–19 (66.4 percent of women versus 73.3 per- school. However, the trends reverse in secondary educa- cent of men) (EHCVM 2018/2019). tion and the gender gap is particularly pronounced at the upper-secondary level (the net enrollment rate stands at The number of out-of-school children is high and par- 17.6 percent for girls and 20.6 percent for boys). Despite ticularly concerning among girls. According to UNESCO overall positive changes with respect to education enroll- estimations, 25,663 girls of the relevant age group were out ment rates, girls are still 6.6 percentage points less likely of primary school in 2019, compared to 14,408 of boys. Al- than boys to complete primary school, and 15.8 percent- though the number is very high, huge progress was record- age points less likely to complete lower-secondary school ed in the reduction of the number of out-of-school girls in on average (MICS 2017). The gap in secondary education the past years: it fell from 62,871 in 2012 to 25,663 in 2019. completion is stark in both rural areas (39.1 percent of men At the same time, the majority of children who are out of and 19.0 percent of women) and urban areas (56.7 of men secondary school are girls. Inn 2019, 97,601 of girls and and 41.7 percent of women). Among the poorest wealth 54,275 of boys of relevant age group are out of secondary quintile, the gap is widest at 36.3 percent for men and 14.3 school, as UNESCO indicates. percent for women. Moreover, some regions score partic- ularly low in terms of secondary educational attainment. Despite stark gender disparities in school enrolment and In Savanes region, only 25.7 percent of girls complete sec- completion rates, there are no visible differences in the ondary school compared to 38.4 percent of boys (total for test scores among female and male students. The Educa- the region is 32.3 percent); in the Central region, the shares tion Systems Analysis Program (PASEC) 2015 reveals that in are 34.0 percent of girls and 47.8 percent of boys; and, in Togo, girls and boys achieve similar early primary language the Plateaux region, they are 35.3 percent of girls and 50.9 performance and late primary reading performance out- percent of boys (according to data from the Ministère des comes. The mathematics performance gap between girls and Enseignements Primaire, Secondaire et de la Formation boys in primary school stands at 8.0 percentage points, fa- Professionnelle 2018). Girls are also less likely than boys to voring boys over girls. However, this value is non-significant. 19 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified girls’ vulnerabil- ity to drop out of school due to multiple factors. Although “As households or dwellings are far there is limited data on the impact of COVID-19 on school- from schools in the rural environment ing outcomes in Togo, it is estimated that around 1.6 billion so you see the little girl has to go back students will be left out of school globally (Azevedo et al. home at noon, where she is the one 2020). It is further projected that around 11 million girls who has the responsibility to prepare will not return to school when the crisis is over, especial- food. There is no water, she’s the one ly in low-and lower-middle income countries. Girls aged who has to fetch water, come and 12-17 are at particular risk of dropping out permanently, prepare food and so in the end, even because of the pandemic (Azevedo et al., 2020). Girls out if she has the will to go back to school of school are also vulnerable to child marriage and early she will go back to school tired.” pregnancy, making it less likely that they continue pursuing their education ever again (Male & Wodon 2018). These risks are further amplified when girls engage in transac- Reasons for not attending primary or secondary school tional sex or marry early to cope with the economic shock differ between girls and boys—likely related to social inflicted by the crisis (Jacobson et al. 2020). Taking into norms and ingrained gender roles. When asked about the account limited access to digital technologies, preferences reasons for not attending primary school, girls are more in some communities to educate sons when resources are likely to report refusal by family, distance to school, lack of limited and high burden of domestic work and care, it is financial resources, and “being a girl.” Boys are more likely possible to assume that more Togolese girls will be deprived to report preference for work. Marriage and pregnancy ap- of education during and in the aftermath of the pandemic. pear as reasons for not attending school at the upper-sec- ondary level (accounting for 4.15 and 3.3 percent of girls, Gender disparities in health respectively) (EHCVM 2018/2019). In 2016, out of 1,337 accumulation cases of pregnancy, only 208 pregnant girls completed the school year (Republique du Togo, n.d.). Lack of female The maternal mortality rate in Togo is high, although it teachers was also identified by key informants as one of decreased in the past decade from 480 deaths per 100,000 the factors preventing girls from continuing their education live births (2007) to 396 deaths (2017) (figure 9).2 This in Togo and highlighted in a qualitative study by UNICEF rate is higher than in neighboring countries (Burkina Faso, (2019) on the factors of girls’ nonenrolment in Togo. Other 320; Ghana, 308; Rwanda, 248; and Senegal, 315) but low- issues referred to by key informants as reasons for girls’ er than in Côte d’Ivoire (617), the Gambia (597), Guinea increased difficulties in attending school, particularly at (576), Mali (562), Niger (509), and the Sub-Saharan Afri- the secondary level, include (1) girls’ early involvement in ca average (534) (WDI). Poverty is stated to be one of the unpaid domestic work; (2) lack of supportive structures, at main underlying causes behind negative maternal health the family or community levels; (3) socio-cultural reasons, outcomes according to key informants: women often can- such as the acceptance or expectation that girls will marry not afford the direct or indirect costs of accessing services, earlier than boys and have children; and (4) gender-based and often they or their families do not prioritize maternal violence in the school environment. health services over other competing necessary expenses. 2 Please note that this section is mostly based on DHS data (2013/2014), the next DHS is planned for 2023. 20 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Other contributing factors include inadequate quality of 129.4 to 174.8 deaths per 100,000 live births between 2019 health care and lack of health care facilities. This is par- and 2020. The main causes of maternal deaths in Kara were ticularly true for rural women: 40.9 percent (compared to severe bleeding, infections, pre-eclampsia and eclampsia, 16.1 percent of urban women ages 14–49) mention that the and complications from delivery. Unsafe abortion3 alone distance between to the nearest health facility is the main resulted in 9.8 percent of total maternal deaths in 2020 reason why they do not use maternal health care (DHS (Ajavon et al. 2022). Finally, high maternal mortality rates 2013/2014). Some evidence suggests that the reduction in can be also partially attributed to high adolescent fertility. the number of maternal and reproductive health services The WHO estimates that complications during pregnancy during the COVID-19 pandemic led to the increase in ma- and childbirth are the leading cause of death of girls ages ternal deaths. This was, for example, the case in the region 15-19 globally (WHO 2020). of Kara, where the maternal mortality rate increased from Figure 9. Maternal mortality ratio in Togo and regional peers, modeled estimate, 2000–17 (per 100,000 live births) 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. Although access to skilled birth attendance has increased Mali (67.3 percent in 2018), but worse than Benin (78.1 significantly in the past decades, huge disparities persist percent in 2018), Burkina Faso (79.8 percent in 2015), Côte by place of residence, wealth quintile, and level of edu- d’Ivoire (73.6 percent in 2016), and Senegal (74.5 percent cation. In 2017, 69.4 percent of births were attended by in 2019) (figure 11). At the same time, the rural-urban di- skilled health staff—an increase from 45.7 percent in 1985 vide is very large: only 41.3 percent of rural women have (figure 10). In this regard, Togo performs better than Chad access to facility-based delivery, in contrast to 91 percent (24.3 percent in 2015), Guinea (55.3 percent in 2018), and among their urban counterparts. By income level, women 3 According to Law no. 2007-005 from January 10, 2007, abortion is allowed in three cases: (1) when “the continuation of the pregnancy endangers the life and health of the pregnant woman,” (2) when the pregnancy is the “consequence of a rape or an incestuous relationship,” or (3) when there is a “strong likelihood that the unborn child will suffer from a particularly serious health condition.” 21 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 from the richest wealth quintile are much more likely than those from the poorest one to receive at least four antena- “But being in poverty can influence tal visits (78.5 percent versus 47.2 percent). Similarly, in the quality of care that is given to 2013, 96.91 percent of women from the wealthiest quintile women, it can direct the choice of and 43.13 percent of women from the poorest one had a which institution to visit, for example, facility-based delivery (DHS 2013/2014). Women with sec- those who are well off access ondary or higher education are more likely to have a facili- more quickly private institutions ty-based delivery (93.6 percent), compared to women with where sometimes the care is much only primary education (79.1 percent) and no education better compared to some public (55.0 percent) (DHS 2013/2014). Access to maternal health institutions.” care services is strongly constrained by low coverage rates for essential preventive and curative care. Key informants pointed to poverty as one of the main underlying causes cases, social norms require that a woman to seek her hus- behind negative maternal health outcomes. also, in some band’s permission to go to hospital. Figure 10. Births in Togo attended by skilled Figure 11. Births attended by skilled health staff, health staff (% of total) Togo and regional peers (% of total) 80 90 70 80 70 60 60 50 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 0 Benin [2018] Burkina Faso [2015] Chad [2015] Côte d'Ivoire [2016] Guinea [2018] Mali [2018] Senegal [2019] Togo [2017] 0 1980 1980 2000 2010 2020 Source: World Development Indicators. Source: World Development Indicators. In Togo, the total fertility rate is still high—at 4.26 (figure 12). A large discrepancy in wanted fertility exists births per woman in 2019—but has fallen from one of between rural and urban populations (4.9 versus 3.1 chil- the highest levels among peer neighboring countries to dren per woman). Such discrepancies (and higher levels the lowest. Wanted fertility dropped earlier in the twenti- of wanted fertility among rural women) are in line with eth century from 5 births per woman but remained stag- the findings by Lerch (2019), which indicate this pattern nant between 1998 and 2014 (4.2 versus 4.1 respectively) in all developing regions, using individual-level data on 22 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 the number of children ever born (that is, parity) and birth interactions when compared to dispersed rural population histories of women ages 30–49, drawn from 278 World Fer- (Caldwell 2006 Lerch 2019). Furthermore, according to tility Surveys (WFS), DHS, MICS, and Integrated Public the 2013/2014 DHS, wanted fertility decreases significantly Use Samples from 60 developing countries. The desire to with increased education, varying from 5.3 children wanted have fewer children can be more effectively implemented (no education) to 2.2 (higher education). Importantly, the in urban areas because of the expansion of postsecondary gap between wanted and actual fertility rates has decreased education, enhanced delivery of modern methods of fam- significantly between 1988 and 2014 from 1.5 children to ily planning, and higher dependence on the monetization 0.5 children on average. It is further notable that the gap of society (including financial and opportunity costs of between wanted and actual fertility decreases with level of childbearing and upbringing), according to Lerch (2019). education: women with no education have a gap of 0.8 chil- Moreover, cultural differences also matter for the diffusion dren, compared to merely 0.4 children among women with of the small family ideal. Cultural change happens fast- higher education (figure 13). er in urban environments because of more intense social Figure 12. Wanted fertility rate, actual fertility rate, Figure 13. Wanted fertility rate, actual fertility rate, and gap over time in Togo, 1988, 1988, and 2014 and gap over time in Togo, by level of education (births per woman) (births per woman) 7 7 6 6 5 5 4 4 3 3 2 2 1 1 0 0 Wanted Fertility rate Gap: actual Total No Primary Secondary Higher fertility rate minus wanted education 1988 1998 2014 Wanted Fertility Gap: actual fertility rate rate minus wanted Source: DHS 2013/2014. Source: DHS 2013/2014. Contraceptive use is very low, yet it increased signifi- use contraception compared to 22.3 percent of those with cantly over the past two decades, doubling from roughly primary education, 25.3 percent with secondary educa- 13.9 percent in 1998 to 24.0 percent in 2013/14. At the tion, and 31.2 percent with tertiary education attainment same time, the use of modern contraception methods in- (figure 15). Contraception use is also slightly more com- creased even more—from as little as 7 percent in 1998 to mon among urban (22 percent) than