SOCIAL PROTECTION & JOBS DISCUSSION PAPER No. 2503 | FEBRUARY 2025 Awareness, Access, and Perceptions around Parental benefits among Urban Argentinians Ludovica Cherchi, Himanshi Jain © 2025 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: +1 (202) 473 1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org. This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. RIGHTS AND PERMISSIONS The material in this work is subject to copyright. Because The World Bank encourages dissemination of its knowledge, this work may be reproduced, in whole or in part, for noncommercial purposes as long as full attribution to this work is given. Any queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to World Bank Publications, The World Bank Group, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA; fax: +1 (202) 522 2625; e-mail: pubrights@worldbank.org. Awareness, Access, and Perceptions around Parental benefits among Urban Argentinians Ludovica Cherchi, Himanshi Jain 1 Abstract This paper examines parental benefits in Argentina, focusing on their role in addressing gender inequality and labor market challenges during pregnancy and post-childbirth. Drawing on the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 183, the study extends its core elements of maternity protection to evaluate the needs of formal and informal sector workers. Using desk research and a survey of 832 urban Argentinians, the findings highlight a benefits system that is more inclusive than many in the region, with a Parenthood score above the Latin American and Caribbean average. However, significant gaps persist, including disparities between formal and informal workers, complex eligibility rules, insufficient leave durations, limited monitoring mechanisms, and unmet parental needs. To enhance inclusivity and accessibility, the paper recommends extending minimum leave durations, financing paternity leave through social security contributions, simplifying income support programs, improving data transparency, addressing childcare gaps for working parents, and fostering compliance with family-friendly workplace policies. Additionally, there is a need for economic analysis of the fiscal costs and sustainability of these programs, particularly given their reliance on hybrid financing models. The study advocates a shift from maternity-focused policies to a comprehensive parental benefits framework that integrates fathers, aligns with labor market dynamics, promotes gender equality, and ensures long-term fiscal sustainability. JEL codes and Key words H55 Social Security and Public Pensions J16 Economics of Gender • Non-labor Discrimination J21 Labor Force and Employment, Size, and Structure J13 Fertility • Family Planning • Child Care • Children • Youth 2 Acknowledgements The authors are grateful to Leticia Donoso Pena for excellent research assistance. The team at MBC MORI firm led by Noelia Carioli for excellent data collection. The team is grateful for Marcela Ines Salvador and Rafael Rofman for their inputs and support. This Paper has been prepared under the RSR funded task on ‘Improving Women’s attachment to labor market by rethinking parental benefit policies.’ The team working on this task include Himanshi Jain, Ambika Sharma, Ludovica Cherchi. All errors are our own. 3 Contents List of abbreviations ........................................................................................................................ 6 Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 7 Section 1. Argentina country context and motivation ................................................................... 8 1.1 Role of Parental Benefits in Supporting Women's Labor Force Participation........................ 10 1.2 Overview of global standards for maternity protection ......................................................... 12 1.3 From maternity protection to parental benefits and this paper’s contribution .................... 13 Section 2: Overview and assessment of Argentina’s Parental Benefits legal framework ............ 14 2.1 Parental leave to share newborn care responsibilities .......................................................... 16 2.2 Cash benefits for loss in income during the parental leave period. ....................................... 16 2.3 Medical benefits for pregnancy and prenatal childbirth costs............................................... 18 2.5 Breastfeeding and other Family friendly provisions at the place of work ............................. 18 2.5 Non-discrimination at the place of work ................................................................................ 19 2.6 Affordable childcare to facilitate return to work.................................................................... 19 2.7 Global and regional parenthood and childcare policies: Insights from Women, Business and the Law 2024 and Argentina’s Position ........................................................................................ 20 Box 1 - Governance of parental benefits in Argentina ................................................................. 23 Box 2 – ANSES as the administrator for social security (contributory) and social assistance (non- contributory) benefits ................................................................................................................... 24 Box 3 – Initiative “Empresas que Cuidan” (Companies that Care) ............................................... 25 Section 3: Survey results ............................................................................................................... 25 3.1 Sample characteristics ............................................................................................................ 27 3.2 Labor force participation ........................................................................................................ 