rural (18.5 percent) 21.5 in 2017 (figure 14). The use of contraception among married women. According to key informants, access to married women increases with the level of education at- contraception is constrained by financial, cultural, and tained: only 14.3 percent of women with no education geographic factors, including supply-side problems causing 23 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 inconsistent availability of contraceptives. Key informants choices of their wives, which means that women’s limited also referred to men’s exercise of control over contraceptive agency is one of the reasons for nonuse. Figure 15. Married women (age 15–49) in Togo Figure 14. Contraceptive prevalence and unmet currently using any method of contraception, by need for contraception in Togo, 1988–2017 (%) education level (%) 50 50 35 35 40 40 30 30 25 25 30 30 20 20 20 20 15 15 10 10 10 10 0 0 5 5 1988 1988 1998 2010 1998 2010 2014 2014 2017 20170 0 Contraceptive Contraceptive prevalence, any methods prevalence, any(% women(% methods women ages 15-49) Total ages 15-49) No Total Primary No Secondary Primary Secondary Higher Higher education education Unmet Unmet need need for contraception for contraception (% married(% women married women ages ages 15-49) 15-49) Source: World Development Indicators. Source: World Development Indicators. When it comes to gendered disparities in other health dimensions the World Health Organization (WHO) esti- “Some service providers do not look mates the risk of premature mortality from non-communi- favorably on pregnant teenagers cable diseases (NCD) differs only slightly among men and who come to seek family planning women ages 30-70: It stands at 24 and 23 percent, corre- assistance, for example, because the spondingly. However, the prevalence of HIV among women provider does not see the teenager ages 15-24 was twice as high as that of men of the same as someone who needs it. But he age(1 percent vs. 0.5 percent in 2020, respectively, WDI). sees the teen as his child, his own child, according to his own cultural The adolescent fertility rate in Togo dropped significant- considerations. It can be religious, ly from 140.8 births per 1,000 women ages 15–19 in 1980 cultural, and financial.” to 88.3 births in 2019; notably, it has almost stagnated since 2000. These figures are higher than in neighboring coun- tries, like Benin (82.0) and Senegal (68.7), but below those in Burkina Faso (99.8), Chad (154.7), Côte d’Ivoire (114.7), Guinea (131.4), and Mali (164.6) (figure 16). 24 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 16. Adolescent fertiliaty rates in Togo and regional peers, 1960–2018 (births per 1,000 women ages 15–19 250 200 150 100 50 0 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. (Nguyen and Wodon 2014). Consequently, adolescent fer- tility is directly linked to limitations with respect to job opportunities and quality employment later in life (WHO “Poverty, poverty. ....Makes it so that 2020). Moreover, adolescent mothers face higher risks than when the girl sees her colleagues, older women of suffering from various health complica- for example, dressed up, having an tions due to pregnancy and child labor (WHO 2020). By advantage or a watch, they also tend contrast, delaying early pregnancy and childbearing offers to have the same thing, so they are positive flow-on effects to women, securing higher lifetime easier to be taken advantage of by earnings for women, guaranteeing better health outcomes older men who have the means and for their children, and making women less susceptible to therefore they can get pregnant.” IPV (Bergstrom and Özler 2021; Malhotra and Elnakib 2021). According to key informants, in Togo (like other countries) high adolescent fertility rates can be partially Early pregnancy reduces girls’ years of schooling, and explained by poverty. Another driver of adolescent fertility teenage mothers are less likely than adult mothers to fin- raised prominently was the lack of sexual and reproductive ish secondary education (and in some cases primary edu- education. Besides the absence of such education from the cation) (Berthelon and Kruger 2011; Wodon et al. 2017). school curriculum, a particular concern was raised about Furthermore, it is estimated that in the African region the taboo of the topic among parents who refuse to discuss each year earlier that a girl marries reduces her probabili- sexuality with their children. Key informants also referred ty of literacy by 5.7 percentage points, and her probability to sexual violence as one of the causes of early pregnancy. of having at least some secondary schooling by 5.6 points 25 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The COVID-19 crisis is expected to worsen human capi- “Cultural and socio-cultural beliefs tal accumulations in health, particularly for women and that the girl who goes too far, who girls. Global evidence suggests that overwhelmed health pushes her education too far, will systems, confinement measures, and fear of getting infect- eventually not find a husband. And ed make it harder for people to access and use healthcare that there is a certain age to get services (De Paz, Gaddis & Muller 2021). For example, in married. And if you go beyond that many countries there was a significant decrease in the num- age because you’re in school, you ber of attended childbirths: a decline by 2 percentage points might not find a husband and that you in DRC (March 2020), 5 percentage points in Liberia (April also have to procreate very early and 2020), and between 5-11 percentage points in Nigeria and at a very young age.” Mali (GFF 2020). Globally, this trend can be attributed to the concerns over COVID-19 contagion, governmental ad- vice to stay at home, and limited access to transport and childcare during lockdowns (Goyal et al. 2020; Justman et al. 2020). The challenge is particularly pressing for girls and women, who have unique health needs and face gen- der-specific challenges in accessing quality health services. 26 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 27 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER AND AGENCY W omen’s agency is decisive for women’s ability to build human capital, access economic opportunities, ensure their children’s welfare, and ex- ercise voice and choice within their families and communities. In Togo, patriarchal value systems and gender social norms constrain women´s agency and limit their capacity to make decisions and to participate in public life. This section discusses GBV, child marriage as an expression of the absence of agency, and women’s decision-making in private and public spheres. Gender-based violence Tackling GBV matters on its own as a fundamental human right, ensuring that everyone in the society is entitled to a life free of violence and discrimination. GBV has devastating effects on individuals and societies. At the individual level, the experience of GBV has severe impacts on individuals’ health, well-being, and agency (Knight and Hester 2016; Oram, Khalifeh, and Howard 2017). Incidents of physi- cal and sexual GBV increase the risks of miscarriages and mortality (Morland et al. 2008). Women who encounter IPV during pregnancy tend to have fewer antenatal and postnatal care visits, which might be one of the reasons for maternal and infant mortality and lower health status of newborns (Flach et al. 2011). Children of abused women are also more likely to be deprived of essential care, access to education, and adequate socialization compare to children of nonabused women (Flach et al. 2011). At the societal level, domestic abuse affects the human capital potential of survivors, reducing their labor market participation and engagement in civic activities (Iqbal, Bardwell, and Hammond 2021). Key informants highlighted that violence has increased with the pandemic be- cause of increased levels of (economic and psychological stress). It is important to remember that the prevalence data presented in this paper predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Although no quantitative data are available for Togo to show hard numbers for an increase, this claim is in line with global evidence on this issue (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). 28 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 High prevalence and acceptance rates of GBV produce IPV is widespread in Togo, with 35.7 percent of women huge economic and social losses and trigger negative out- having ever experienced at least one of its forms (physi- comes in different dimensions of social life. First, GBV cal, emotional, or sexual) (figure 17). Emotional violence negatively affects women’s participation in education, em- is listed as the most common form of IPV, affecting 29.7 ployment, and civic life, thus hindering progress in poverty percent of Togolese women ages 15–49, followed by phys- reduction. Abused women are more likely than nonabused ical (20.2 percent) and sexual IPV (7.5 percent). Divorced ones to suffer from isolation, inability to work, loss of in- and separated women are most vulnerable to all forms of come, job instability, and higher expenses for medical care IPV, compared to married and single women. Moreover, (IWPR 2017; WHO 2017). In Peru, studies estimating the incidence of IPV is higher in rural than urban areas: 33.4 cost of domestic violence find that the economic costs reach percent of rural and 24.3 percent of urban women have ever $6.7 billion, equivalent to a 3.7 percent loss in gross domes- experienced emotional IPV; 21.4 percent and 18.5 percent, tic product resulting from decreased productivity (Díaz and respectively, have experienced physical IPV; and 8.1 per- Miranda 2010). Moreover, on average, female survivors of cent and 6.6. percent, respectively, have experienced sexual GBV lose between 43 and 47 productive days of work in a IPV (DHS 2013/2014). Incidence of IPV increases with the year (Varna-Horna 2015). Moreover, children who witness number of children in the household but decreases with ev- IPV at home are also likely to suffer from a range of negative ery next level of educational attainment and wealth quintile outcomes. Studies show negative links between exposure to (DHS 2013/2014). violence and school outcomes (IWPR 2017). Individuals, who witnessed IPV in childhood are likely to become per- petrators or victims of violence as adults (WHO 2017). Figure 17. Sexual, physical, and emotional intimate-partner violence against women ages 15–49 in Togo (%) 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Total Urban Rural No Primary Secondary Higher Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 15-49 education Togo Residence Education Wealth quintile Emotional violence Physical and sexual violence Physical violence Physical and sexual and emotional violence Sexual violence Physical or sexual or emotional violence Source: DHS 2013/2014. 29 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Physical violence against women in Togo is widespread, in a union and 6.1 percent of single women. The share of with about one in three women ages 15–49 (29.2 percent) women who have experienced sexual GBV increases with having encountered at least one episode of physical vio- age, from 5.6 percent among those ages 15–19 to 12.9 per- lence during her lifetime. The incidence rate of physical cent among women ages 30–39 years, although it decreases violence against women differs only slightly by place of resi- slightly among women ages 40–49 (11.1 percent). The risk dence: 28.6 percent in urban areas versus 29.6 in rural ones. of encountering sexual GBV also tends to increase with By region, the incidents of physical GBV are most common the number of children in the household (from 7.7 percent in Centrale (encountered by 45.6 percent of women ages among women with no children to 12.6 percent among 15–49), followed by Savanes (40.4 percent), Kara (31.0 per- those with five or more children). Level of educational at- cent), Maritime (23.9 percent), and Lomé Commune (23.1 tainment is negatively correlated with the experience of sex- percent). There is also a clear association between level of ual GBV. The share of women who have experienced sexual education attained and exposure to physical violence: wom- GBV differs only slightly by place of residence and wealth en with no education (32.7 percent) are more vulnerable quintile (DHS 2013/2014). In most cases, sexual GBV is than those with primary (30.0 percent) and secondary or perpetrated either by an current (44.0 percent) or former higher (25.2 percent). Likewise, women from the poorest partner (21.2 percent). Concerningly, 9.5 percent of women wealth quintile are more likely to have experienced phys- were sexually abused by a stranger: 1.9 percent by a teacher ical GBV than those in the highest wealth quintile (37.5 and 0.7 by an employer. percent versus 26.3 percent). Most cases of physical GBV are perpetrated by a husband or current partner (44.0 per- The acceptance rates of IPV in Togo are also high, with cent). At the same time, 11.5 percent of women reported nearly one-third of all women ages 15–49 (28.7 percent) having encountered physical violence from a teacher, and justifying domestic abuse under certain circumstances. 3.0 percent from an employer or someone in the workplace The proportion of women who justify IPV in Togo is, how- (DHS 2013/2014). ever, lower than in neighboring countries, including Benin (31.8 percent), Senegal (39.1 percent), Burkina Faso (43.5 Notably, there are stark regional differences in the re- percent), Côte d’Ivoire (47.9 percent), Guinea (67.2 per- porting of intimate-partner violence by women ages cent), Chad (73.5 percent), and Mali (79.4 percent) (figure 15-49. For example, the highest proportion of women ages 18). The most common reason given as justification for a 15-49 who have ever experienced physical or sexual IPV is husband to beat his wife is when she argues with him (19.5 recorded in Savanes (32 percent) and Centrale (29 percent), percent of women ages 15–49). Other reasons include when but lowest in Maritime (18 percent), Plateaux (19 percent) the wife neglects the children (18.9 percent), when she goes and Lomé commune (19 percent) (DHS 2013/2014). out without her husband’s permission (17.8 percent), when she burns the food (11.2 percent), and when she refuses to The proportion of women who have experienced sexual have sex with him (9.6 percent) (figure 18). The acceptance violence is highest among divorcees and separated wom- of IPV decreases as wealth quintile and level of educational en (19.6 percent), compared to 11.3 percent of women attainment increase (figure 19). 30 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 18. Women who believe a husband is justified in beating his wife, by wealth quintile, in Togo and regional peers (%) 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Burkina Chad Côte Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 [2018] Faso [2015] d'Ivoire [2018] [2018] [2019] [2014] [2010] [2012] Peer countries Wealth quintile Source DHS Note: The five reasons are: 1) when she argues with him, 2) when she burns the food, 3) when she goes out without telling him, 4) when she neglects the children, 5) when she refuses sex with him. Somewhat more than one-third of survivors (36.8 per- the National Gender Policy (2011). Moreover, female gen- cent) have sought help to stop physical or sexual violence, ital mutilation/cutting is illegal and punishable under Law according to the 2013/2014 DHS. Although it represents No. 98-016, dated November 17, 1998. One of the recent re- only a limited share of survivors, this share is above similar lated reforms is the amendment to the Penal Code adopted figures for Benin (34.7 percent), Chad (31.2 percent), Mali in November 2015 that strengthen protections against GBV (19.4 percent), and Senegal (25.7 percent) (figure 20). To and discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, and effectively tackle and eradicate GBV, negative social norms other factors (Isbell and Akinocho 2018). Furthermore, the need to be addressed and zero tolerance of violence against law criminalizes sexual harassment in the workplace (Ar- women should be promoted, as repeatedly emphasized by ticles 40–42, 301 of the Labor Code). There is, however, no key informants. Costs and financial implications were also stand-alone legislation on IPV, which is important because mentioned as unsurmountable barriers for several survi- dedicated legislation has proven to contribute to reduced vors preventing them from searching for medical help. rates of different forms of violence against women and helps to define GBV in a comprehensive way, which may Some forms of GBV can be prosecuted under current law, encourage reporting. There is also a documented effect in although there is no stand-alone legislation to address raising awareness around GBV among the general popu- violence against women. Thus, some forms of physical and lation. Finally, dedicated legislation helps clarify roles and sexual violence (rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment) are responsibilities and enables cooperation across sectors and punishable through provisions in the Penal Code, the La- coordinated action against GBV (Aday 2015). bor Code (2006), the Reproductive Health Law (2007), the Child Code (2007), the National Strategy to Combat All Forms of Violence Against Women validated in 2008, and 31 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 20. Proportion of women ages 15–49 Figure 19. Justification of intimate partner who have sought help to stop physical or sexual violence in Togo, by education level (%) violence, Togo and regional peers (%) 40 45 35 40 30 25 35 20 30 15 10 25 5 0 20 15 Wife beating justified if she burns the food [Women] Wife beating justified if she argues with him [Women] Wife beating justified if she goes out without telling him [Women] Wife beating justified if she neglects the children [Women] Wife beating justified if she refuses to have sex with him [Women] Wife beating justified for at least one specific reason [Women] 10 5 0 Benin [2018] Burkina Faso [2010] Chad [2015] Côte d'Ivoire [2012] Mali [2018] Senegal [2018] Togo [2014] Total No education Primary Secondary Source: DHS 2013/2014. Source: DHS. Child marriage “Cultural and socio-cultural beliefs Almost one in four young women in Togo was married that the girl who goes too far, who by age 18. Among women ages 20–24, 6.4 percent first mar- pushes her studies too far, will ried by age 15 and 24.8 percent married by age 18 (MICS eventually not find a husband. And 2017). Togo’s neighboring countries have higher shares of that there is a certain age to get women married as children, yet several countries in the married. And if you go beyond that region figure among those at the top of the worldwide rank- age because you’re in school, you ing: Chad (24 percent of women ages 20–24 marry by age might not find a husband ….” 15 and 61 percent by age 18; MICS 2019), Central African Republic (26 percent and 61 percent; MICS 2018/19), and Guinea (17 percent and 47 percent; DHS 2018) (figure 21). Key informants highlighted that violence has increased Overall, the mean age at first marriage is higher for men with the pandemic because of increased levels of (eco- than for women (25.6 and 21.1 years correspondingly) (EH- nomic and psychological stress). It is important to re- CVM 2018/2019). The mean age at first marriage is higher member that the prevalence data presented in this paper in urban areas for both women and men, compared to their predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Although no quantita- rural counterparts (figure 22; figure 23). On average, most tive data are available for Togo to show hard numbers for urban women marry at ages 20–24 (41.4 percent), followed an increase, this claim is in line with global evidence on this by those ages 16–19 (25.6 percent) and 25–29 (23.4 per- issue (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). cent). The situation is drastically different for urban men, most of whom marry at ages 25–29 (39.5 percent), followed 32 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 by those ages 30–34 (21.7 percent), 35+ (11.1 percent), and 20–24 (40.5 percent) (figure 23). Notably, 2.1 percent of 16–19 (3.3 percent) (figure 22). In rural areas, the majority urban and 5.0 percent of rural women marry under age of women marry on average at ages 16–19 (42.3 percent), 15. The same value stands at 0.1 percent for urban and 0.6 with the share constantly decreasing for each following age percent for rural men. group. Rural men, on the contrary, marry mainly at ages Figure 21. Percentage of women ages 20–24 years old who were first married before the ages of 15 and 18, Togo and regional peers 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo [2018] [2010] [2019] [2016] [2018] [2018] [2019] [2017] first married by age 15 (% of women ages 20-24) first married by age 18 (% of women ages 20-24) Source: Gender Statistics. Figure 22. Share of Togo’s urban population, by Figure 23. Share of Togo’s rural population, by age age of first marriage (%) of first marriage (%) 45 45 42,31 41,44 39,54 40,51 40 40 %/U'' 35 35 %&U&( 30 30 25 25,49 24,35 25 23,40 20 21,65 20 15 15 10 11,09 10 11,34 11,28 9,90 5 6,05 5 2,09 3,30 4,98 1,53 2,18 3,29 0 0,06 0 0,57 0,64 Under 15 16-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35+ Under 15 16-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35+ Male Female Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 33 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Poverty is among the main drivers of child marriages Additionally, early marriage in Togo derives from cul- globally (Wodon et al. 2017), and it was referred to as key tural traditions, negative gender roles, and social norms. driver in Togo by key informants. According to a quali- According to Crivello and Mann (2020), 22.9 percent of tative study by Crivello and Mann (2020),4 65.2 percent of respondents in Togo agree with the statement that negative respondents in Togo believe that poverty is the main reason gender norms are the key driver of early marriage, along- behind girls’ early marriage (in contrast to 41.7 percent in side with 23.5 percent of respondents in Niger and 41.7 Mali and 13.9 percent in Niger). Moreover, difficulty find- percent in Mali (table 1). The practice of early marriage is ing a decent job was listed as another factor driving early maintained by beliefs anchored in age-old, traditional prac- marriage by 39.8 percent of Togolese respondents, in line tices such as the appearance of signs of puberty (body size), with the responses from Niger (32.2 percent) (table 1). according to 64 percent of respondents; breast development Notably, school dropout was not mentioned as a driver of (63.8 percent); start of menstruation (59.1 percent); and the early marriage in Togo at all, although it was recognized as importance attached to virginity. In some areas of Togo, the prominent cause in Mali (76.0 percent) and Niger (17.6 there are strong religious taboos concerning female sexual- percent). Other economic reasons behind early marriage in ity, and a girl who loses her virginity or becomes pregnant Togo include the exchange of goods, money, and services outside of marriage brings bad luck and dishonors her fam- (18.8 percent); the desire to reduce the financial burden on ily (Crivello and Mann 2020). In some cases, if the fact of families (12 percent); and repayment of debts incurred by extramarital sexual relations becomes known, girls may be the girl’s parents (11.8 percent) (Crivello and Mann 2020). subjected to violence from their parents and community Many impoverished families arrange marriages for their members. Therefore, early marriage is seen as one way to daughters as a coping mechanism in response to poverty keep women “pure” and prevent cases of extramarital sex- and financial insecurity. Financial stress often forces par- ual relations. Furthermore, in some religious communities, ents to marry their daughters as soon as possible to ease the marriage of a girl who is a virgin is regarded as sacred the financial strain. The practice of arranging marriages for and essential for the success of the marriage (Crivello & girls with strangers is a common practice under the circum- Mann 2020). Thus, addressing the issue of child marriage stances of poverty (Borgen Project 2020). in Togo should also focus on the facilitation of a positive behavioral and social norm change. Table 1. Drivers of girls’ early marriage in Togo Mali Niger Togo Respondents were asked about School dropout 76.0 17.6 NA the drivers of early Poverty 41.7 13.9 65.2 marriage, which fell into four main Difficulties accessing decent work NA 32.2 39.8 categories Negative gender norms 41.7 23.5 22.9 Source: Crivello and Mann 2020, 133. 4 Data were collected through eight focus groups and 35 individual interviews in Togo with parents, religious and community leaders, and young people. Data were collected between August and December 2016. 34 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Beyond being rooted in poverty, child marriage reinforc- Decision-making in the private and es poverty at the transgenerational level (Borgen Project the public spheres 2020). Child marriage is negatively correlated with girls’ school enrollment and attainment, leading to higher risks Women’s ability to make and implement decisions is of school dropout and, consequently, limited employment fundamental to ensuring that women can build their hu- opportunities for women later in life. Marrying at 15–17 man capital, make use of services, and take on economic years of age strongly affects girls’ completion of second- opportunities. Only 30 percent of Togolese women can ary education; marrying before the age of 15 can prevent make their own decisions regarding sexual and reproduc- girls from completing primary school (Nguyen and Wodon tive health and rights. The proportion of Togolese women 2014). Consequently, jobs available for girls and young who report that they can say no to sex is 75 percent, much women married by the age of 18 are often informal and higher than in some of the neighboring countries: Benin poorly paid, hindering their possibilities of reaching eco- (62 percent), Burkina Faso (62 percent), Guinea (55 per- nomic and financial stability. Moreover, early marriage and cent), Mali (31 percent), Senegal (19 percent) (figure 24). subsequent early pregnancy and childbearing increase the Only 47.2 percent of women participate in decision-making risks of maternal mortality among adolescent girls (Raj and about major household purchases, 42.1 participate in deci- Boehmer 2013) and have negative impacts on their repro- sions about their own health, and 64.6 percent decide about ductive health (Nour 2006). According to the World Health visits to family, relatives, and friends. Nevertheless, these Organization, pregnancy and childbirth complications are values are significantly higher than, for instance, Chad, the leading cause of deaths globally among girls ages 15–19 Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, and Senegal (of peer countries, years (WHO 2020). Children born to teenage mothers have only women in Benin have similar levels of decision-mak- increased risks of mortality under the age of five (Raj 2010). ing capacity). Key informants referred to poverty and, spe- It is therefore important to address this issue not only as cifically, women’s economic dependence on men as major one of the key gender-differentiated negative symptoms drivers of women’s lack of power within the household. At of poverty but also as one of the key factors reproducing the same time, they stressed that there are large and sig- poverty for the girl herself and her children. Finally, it is nificant differences in terms of women’s decision-making worth mentioning that evidence shows that the risks of abilities within and outside the household when comparing early pregnancy, early marriage, and school abandonment rural and urban women, and women from different social are closely interlinked and often overlap. According to an groups, including those belonging to different religions. analysis done by Camber Collective and commissioned by UNFPA and the World Bank in the context of the SWEDD project, there are 530,683 girls in Togo between ages 10-19, who are vulnerable to these combined risks. “Poverty means that sometimes women, even if they are in need, wait for their husbands to give permission before going to the hospital and this has an impact on their health. Because they don’t have the means and can’t make decisions.