28 3.3 Awareness of benefits among non-parents............................................................................ 30 3.4 Access to benefits ................................................................................................................... 32 4 3.5 Satisfaction and accessibility of parental benefits ................................................................. 36 3.6 Perception of the State's Role ................................................................................................ 37 3.7 Sharing of childcare responsibilities between parents........................................................... 38 3.8 Disparities in perceptions of childcare time ........................................................................... 39 3.9 Dissatisfaction with Childcare Arrangements ......................................................................... 41 Section 4: Assessment and recommendations of Parental Benefits Policies ............................... 43 References .................................................................................................................................... 48 Appendix 1 – Parental benefits legal framework overview.......................................................... 50 1. Parental leave to share newborn care responsibilities ............................................................ 50 2. Cash benefits for loss in income during the parental leave period .......................................... 54 3. Medical benefits for pregnancy and prenatal childbirth costs................................................. 60 4. Breastfeeding and other Family friendly provisions at the place of work ............................... 61 5. Non-discrimination at the place of work .................................................................................. 62 6. Affordable childcare to facilitate return to work...................................................................... 62 Appendix 2 - Survey methodology and results ............................................................................. 64 1. Survey methodology ................................................................................................................. 64 2. Tables not included in Section 3 ............................................................................................... 65 5 List of abbreviations ANSES National Administration of Social Security WBL Women, Business and the Law LFPR Labor force participation rate ILO International Labour Organization OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Conversion rate: ARS = 0. 0011232 ARS = 0.0035 United States Dollar (exchange rate at the time of the survey) 6 Introduction Argentina faces a critical juncture in its social and economic development, where gender equality and inclusive labor market participation are essential to achieving sustainable growth. Women, who constitute half of the country’s working-age population, remain underrepresented in the workforce, particularly during childbearing years. Bridging this gap requires robust parental policies that address the diverse needs of families, including those in informal employment, while fostering gender equity. This paper presents the role of parental benefits in fostering women’s labor force participation, reducing gender inequality, and supporting families across employment types, and examines Argentina’s benefits by assessing awareness, access, and perceptions. Building on the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 183, it advocates for a shift from traditional maternity-focused policies to a holistic parental benefits framework that integrates fathers and ensures equitable access. By incorporating a labor market perspective, such a framework can enhance women’s workforce participation, improve family well-being, reduce gender inequities, and support inclusive economic growth. Using desk research on legal frameworks and a survey of 832 urban Argentinians, the study identifies strengths in the current systems and key gaps in coverage, awareness, and access 1. These findings underscore the need for a more integrated and sustainable framework that addresses implementation challenges and promotes inclusivity. Argentina’s parental benefits system, while inclusive in design, faces critical gaps. Benefits are fragmented, governed by differing rules that complicate access and perpetuate inequities. Maternity leave falls short of international standards, paternity leave is minimal, and non- contributory benefits rely heavily on fiscal resources, raising concerns about sustainability. Survey results reveal disparities, with formal workers accessing more benefits than informal ones and entrenched gender norms influencing perceptions of childcare responsibilities. These 1 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 7 insights emphasize the need for reforms to simplify access, promote equity, and better support workforce retention and reentry for parents. The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 evaluates the legal framework governing parental benefits. Section 3 analyzes survey results on awareness, access, and perceptions of benefits among Argentinian parents and non-parents, with a focus on disparities between formal and informal workers. Section 4 offers strategic recommendations to enhance the system's inclusivity, accessibility, and effectiveness. Section 1. Argentina country context and motivation Argentina, with a population of approximately 46.2 million 2, mostly residing in urban areas, is undergoing a demographic transition marked by an aging population and changing family structures similar to other countries in the Latin American and Caribbean region 3. These shifts present challenges for economic growth and emphasize the need for a larger, more inclusive workforce. Women constitute half of Argentina's 22.7 million 4 working-age population but are significantly less likely to participate in the labor force compared to men. While Argentina's overall labor force participation is 62.2% 5, higher than the regional average, the rate for men (72.2% 6) far exceeds that for women (53.1% 7). The gender gap widens during prime working years (ages 25–54) and peaks for older workers (ages 55–64), with women struggling to remain in the workforce (Table 1). Addressing this disparity is critical, as global estimates suggest that equalizing lifetime earnings between men and women could increase global wealth by $172 trillion 8. 