“ 35 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 24. Proportion of women ages 15-49 years who make their own decisions regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights in Togo, and regional peers, % 100 80 60 40 20 0 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo [2018] [2010] [2015] [2012] [2018] [2018] [2017] [2014] Decision-making on women's own health care Decision-making on use of contraceptive Say no to sex Decision-making on sexual and reproductive health and rights Source: DHS. Women are still underrepresented in politics, although performs better than Benin (7.2 percent), Burkina Faso (6.3 significant progress has been observed in the past de- percent), Chad (15.4 percent), and Côte d’Ivoire (11.4 per- cades. The share of seats held by women in the national cent), but worse than Mali (27.9 percent) and significantly parliament has increased substantially—from 11.1 per- behind Senegal, where women hold 43 percent of all seats cent in 2007 to 18.7 percent in 2020. In these terms, Togo in parliament (WDI 2020) (figure 25). Figure 25. Proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments, Togo and regional peers, 1997–2020 (%) 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Benin Burkina Faso Chad Côte d'Ivoire Guinea Mali Senegal Togo Source: World Development Indicators. 36 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 The increase in Togo is likely to be the outcome of the the party in the previous legislative elections and 10 percent amendments to the Electoral Law of 2013, requiring that by the number of women elected for the party in the last candidate lists include equal numbers of men and wom- local elections. With respect to ministerial positions, Togo en. According to the 2013 Law on Political Party and Elec- leads the ranking of peer countries: as of 2020, 30 percent of toral Campaign Funding, the funding for political parties the 33 ministerial positions are held by women, in contrast is linked to the share of female candidacies: 20 percent of to just 10 percent in 2008. funding is determined by the number of women elected for 37 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 38 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 GENDER GAPS IN ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES Addressing gender inequalities in economic opportunities and securing access to quality employment and productive assets are vital for women, their families, and communities as means to escape poverty and boost productivity. Low accu- mulation of endowments among Togolese girls and women, combined with their limited agency, translates into much poorer labor market outcomes, lower lifetime incomes, and heightened risk to fall into or remain in poverty. In addition to lower rates of participation, the quality of employment available to women is poorer than that available to men. Women’s role as mothers and caregivers and their engagement in unpaid domestic work contribute to monetary and time poverty. Similarly, women face particular challenges in becoming entrepreneurs, including limited access to finance and productive assets. Labor force participation Women’s labor force participation (LFP)—and its quali- ty—matter for their ability to generate incomes and move out of poverty. In Togo, female LFP increases with income “Because sometimes, group, and the gender gap in LFP is largest among the poorest if she’s young and income quintiles. According to the 2018 EHCVM, female LFP she’s getting married stands at 53.0 percent, much lower than that for males at 70.8 and she’s going to percent (figure 26). The gender gap in LFP is larger in rural get pregnant and so areas than in urban areas (23.8 percentage points versus 10.1 she’s going to have to percentage points); the larger gap is driven by large gaps in quit the job and the the share of rural family workers. Indeed, 23.4 percent of ru- company is going to ral women (4.5 percent in urban areas) are engaged in unpaid have to pay while she’s work for another household member. Despite being workers, on maternity leave, these women are not included in the labor force, which ac- so on of done some counts only for paid work and unemployment. There are also private companies are potentially other inconsistences with measuring female LFP. reluctant.” For example, Idowu & Owoeye (2019) argue that particularly in Sub Saharan Africa, a substantial share of the population – many of whom are women – is primarily involved in food 39 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 production mainly for own use. Depending on how exactly (26.8 percent for women and 26.1 percent for men in 2019) the concept of FLP is defined, it could lead to significant (WDI). However, more young men than young women ages data variations in female labor force participation rates in 15–24 are engaged in the labor force in Burkina Faso (23.9 Sub-Saharan Africa. LFP among youth (ages 15–24) is no- of women and 27.7 of men in 2018), Chad (35.5 percent tably higher among women than men (27.7 percent ver- of women and 42.5 percent of men in 2018), Côte d’Ivoire sus 23.7 percent) (WDI 2018). As such, LFP among youth (27.1 of women and 31.4 of men in 2017), Mali (40.2 per- in Togo is in line with the trends in Benin (33.9 percent cent of women and 56.8 of men in 2018), and Senegal (19.2 for women and 31.5 percent for men in 2018) and Guinea percent of women and 41.3 of men in 2019) (WDI). Figure 26. Labor force participation of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by place of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. However, it is important to note that gender disparities in LFP can be partially attributed to the difficulties in “And then women don’t make as measuring different types of women’s economic engage- much money and since they are in ment. In general, the evidence indicates that women are small industries and then small income more likely than men to be involved in informal or irregu- generating activities, their income is lar activities for profit, which remain strongly undercount- limited to the daily income that they ed, particularly in rural domains (Muller and Sousa 2020). have […] that’s her first concern when Thus, the measure of women’s LFP in Togo might be inac- the woman goes into business, her curate because it fails to consider a broader engagement of first concern is to be able to feed her women in various economic activities. family whereas the man may not have the same concern.” In Togo, widowed, separated, or divorced women show higher participation rates (66.7 percent) compared to single women (26.3 percent) and women in monogamous 40 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 (61.4 percent) or polygamous (54.2 percent) marriage. 51.1 percent among men with no children to 93.6 percent Men, on the contrary, show higher participation rates when among men with four or more children. For women, LFP in monogamous (92.0 percent) or polygamous (88.9 per- increases significantly but reverts slightly when women cent) marriage, and lower rates when single (42.0 percent) have more than four children (figure 28). Overall, the gen- (figure 27). Having children and the number of children are der gap in LFP is larger among those with children: 90 per- also associated with differences in LFP rates. For example, cent for men compared to 60 percent for women. Time use for men LFP increases with the number of children: from patterns are likely drivers of the increase or decrease. Figure 27. Labor force participation of males and Figure 28. Labor force participation of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by marital status, 2018 females ages 15+ in Togo, by presence and number (%) of children, 2018 (%) 100 100 80 80 60 60 40 40 20 0 20 Single Married (monogamous) Married (polygamous) Widowed/ Separated /Divorced 0 No Has child/ No One 2-3 More child children child child children than 4 Presence of children Number of children Male Female Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Overall, women and men have low rates of unemploy- are significantly correlated with unemployment risks for ment: 3.1 percent and 3.2 percent, respectively. The overall both men and women. Less than 1 percent of women with gender gap is minimal but is slightly higher in rural (0.8 no education are unemployed, compared to 1.8 percent percentage point) than in urban areas (0.6 percentage among women with primary education, 4.8 percent with point). Unemployment is, however, more common among secondary education, and 24.1 percent with postsecondary youth ages 15–24, with more men (9.7 percent) than wom- education (figure 29). Women’s unemployment rate also de- en (7.4 percent) being unemployed. Women (both adult creases with the number of children in the household: from women and those ages 15–24) are more likely to be unem- 5.7 percent among women with no children to 1.7 percent ployed when in the richest quintile—likely because poorer among women with four or more children. For men, unem- women cannot afford to be unemployed. As expected in ployment decreases significantly, but reverts slightly when low-income countries, high levels of educational attainment men have more than two to three children. 41 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 29. Unemployment rate of males and females ages 15+ in Togo, by area of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. There are also significant gender differences in the share Some employment sectors in Togo are dominated by men. of youth not in education, employment, or training For example, men constitute the majority of employees in (NEET). As of 2017, 31.5 percent of women were NEET, the sectors of transportation and communication (99.1 compared to just 18.3 percent of men (WDI). Various di- percent) and construction (97.0 percent). Likewise, most mensions such as gender, age, educational attainment, and employees in the sectors of education and health and live- migration status affect the risk of becoming NEET. Al- stock and fishing are male (72.9 percent and 72.4 percent, though there is only limited data on contributing factors respectively). Women constitute the majority of workers in for becoming NEET in Togo, the global evidence supports the fields of mining and manufacturing5 (67.8 percent) and the fact that women are more likely than men to be out commerce (74.9 percent). Women make up about half of the of education, employment, or training (OECD 2021). Sev- workers in agriculture (50.4 percent) (figure 30). eral reasons account for inactivity among women, includ- ing pregnancy, childcare responsibilities, and high burden Although most women are engaged in the labor force, of unpaid domestic work. For men, on the contrary, the the quality of jobs they undertake remains poor. For ex- most common reason to be NEET is health-related issues ample, according to the 2018 EHCVM, 40 percent of em- (OECD 2016). Globally, although women are more likely ployed women are contributing family workers (also known to be NEET, the reasons for being so are not the same as as unpaid family workers), compared to 24.4 percent of male for men: in almost all OECD and partner countries, most workers. Men are more likely than women to be skilled or NEET women are inactive while most NEET men are un- unskilled workers. Of total female employment, 87.5 per- employed (OECD 2021). Being NEET can be a temporary cent can be categorized as vulnerable (that is, contributing condition for some young people, whereby it can also de- family workers and own-account workers as a percentage of motivate them from further job or training opportunity total employment), whereas the share of vulnerable employ- search, making it more difficult to alleviate poverty. ment among men has always been lower and stood at 62.1 5 This includes activities such as street foods and so on. 42 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 sexual harassment and other forms of GBV at the workplace “Even in urban areas, if you go into (Groggel, Sow, and Gnimassou 2020). Informal employ- our different markets now, you will ment can further amplify women’s vulnerability to pover- see that women are the majority in ty and reduce their resilience to shocks and crises, like the these markets. But when you close COVID-19 pandemic (Webb, McQuaid, and Rand 2020). the market when there are restrictions, women are durably impacted, so their Women are likelier to work in self-employment, and the activity. However, it is their meager share of self-employed women has remained almost con- income that allows them to survive, stant over the past decades. For men, this share dropped given that most men, take very little significantly after 2006 (from 84.5 percent in 1994 to 64.2 within their home, their household…” percent in 2019), and women are now likelier than men to be self-employed (60 percent of women versus 58 per- cent of men). Self-employment entails multiple subcatego- percent in 2019 (figure 31). Moreover, 94.3 percent of female ries: self-employed workers with employees (employers), employees are engaged in informal activities (that is, eco- self-employed workers without employees (own-account nomic activities that have market value but are not formally workers), members of producer cooperatives, and con- registered), compared to 73.9 percent for men. Women and tributing family workers (also known as unpaid family girls are often exploited in domestic work and have limit- workers). Interestingly the gender gap in self-employment ed options outside the informal economy. Informal work differs when comparing urban and rural populations: in poses challenges for women’s economic and financial au- urban areas 67 percent of female workers and 43 percent of tonomy, because it is associated with lower wages and lack male workers are self-employed whereas in rural areas the of social security. Regional evidence also indicates that trend reverses, with 70.4 percent of men and 54.9 percent informal employment increases the risks of encountering of women workers being self-employed. Figure 30. Gender balance in Togo, by Figure 31. Vulnerable employment in Togo, by employment sector (%) sex, 1991–2019 (% of total employment) 100 100 Other services Other services Education/health Education/health 80 80 Transport/communication Transport/communication 60 60 Commerce Commerce 40 40 Construction Construction Mining/industry Mining/industry 20 20 Livestock/fishing Livestock/fishing 0 0 Agriculture Agriculture 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 1991 2001 1993 2003 1995 2005 1997 2007 1999 2009 2001 2011 2003 2013 2005 2015 2007 2017 2009 2019 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 0 500 50 100 100 150 150 Male Male (% of male (% of male employment) employment) Male Female Male Female female (% Female (% ofFemale of female employment) employment) Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: Gender Statistics. 43 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 gender gap is even larger in rural areas, driven by the “Even in urban areas, you will see that particularly low access among women there (6.7 percent it is women who are in the majority for women compared to 16.9 percent for men) (EHCVM in these markets. But when you have 2018/2019). In fact, one female adult only households are closure of the places of these markets, more disadvantaged across all forms of asset ownership when there are restrictive measures, compared to two adult or one male adult only households. women are durably impacted, so their Access to mobile banking increases with income quintile— activity. However, it is their meager but with a persistent gender gap across all income groups work that allows them to survive, (figure 32). In terms of access to a bank account (not nec- given that most men, take very little essarily mobile), women are still disadvantaged, but their within their home, their household. access is greater (figure 33). About 25.21 percent of women So the pandemic has reinforced this versus 38.3 percent of men have access to a bank account disparity that already exists naturally, (EHCVM 2018/2019). Overall access is much higher in ur- socially and economically. So the ban than in rural areas and is proportional to income level. pandemic has reinforced that further.” Access to mobile money accounts increased tremendous- ly between 2014 and 2017 in Togo (Demirgüç-Kunt et al COVID-19 has had a large and negative effect on wom- 2018). However, that increase was uneven when comparing en’s economic opportunities in Togo, according to key men and women. From almost no access to mobile mon- informants. Although no quantitative data exist to support ey accounts in 2014, now 26.98 percent of men and 15.98 this claim for Togo, it is in line with the global evidence on percent of women have a mobile money account. These the effects of COVID-19 on gender equality in economic numbers are lower than in some of Togo’s structural peers opportunities (de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller 2021). Women’s (Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, and Senegal) but higher low-quality participation in the labor market (through high than in Benin, Chad, and Guinea (Demirgüç-Kunt et al. levels of informality, vulnerability, and self-employment, as 2018). There is also evidence that women-owned enterpris- discussed previously)—as well as their overrepresentation es in Togo are more likely to finance their activities using as market vendors, service providers, and staff in sectors bank loans (5.4 for women vs 3.4 for men), and especially most affected by containment measures—explains their so in urban areas (EHCVM 2018). disproportionate vulnerability to the pandemic’s conse- quences. “When it comes to taking credit, we Access to finance and assets always notice this inequality due this time to sociological facts, that is to say Besides time use, social norms, and human capital con- that they are afraid of credit, they are straints, further constraints to women’s ability to be eco- afraid of the consequences of credit, nomically active include their limited access to finance, they are afraid of the failure of the bank accounts, and assets. Women in Togo are about half economic activity.” as likely as men to have access to mobile banking (11.7 percent versus 21.13 percent) (EHCVM 2018/2019). The 44 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 32. Share of males and females ages 15+ in Togo with access to mobile banking, by area of residence, region, and income quintile (%) 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Mobile banking Male Mobile banking Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Figure 33. Share of males and females ages 15+ in Togo with access to a bank account, by area of residence, region, and income, 2018 (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune Total Residence Region Wealth quintile Bank account Male Bank account Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Land ownership and use Gender disparities are much more severe in rural areas “It’s only in the city that girls are whereas opportunities in the city are much more obvious emerging, but in the villages, they to women and girls, according to the informants. One of the really lag behind.” key factors limiting women’s ability to take up opportunities 45 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 and achieve the same outcomes as their male peers in rural (OHCHR 2017). Access to and use of such programs influ- areas is inequality with respect to land ownership. ence women farmer’s income and savings. Moreover, women’s land ownership is associated with positive outcomes in endowments and agency, including “... The most important thing right improved maternal and reproductive health outcomes, now, which prevents women’s enhanced decision-making capacities, strengthened voice empowerment, is land, the new land within communities, and resistance to GBV. Secured land title gives women access, but the rights are proven to positively affect women’s sexual and re- enforceability has not yet followed” productive health, mainly through economic empowerment “But there she is not the owner (of the and changes in women’s decision-making patterns (Behr- land), so it is a precarious property, man 2017; Muchomba, Wang, and Agosta 2014). Evidence she is not the owner so she can shows that women’s land ownership positively affects mater- be fired at any time and she loses nal health outcomes, particularly the use of antenatal care everything. And then, when she has and decisions for planned pregnancy (Nyakato, Rwabukwa- to pay something to the owner, either li, and Kools 2020). Furthermore, global evidence indicates in terms of a share of the crop or in that women’s land ownership is positively and significantly terms of money, so you see that it correlated with speaking in community meetings and in only makes her more poor...” household decision-making (Goldman, Davis, and Little 2016; Grabe 2015; Selhausen 2016). It increases a woman’s power and control within her marriage and reduces her ex- Formalization of land ownership strongly contributes posure to IPV (Grabe, Grose, and Dutt 2015). According to women’s economic empowerment and has potential to evidence from India, women’s land and property status to reduce their vulnerability to poverty. Secured land are significant predictors of long-term physical and psycho- ownership can alleviate poverty among female-headed logical violence, regardless of socio-demographic character- households and enable women to sustain their living in the istics, like wealth quintile, place of residence, age, marital event of widowhood and divorce (Salcedo-La Viña 2020). status, educational level, number of children, and employ- For instance, formalized land rights increase the likelihood ment (Agarwal and Panda 2007). The study concludes that of finding supplementary wage employment, enhance bar- women who own land are eight times less likely to expe- gaining power with employers, and assist in launching ru- rience physical and psychological domestic violence, com- ral nonfarm enterprises (Agarwal 2003). With secure land pared to women who do not own land. Furthermore, land tenure, women farmers can also use their land as collateral ownership positively influences women’s ability to commit to access credit or as mortgageable or saleable assets in the to and participate in collective action, such as political meet- events of crisis. Women with the land certificate may also ings and village councils (Goldman, Davis, and Little 2016; obtain additional income from lending their land plots Grabe 2015; Selhausen 2016). (Akpalu and Bezabih 2015; Holden, Deininger, and Gheb- ru 2011). In addition, securing land rights allows women to Women’s land rights are also associated with multiple access extension and agricultural support programs, which benefits for their families and households, such as im- are commonly not available for unauthorized land users proved food security and better investments in children’s 46 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 human capital. Women’s secured land rights and actual investments, such as soil conservation. Such investment land ownership positively affect food security and children’s results in increased productivity and makes the land and nutrition (Allendorf 2007; Meinzen-Dick et al. 2019; Reh- households more resilient to climate change (Salcedo-La man, Ping, and Razzaq 2019). In addition, women’s land and Viña 2020). Emerging evidence also suggests that stronger property rights are associated with lower rates of infant and women’s land tenure security can mitigate the shocks of child mortality (Burroway 2015). A study from Vietnam high temperatures on households’ consumption during the shows that land-use rights held by women only decreased agricultural season (Asfaw and Maggio 2017). Overall, such the incidence of illness among children, increased health positive effects of women’s formalized land rights and own- insurance coverage for children, raised school enrollment, ership show a potential to contribute to economic growth and reallocated household expenditures toward food and and reduce poverty. away from alcohol and tobacco (Menon, Ven der Meulen Rodgers, and Nguyen 2014). A positive association between Rural women are strongly disadvantaged with respect women’s land rights and children’s schooling has been ob- to ownership of (agricultural) land, which poses huge served in Ethiopia (Kumar and Quisumbing 2015). The challenges not only to their own advancement in other overall positive effect of women’s land rights and land own- dimensions of well-being but also to Togo’s economic ership on children’s human capital may eventually alleviate growth and poverty reduction more broadly. Only 9.2 intergenerational transmission of poverty by positively af- percent of rural women reported owning at least one par- fecting the incomes of the next generation. cel of land, compared to 39.7 percent of men. Among the bottom 40 percent of the rural income distribution, that gap Finally, women’s land rights provide benefits for society is even wider: 8.9 percent of women versus 46.5 percent of at large by boosting agricultural transformation, ampli- men own at least one parcel of land. When looking at the fying economic growth, and strengthening resilience of rural population with no education, that gap increases even rural farm households. In many cases, lack of land certif- further: 11.0 percent of women versus 55.3 of men own at icates poses challenges for farmers to consider short- and least one parcel of land. Of those working in agriculture, long-term agricultural investments, whereas the formaliza- only 15.1 percent of women own land, whereas 52.3 percent tion of land ownership promotes the adoption of technol- of men do (figure 34). ogy and natural resource management (Dillon and Voena 2017; Goldstein et al. 2018;). Indeed, land tenure security is associated with greater investment in land: for example, in Burkina Faso, households that report owning their land “These are the areas in which there are twice as likely to invest in anti-erosion measures as would be leverage. Much more on those who report having the land on loan. Experimental access to land. When women have evidence from Benin suggests that land rights formalization access to land and when this idea increases land investments, with female-headed households has made into the heads of the in particular boosting their fallowing investments in land people, it’s going to be a big effect (Goldstein et al. 2018). In Zambian communities where on the empowerment of women widows inherited land, households were more likely to in- themselves.” vest through fertilizer use and fallowing (Dillon and Voena 2017). Secure land rights create incentives for long-term 47 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 34. Parcel ownership (individual level) in Togo, by gender, poverty status, education level, and employment sector (%) 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Bottom Top No Primary Secondary Tertiary Agriculture Industry Services Unemployed 40% 60% education Poverty Status Educational attainment Sector of employment Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Note: Individual level data. Ownership is defined as individuals who reported owning at least one parcel of land. Agriculture includes jobs in crop yields, fisheries and animal breeding jobs. Industry includes extractive and other industries, and public works/construction jobs. Services includes commerce, restaurants/hotels, transportation, communication, education, health, other and personal services jobs. Bottom 40% and top 60% are measured in terms of total household expenditure per capita. Includes individuals 18+ years of age. percent (figure 35). Notably, of all the parcels legally owned, only 22 percent are owned by women, in contrast to 78 “In the north, you have religion. They percent owned by men. do not support credit or economic activity for girls. In some places, Land ownership and the limitations women face in this women do not have the right to land.” regard were mentioned prominently as major problems in Togo in key informant interviews. Unequal land owner- ship was referred to as one of the main explanatory factors behind the links between gender inequality and poverty in Of all landowners in Togo (individuals who reported Togo—especially in light of the outstanding overlapping owning one parcel of land), women constitute only 16.9 disadvantages facing rural women. Relatedly, several in- percent at the country level (in contrast to 83.1 percent terviewees in the qualitative data mentioned that women of men) (EHCVM 2018/2019). The proportion of wom- cannot access credit in the ways that men can—despite the en owning land in Togo is higher than in all regional peer recent emphasis made in the new Land Code 2018 (see the countries and the average for the West African Econom- discussion in the next subsection). One important limitation ic and Monetary Union countries, which stands at 11.5 here, however, is that this Land Code has yet to be translated 48 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Figure 35. Parcel ownership (parcel level) in Togo and regional peers 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Benin Côte d'Ivoire Guinea-Bissau Mali NIger Senegal Togo WAEMU Male Female Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Note: Parcel level data. Ownership is defined as individuals who reported owning one parcel of land. Burkina Faso ommitted due to data constraints. Includes individuals 18+ years of age. WAEMU = West African Economic and Monetary Union. into respective Implementation Decrees. Socially, secured Closing the de jure–de facto legal gap in land ownership land tenure is constrained by religious and geographical was mentioned as a policy priority by several interview- factors, which impede women’s access to productive assets ees. Key informants further indicate that formalization of and land. In some areas, it is believed that only men can be women’s land rights would significantly contribute to wom- the head of the household, which does not align with the en’s economic and social empowerment, resulting in shared Family Code that allows women to be heads of households prosperity and growth. in equal ways. Transferring land plots to women is perceived to be economically disadvantageous, because women are expected to marry and join the families of their husbands. Apart from traditions and customs, women’s land owner- “The tradition tends to privilege men ship is challenged by weak law enforcement and high costs more than women, for example, in of accessing justice. According to the key informants, some terms of land. For example, when Togolese women lack knowledge and finances to claim their it comes to access to land, it is said legal rights over a land plot. The low level of literacy among that the land belongs to the man […] adult women in Togo is yet another concern, because it pre- because it is said that the woman is vents women from formalizing their land rights. called to leave for the marriage.” 49 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Togo has already started implementing specific measures In addition, conflicts exist between the new law provi- to strengthen women’s land rights and ownership. The sions and prevalent traditions and customs in Togo. For recent reform of the Land Code is a remarkable step to- example, the Code mentions the possibility of formalization ward ensuring women’s land rights. Unanimously passed of rights over communal lands, which include forests, pas- on June 5, 2018, the new Land Code sets the foundation for tures, and natural water sources. Although, according to the a more progressive institutional land management frame- new law, women and men are expected to have equal access work in Togo. It aims to resolve land conflicts that have to such land resources, some Togolese traditions and cus- been pending in court for decades, tackle land speculation toms claim that the communal lands cannot be shared with and expropriation, eliminate the possibility of registering women (Land Portal 2020). Therefore, the implementation land multiple times by different actors, and end the sell-off of the law would require a national awareness-raising effort of rural lands by helping communities to secure custom- to facilitate a positive social norm change. ary land rights. The Code also repeatedly emphasizes the principle of gender equality to ensure equal access to land Furthermore, women may be disadvantaged in seeking for traditionally marginalized populations such as the rural legal action against violations in land registration pro- poor, youth, and indigenous and local community wom- cedure. The newly established land registration offices are en (Kipalu and Essimi 2021). For example, Article 14 of granted exclusive power and responsibility in land-related the Code requires “ensuring that men and women enjoy procedures (Art. 60). The Code specifies that the refusal to all human rights on an equal basis, while recognizing the register the land to a woman is punishable with a fine and differences between women and men and taking, where imprisonment, but this decision can be made only upon a necessary, specific measures to accelerate the achievement court trial. Access to justice and land registration can be of equality in practice, the state must ensure that women further constrained by the implied costs, overall low educa- and girls have equal rights to land, fisheries and forests, tional attainment levels, and limited access to information regardless of their marital status.” among the rural population, particularly women. Nevertheless, some of the challenges that obstruct wom- Unpaid domestic work en’s access to land remain unaddressed. For example, Article 629 of the Code provides that land holders are en- Women spend significantly more time than men in un- titled to legally assert and recognize their ownership rights paid domestic work—16.9 hours for women versus 5.3 in case their land plots have been acquired in accordance hours for men per week (EHCVM 2018/2019). The gen- with customary law. The article further specifies that the der gap is even larger in rural areas (18.9 hours versus 6.2 principle of gender equality is to be respected in these re- hours) than in urban (14.2 hours versus 4.0 hours) (figure gards. However, because most land plots under customary 36). Gender disparities in this area start early in life: girls law belong to men, women can hardly benefit from this ages 7–12 steadily spend more hours on unpaid domes- innovation. The Code does not mention any specific im- tic work than boys (8.1 hours versus 5.7 hours per week) plementation channels to guarantee women’s access to the (figure 37). Interestingly, boys across different levels of registration of land previously held under customary law. school enrollment spend almost exactly the same amount Likewise, the law does not specify which special measures of time in domestic unpaid work. By contrast, even when to ensure gender equality will be in place, which might enrolled girls work more hours than boys in unpaid work cause misinterpretation of the law provisions. (9.22 hours versus 6.25 hours), but that amount increases to 50 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 “Women have a lot of informal “…at home, the little boy can play activities and this pandemic soccer and she, she does not have the has obviously had an impact on right to the leisure and that she, she household incomes, so we know that has to be next to her mom because women contribute a lot to the care she has to learn, to cook, because of families and therefore, if there is a tomorrow she is going to be a means drop in income, it affects the family…” of reproduction…” 15.9 for girls who are not enrolled. The gender gap in time period (37.45 hours versus 34.10 hours). Women who mar- use is largest in the core productive years (24–44) of life: ry as adolescents work even fewer hours outside the home 23.7 hours versus 4.8 hours per week. At this stage, women compared to those who marry later in life—further limit- work the most hours in unpaid work whereas men invest ing their (economic) autonomy. Finally, the disproportion- less time than they did in earlier years of life. This dispar- al engagement in unpaid domestic work deprives women ity is due to traditional gender roles according to which of leisure time. Global evidence indicates that, on average, women are expected to take care of the household and women spend fewer hours than men on leisure activities, children, rather than to participate in income-generating and the trend prevails in most regions (OECD 2020). This activities. Conversely, men are more likely than women to leaves women with a total workload that is massively larger spend time on work outside the home during that same life than that of men. Figure 36. Average hours spent on unpaid Figure 37. Average hours spent on unpaid domestic work per week in Togo, by area of domestic work per week in Togo, by age group residence and region 2018 25 25 20 20 15 15 10 5 10 0 5 Togo Urban Rural Maritime Plateaux Centrale Kara Savanes Lome commune 0 7-12 13-18 19-24 25-44 45-64 65+ Total Residence Region Male Female Total Male Female Total Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. Source: EHCVM 2018/2019. 51 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Key informants highlight that the discrepancies in time which shows that the COVID-19 pandemic has increased use observed in pre-COVID-19 data have become more the burden of domestic work on women, given their tra- severe. Women, traditionally in charge of care and unpaid ditional assignment of caring for children (at home due work, have also been responsible for additional care of the to school closures) and the ill. The Rapid Gender Assess- sick and children at home during the pandemic. School ments, conducted by the UN Women in selected countries closures and overall mobility restrictions have had signif- of American and the Caribbean, and Eastern and Southern icant implications for women’s ability to generate incomes Africa further confirm that women were more affected than during the pandemic. This finding is in line with the review men by increase in the hours spent on the unpaid domestic of global evidence by de Paz, Gaddis, and Muller (2021), work and care. 52 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 53 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 POLICY OPTIONS In recent years, the Togolese government has introduced a number of reforms aiming to eliminate gender inequalities and enhance legal protection of women’s rights, yet a number of areas remain in which reforms would help advance gen- der equality in Togo. Reforms worth mentioning include the reform to the Personal and Family Code (2012), which provided widows and daughters with the same in- heritance rights as men and introduced and established divorce by mutual consent (OECD 2018). According to that Code, women can now be heads of households in the same way as men, which has not only symbolic importance but also tax implica- tions: women can claim to be in charge of their children, implying tax benefits over their income (which was exclusively applicable to fathers before that). The new Penal Code (2015) strengthens protections against some forms of GBV and discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, and other factors (Isbell and Akinocho 2018). Land rights were also reformed (2018), now reconciling traditional and modern law in a statute promoting equality for women and men (Law no. 2018-005 from June 14, 2018). Key informants also referred positively to recent reforms in education, intro- ducing free secondary education, school feedings, and Scolasure (a medical insurance for children in public schools). Efforts to enhance reproductive health include the promotion of free access to C-sections for all women as well as access for prenatal health care for pregnant women (WEZOU program). Novissi (a cash transfer pro- gram to mitigate the income disruption of anti-COVID-19 restrictions) was also em- phasized as primarily benefiting poor women in the country. With respect to women’s agency, efforts have been put in place to promote women’s representation in politics (such as financial incentives for parties to nominate female candidates). Furthermore, the first one-stop center in Lomé recently opened its doors to survivors of violence against women. Finally, gender budgeting has been introduced in six-line ministries with the expectation of expansion to the entire government budget. Nevertheless, more can be done to properly address existing gender gaps. Accord- ing to the World Bank’s Women, Business and the Law index for 2021, the law does not prohibit discrimination in access to credit based on gender and no legislation specifically addresses domestic violence. Some forms of GBV can be prosecuted by provisions in other instruments—the Penal Code, the law prohibiting female geni- tal mutilation/cutting (1998), the Labor Code (2006), the Reproductive Health Law 54 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 (2007), the Children’s Code (2007), the National Strategy to In addition, it is noteworthy that several gender dispar- Combat All Forms of Violence Against Women validated ities observed occur during adolescence. And those ob- in 2008, and the National Gender Policy (2011). In general, served gender issues that occur during adolescence have women’s access to justice remains fragile because of poverty; high costs, bringing with them severe negative consequenc- lack of knowledge of basic legal rules; insufficient number es later in life. Hence, the proposed policy reforms suggest of courts; insufficient gender-sensitive trainings of profes- prioritizing adolescent girls as well as rural women. sionals, lawyers, and prosecutors; and the stigmatization of women who bring cases to court complicating access to As seen throughout this assessment, multiple causes of gen- justice for women (UNICEF 2019). Finally, enforcement der inequality overlap and intersect, calling for well-crafted of laws is highly constrained by customary law, religious and coordinated multisector, multi-level solutions. and social norms, which might undermine the progress in achieving gender equality. Focus on adolescent girls The suggested policies below are based on a review of the Focus on the adolescent girls regional evidence on what works to close gender gaps in dif- ferent dimensions. The policies are also in line with the Plan 1. Assist girls in completing primary and National de Development 2018–22, which acknowledges secondary school gender as a cross-cutting theme and a guiding principle. Improve availability and access to education through expanding school-relevant infrastructures Importantly, according to both quantitative data and Lift financial constraints to facilitate access to primary and secondary schooling key informant interviews, gender disparities intersect with other social variables, such as location of residence, Establish Safe Spaces for adolescent girls and mobilize communities to change social norms age, religion, and marriage status. Depending on the re- gion, certain religious beliefs are more practiced. Specif- Address gender-specific barriers (school-based GBV, lack of menstruation hygiene management) ic religions impose different rules and customs on their members—often with different implications for men and Provide incentives to stay or return to school for girls who have dropped out women. Similarly, specific customs differ when comparing different regions. Overall, rural women are largely disad- 2. Increase access to family planning, and enhance reproductive and sexual health vantaged across all dimensions observed (endowments, Empower adolescent girls through targeted socio- economic opportunities, and agency). For this reason, key economic interventions and socio-educative classes informants sent a strong signal to prioritize rural women Launch sexual and reproductive health education at and their economic opportunities, agency, and human cap- school ital in any further policy measures taken to advance gender Increase access to and use of family planning through equality in Togo. provision of contraception Enable girls to continue and complete their schooling “Most importantly, at this moment the action needs to be taken on the level of rural areas.” 55 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Focus on the adolescent girls “ I think that one of the factors, if 3. Reduce child and early marriage we speak of a gender problem, one Promote a positive social norm change through of the important elements in the community mobilization programs reduction of gaps or inequalities, is Empower girls and their families economically through the problem of education. So if we alternative livelihood programs invest more in education , it helps to Enable girls to continue and complete their schooling reduce these gaps, which means that education is a driving force for other Assist girls in completing primary and sectors in terms of reducing these secondary school inequalities…“ General interventions to enhance access to schooling de- Africa (Benshaul-Tolonen et al. 2019; Erulkar and Muthen- liver gains for girls that are comparable to girl-targeted gi 2009). Finally, providing incentives to stay or return to interventions (Evans and Yuan 2019). Therefore, priority school for girls who have dropped out is another promising policy actions should focus on the expansion and improve- strategy to consider. A financial and material aid for chil- ment of schools and related infrastructure, such as water, dren out of school in Zimbabwe has significantly improved sanitation, and hygiene facilities. Evidence from the region school retention and decreased the drop-out levels among shows that construction of new schools increases girls en- program participants (Hallfors et al. 2015). rollment rates (Dumitrescu et al. 2011), and provision of latrines and drinking water containers results in reduced Increase access to family planning, absenteeism among girls (Freeman et al. 2012). Lifting fi- and enhance reproductive and sexual nancial constraints to facilitate access to primary and sec- health, particularly for adolescent girls ondary schooling is particularly helpful to encourage girls’ schooling outcomes. The Togolese government has already Policies to reduce adolescent fertility should empower moved in this direction by making lower-secondary school young women economically, increase access to sexual and free for all and upper-secondary school free for girls, as reproductive health education, and provide incentives for outlined in the objectives of the Action Plan in the Educa- girls and their families to continue pursuing education. tional Sector 2020–2030 and in the Feuille de Route Gou- Growing evidence from the Sub-Saharan African region vernementale Togo 2025. Additionally, conditional cash shows that adolescent empowerment interventions and so- transfers, school vouchers and scholarships, school subsi- cio-educative classes at school have a promising effect on the dies for school managers and families, and school feeding reduction of teenage fertility and early pregnancy (Bandiera programs have proven to be effective methods to increase et al. 2020; Magnani et al. 2005). Improved knowledge on girls’ enrollment rates (Koumassa, Olapade, and Wantche- and access to family planning and contraceptive use through kon 2020). Explicitly addressing gender-specific barriers sexual and reproductive health education at school, paired (school-based GBV, lack of menstruation hygiene man- with the provision of contraceptive methods and aware- agement products), promoting positive attitudes toward ness-raising campaigns, has shown positive effects in several girls’ education, and creating safe spaces for young wom- evaluated interventions (Ajuwon and Brieger 2007; Dupas en have proven successful in several cases in Sub-Saharan 2011). Finally, programs that encourage girls’ education 56 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 prove to be particularly effective in reducing the levels of Support female farmers to build adolescent fertility. For example, a cash transfer program and sustain their businesses in Malawi, with cash given on condition of keeping daugh- ters at school, shows that participating adolescent girls were Support female farmers to build and 12.6 percentage points less likely than nonparticipants to sustain their businesses be married (Baird et al. 2014). Similarly, a school subsidy 1. Enable female farmers to adapt to climate program in Kenya reduced primary school dropouts for girls change and delayed the onset of girls’ fertility, with the adolescent Strengthen technical skills of women farmers through pregnancy rate falling from 16 percent to 13 percent within trainings and social networking three years (Duflo, Dupas, and Kremer 2015). Provide women farmers with subsidies for inputs Enable women’s access to the extension services Reduce child and early marriage 2. Assist in the formalization of land and asset ownership Polices that aim to reduce prevalence rates of child mar- riage should target the drivers behind it, such as poverty Enforce the land reform with guaranteeing equal opportunity and social norms. Interventions that aim at (1) promoting social norm change around child marriage; (2) empower- Enact gender-specific policies to ensure equal access to land formalization and ownership ing girls and their families economically through alternative 3. Promote positive social norms toward livelihood programs, adolescent empowerment programs, women’s work in agriculture conditional cash transfers, or other financial incentives; and Implement gender sensitization and awareness-raising (3) enabling girls to continue and complete their schooling programs to promote positive social norms have proven successful. Educating community members on the harms of early and child marriages and promoting pos- itive social norms shows some promising results in reduc- To enhance female farmers’ agricultural performance, ing the incidence of child marriage, as for instance in the productivity, and earnings, policies should (1) enable fe- community-based TOSTAN intervention in Senegal (Diop male farmers to adapt to climate change, and (2) assist in et al. 2004). Moreover, one of the most promising strategies the formalization of land and asset ownership. Programs in reducing rates of child marriage is the encouragement that aim to strengthen technical and life skills of women of girls’ education, particularly completion of primary and farmers through trainings, social networking, or extension secondary school. For example, the cash transfer program services demonstrate promising effects on their agricultural in Malawi, mentioned previously, has reduced the preva- productivity and adaptation to climate change, as shown in lence of early marriage by 48 percent among participants the Rural Capacity Building Project in Ethiopia (Buehren (Baird et al. 2014). Provision of financial and material aid for families of schoolgirls in Zimbabwe significantly increased girls’ school retention and reduced the likelihood of child “Access to material resources, marriage by 53 percentage points (Hallfors et al. 2015). especially land, is a priority area that the state must take into account in the implementation of its policies.” 57 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 et al. 2019). Furthermore, removing the obstacles that keep Prevent GBV and address its women from formally accessing and owning land is another consequences promising strategy for closing gender gaps in agricultural productivity. The enforcement of laws on the equal access Prevent and address the consequences of to land formalization is an important step toward the pro- GBV tection of women’s land rights. However, to maximize the 1. Enforce stand-alone legislation on gender- effect, legal reforms should be accompanied with gender based violence sensitization and awareness-raising programs in order to Amend the Penal Code to criminalize gender-based challenge negative attitudes about gender and land (World violence Bank 2015). For example, in Ghana title registration for Enact a stand-alone legislation on intimate-partner parcels of land was supported by a public outreach cam- violence paign and dissemination of information on land registra- 2. Enable institutional service delivery and access tion and land laws. Although the project did not lead to to justice for survivors of GBV increased agricultural productivity, it appeared to result in Gender-sensitive traning of professionals a considerable boost in business profits of women farmers Awareness-raising campaigns (Agyei-Holmes et al. 2020). In Uganda, selected households were offered support with the land registration procedure, Service delivery (shelter, psychological counseling, legal aid, etc.) along with an educational video on the benefits of women’s 3. Reduce women’s vulnerability through land rights. The findings show that showing of the educa- economic empowerment tional video raised the demand for co-titling by 25 percent- Empower women economically through cash trasnfers, age points (Cherchi et al. 2019). Furthermore, a large-scale alternative livelihoods progams, etc. land certification effort in Ethiopia allowed women to add 4. Promote behavior and social norms change on their name and photo to the title and thus claim their land gender-based violence rights over a plot. The program has led to improvements Mobilize communities to re-think hamrful social norms in women’s decision-making in land-related issues such and gender roles as land management practices and has enhanced their economic and social status (Gedefaw et al. 2020). More- over, in Rwanda, locally trained surveyors demarcated and GBV legislation can contribute to the reduction of the mapped land parcels strictly in the presence of landowners prevalence rates of different forms of violence against and neighbors. The program improved women’s land in- women. According to Klugman et al. (2014), women in vestment and increased rural households’ welfare by freeing countries with dedicated domestic violence laws have 7 up farm labor for more productive uses (Ali et al. 2015). A percent lower odds of experiencing violence compared similar effect was achieved through the reamendment of with women living in countries without such laws. Al- legal discriminatory provisions on land ownership rights in though Togo has adopted The National Strategy to Fight Ghana, which led to a considerable boost in women farm- all Forms of Gender-Based Violence (2015) and recognized ers’ business profits (Agyei-Holmes et al. 2020). the necessity to “build national capacities to fight against gender-based violence” as one of the core objectives of the Plan National de Development 2018–22, the country cur- rently does not have specific legislation on violence against women. A dedicated law would help to define GBV in a 58 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 comprehensive way, which may encourage reporting be- interventions, parenting programs to prevent domestic cause women could be more certain what exactly consti- violence and child maltreatment, community activism to tutes an offense. Importantly, though, dedicated laws on shift harmful gender norms, and school-based intervention GBV can reduce its acceptance by altering social norms to prevent dating violence. Community mobilization pro- and behaviors. Although social norm change is a long and grams that aim at challenging discriminatory gender roles time-consuming process, the enforcement of GBV legisla- and social norms lead to long-lasting positive impacts on tion can be an effective step to initiate that change (WHO the rates of GBV. For instance, the SASA! intervention in 2009). Finally, and importantly, dedicated GBV legislation Uganda, which combines community mobilization activi- promotes cooperation across sectors and a coordinated ties with trainings of professionals, has led to a 64 percent action against GBV (Aday 2015). In many cases, nation- reduction in children witnessing interpersonal violence in al GBV legislation establishes the creation of a national their homes and has improved parent-child relationships commission or coordinating agency for the prevention of (Kyegombe et al. 2014). Key informants emphasized the GBV and protection of its survivors. This, in turn, can be need for a dedicated law on GBV as essential to help pre- a significant step toward promotion of women’s policy and vent GBV and protect victims adequately and effectively. increased awareness around GBV. Close gender gaps in decision- Furthermore, providing quality and affordable services making and women’s political to those who have experienced violence is fundamental participation and important as a response. Enabling institutional ser- vice delivery across different sectors as well as access to Close gender gaps in decision-making and justice for survivors is key to protecting them. Togo has women’s political participation just recently inaugurated its first one-stop center for vic- tims of GBV—a promising initiative that, if found effective, 1. Eradicate extreme poverty in households with only females could be expanded. The establishment of all-women’s jus- tice centers that mostly employ female officers, and where 2. Increase women’s societal voice through political and corporate gender quotas GBV survivors receive assistance in filing a complaint, has increased the rates of reporting of GBV, as shown in the 3. Prevent and address the consequences of GBV experience of Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Ghana, India, Mexico, South Africa, and Uganda (Kavanaugh, Sviatschi, and Trako 2018). In general, it is crucial to pair protective measures and service delivery to survivors with compre- “ … we often say that youth, women hensive prevention efforts, including those targeted at ado- are vulnerable groups, so we put them lescents such as the PREPARE intervention in South Africa together. You can’t put women with (Matthews and Gould 2017). Overall, Kerr-Wilson et al. youth, it’s an age category, women (2020) assess the global evidence on what works to prevent have constraints that are different GBV and find that interventions effective in reducing vio- from youth, etc. So that’s kind of the lence against women and girls included cash transfers or problem that we have to address.” economic empowerment programs for women combined with group discussions on violence against women and girls and gender-transformative programming, couples’ 59 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 Policies that aim to empower women’s societal voice and decision-making should (1) eradicate extreme poverty in “It is important to create a work households with only females, (2) increase women’s societal environment that is favorable to voice through political and corporate gender quotas, and women and that takes into account (3) prevent and address the consequences of GBV as de- the periods of pregnancy and scribed previously. Programs that aim to improve access to childbirth. This should not be a barrier finance for women or to empower them economically tend to women’s development in the to be promising in increasing their voice within the house- workplace.” hold. For instance, a cash transfer offered to ultra-poor households in northwest Nigeria had an immediate posi- tive impact on women’s household consumption, employ- Policies that improve women’s economic empowerment ment, and well-being. Another widely cited intervention is and expand their access to quality employment should the savings and gender dialogue program in Côte d´Ivoire, include supply and demand aspects of women’s partici- which significantly improved women’s financial autonomy, pation in the labor market. Policies should entail (1) cre- gender equitable household decision-making, and gender ating more jobs in the formal sector for women through attitudes among participants (Gupta et al. 2013a). Further- targeted job creation programs, (2) lifting women’s time more, the increase of women’s political representation has constraints by expanding childcare provision capacity, and broad social positive effects for women’s agency. For exam- (3) facilitating women’s access to employment sectors tra- ple, when women were elected to the local governments in ditionally dominated by men. Job creation programs offer India, those governments’ public investment decisions were significant potential for formal employment of young wom- more in line with female preferences (Chattopadhyay and en, as proven by findings from the expanded public works Duflo 2004). Another study from India shows that areas program in South Africa (Omotoso 2020). Moreover, creat- with reserved political seats for women saw a substantial ing an enabling environment for parents of young children increase in the number of reports of crimes against women, to access employment opportunities is another significant with a corresponding increase in arrests (Iyer et al. 2010). step toward expanding women’s labor force participation. Evidence from several countries shows that provision of Improve women’s economic affordable and appropriate childcare facilitates women’s opportunities through access to employment outside the home and their participation in quality employment and enhanced the income-generating activities (Clark et al. 2019). Fur- productivity of self-employed thermore, several strategies help to encourage women’s women aspirations to undertake jobs in traditionally male-dom- inated employment sectors, such as mining, construction, and science, technology, engineering, and mathematics Improve women’s economic opportunities occupations. In Nigeria, classroom-based training with an 1. Create more jobs in the formal sector for women assessment exam and subsequent certification in the field through targeted job creation programs of information and communications technology has in- 2. Lift women’s time constraints by expanding creased the share of women employed in this sector, which childcare provision capacity is generally considered male-dominated (Croke, Goldstein, 3. Facilitate women’s access to employment sectors and Holla 2017). In Kenya, young people were invited to traditionally dominated by men apply to the Technical and Vocational Vouchers Program, 60 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 et al. 2017) and on their adoption of new business practices “We talk about formalization, the (Bardasi et al. 2018). transition from the informal sector and therefore a policy aimed at the Strategically address the root causes formalization of the informal can of observed outcomes only contribute more to reducing inequalities between men and Strategically address the root causes of women.” observed outcomes 1. Mobilize communities to re-think harmful social norms and gender roles receiving vouchers as a financial incentive. Women exposed to this intervention were almost 9 percentage points more 2. Empower women economically and socially through combined empowerment programs likely to express a preference for a male-dominated course, and 5 percentage points more likely to actually enroll in 3. Initiate gender sensitization programs and awareness-raising campaigns one, in contrast to nonparticipants (Hicks et al. 2013). To support self-employed women’s entrepreneurship When asked about the main drivers of observed gen- efforts, productivity, and earnings, policies should help der inequalities in Togo, key informants who provided self-employed women to formalize their businesses, access formal financial services, and acquire entrepre- neurship, managerial, and leadership skills. Business registration and formalization programs offer huge po- “Women do not have the same level tential for women entrepreneurs to access formal financial of consideration as men; this is why services, adopt new business practices, and boost pro- there is a gap in the distribution of ductivity and income. In Malawi, a program combining goods and in the elevation of social business registration assistance with a bank information rank.” intervention led not only to higher levels of women’s firms’ “And in urban areas, there is a little formalization (83 percent) but also to meaningful increases more freedom, a little more change, it in the use of financial services (28 percent) and, ultimately, is in rural areas that tradition is slow to firm sales and profits (20 percent) (Campos, Goldstein, and change.” McKenzie 2019). Moreover, earnings and productivity of “...but in the villages, since I come self-employed women can be boosted through combined from a rural environment, the social and economic empowerment interventions, such as mentality would like that it is the man the Empowerment and Livelihood for Adolescents program who succeeds, it is that for a father of in Uganda (Bandiera et al. 2020) and Adolescent Girls Ini- family, in the rural environments, he tiative in Rwanda (World Bank Group 2015). Finally, im- privileges the education of the boy, proving financial, information technology, and managerial they can send him to the school, but inclusion of women entrepreneurs has large and signifi- the girl he does not encourage her.” cant impacts on the likelihood of their being engaged in income-generating self-employment (Brudevold-Newman 61 GENDER DISPARITIES AND POVERTY A Background Paper for the Togo Poverty and Gender Assessment 2022 and women themselves who often internalize norms that limit their own ability to participate more broadly in society. “The most important action to be taken now is in rural areas, (...) the With respect to more long-term, strategic investments, it woman herself does not consider will be important to address the social norms that drive herself, the rural woman herself does most of the observed gender issues in the country – and not consider herself. It is necessary may differ between Togo’s different regions and/ or reli- to remove this character of non gions - as discussed throughout this report. Social norms consideration at the level of the change can be achieved through community-based mobili- woman so that she can express herself zation initiatives (Bass et al. 2016; Diop et al. 2004; Gupta et clearly. So I believe that this is one al. 2013b), women’s social and economic empowerment pro- of the main elements that must be grams (Asingwire et al. 2019; Branson and Byker 2018), and emphasized to allow women to better gender sensitization and awareness-raising campaigns (Ba- develop.” nerjee, La Ferrara, and Orozco-Olvera 2019; Dupas 2011). In sum, addressing gender disparities in Togo requires insights to this report explained that, at the root of the both sustained strategic and near-term opportunistic ef- observed discrepancies in well-being outcomes, women forts. In addition to strategically addressing social norms are not perceived to be of the same value as men and that over time, as underlying drivers of inequality in outcomes, social norms restrict women’s ability to participate on an the observed discrepancies can be addressed immediate- equal footing with men in the economy, society, and com- ly opportunistically, through relevant mainstreaming and munities. Consequently, key informants strongly advised targeted measures. As outlined in this section, closing gen- not only focusing on addressing specific gender outcomes ders gaps requires a set of policies that help girls stay in across the different dimensions of well-being but also stra- school, enhance girls’ and women’s reproductive health and tegically aiming at the root cause of the different observed access to health care, eliminate child marriage, eliminate outcomes: social norms limiting women’s access to oppor- violence against girls and women, and empower women tunities, human capital, and ability to make decisions and economically. Those policies need to be front and center act on them. when pursuing inclusive and sustainable development for the country. Gender disparities often intersect across di- Because social norms are even more traditional and re- mensions, manifesting themselves across various spheres strictive in rural areas, this offers another reason where and sectors. 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