2 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 3 Gragnolati, Michele, Rafael Rofman, Ignacio Apella, and Sara Troiano. 2015. As Time Goes By in Argentina: Economic Opportunities and Challenges of the Demographic Transition. Directions in Development. Washington, DC: World Bank. 4 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 5 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 6 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 7 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 8 Wodon, Q., Onagoruwa, A., Malé, C., Montenegro, C., Nguyen, H., & de la Brière, B. (2020). How Large Is the Gender Dividend? Measuring Selected Impacts and Costs of Gender Inequality. The Cost of Gender Inequality Notes Series. World Bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/33396 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO. 8 Informal employment, affecting 51% of workers in Argentina, exacerbates these challenges. Without access to payroll-financed social insurance, informal workers lack protections for lifecycle events like childbirth, sickness, or unemployment 9. This leads to damaging coping strategies, such as borrowing at high interest rates or reducing work hours. Both men and women face high rates of informal employment, but women also carry the disproportionate burden of unpaid work, which represented 16.8% of GDP in 2022 10. Women account for 70% of this value, dedicating twice as much time to unpaid tasks as men, leading to lower workforce participation, poorer well-being, and persistent gender wage gaps. Enhancing women’s labor market participation and reducing the gender wage gap is crucial to address these challenges and to support the country’s economic growth. Argentina has made significant progress in maternal and child health, with neonatal mortality falling from 11 to 6 deaths per 1,000 live births and maternal mortality declining from 72 to 45 deaths per 100,000 live births between 2000 and 2020. However, enhancing gender equality and economic growth requires further efforts to support women’s labor market participation, particularly around childbirth, when they are most likely to leave the workforce. Comprehensive policies supporting parents during this critical stage can help sustain workforce growth, address gender inequities, and promote sustainable development. Table 1 – Labour force participation rate (LFPR) by age; share of informal employment Total Age 15- Age 25- Age 55- Age 65+- % % in informal -% 24 - % 54 - % 64- % employment Male 72.2 43.6 93.3 82.1 23.9 50.8 Female 53.2 34.4 75.4 50.6 10.8 50.0 Difference in LFPR (%) 19 9.2 17.9 31.5 13.1 Source: ILO Stats, 2023 9 Mandatory social insurance in most countries, including Argentina, continues to be payroll financed with employers and employees mandated to contribute to social security. In the absence of a formal ‘employer-employee’ relationship this mandate does not apply and is hard to enforce. 10 Dirección Nacional de Economía, Igualdad y Género, Los cuidados, un sector económico estratégico. Medición del aporte del Trabajo Doméstico y de Cuidados no Remunerado al Producto Interno Bruto, 4to trimestre 2022 9 1.1 Role of Parental Benefits in Supporting Women's Labor Force Participation Policies that support the diverse needs of parents during pregnancy and in the newborn phase, can enhance women's reentry into the workforce and promote gender equality. Maternity leave, available in 123 11 countries, allows mothers to recover, care for their newborns, and return to work, with the International Labour Organization (ILO) recommending at least 14 weeks. Maternity and paternity benefits when provided can lead to higher female LFPR. Between 2000 and 2015, females’ LFPR converged to the male LFPR in select OECD economies12. A significant explanatory factor was the expansion of benefits for young families through parental policies like guaranteed paid leave, childcare, early childhood education. Laws encouraging fathers' participation, such as paid parental leave reserved specifically for them, benefit women’s labor market outcomes in the long run 13. In middle- and lower-income countries, mandating maternity leave has been shown to increase women's employment. Firm-level data from 111 developing and emerging economies demonstrate a strong positive link between offering maternity leave and female employment 14. Theoretically, more maternity leave increases the cost of hiring women for firms, thereby discouraging female employment, but also encourages more women to participate in the labor market, thus increasing female employment. The study finds that the latter effect dominates, and maternity leave increased female employment in developing country firms. The positive link with women’s employment was especially pronounced if the maternity leave is funded by the government rather than the employer, and in countries with a larger proportion of women of childbearing age. 11 World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1-4648- 2063-2. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO. 12 Cascio, E,, Haider, S., Nielsen, S.H. (2015) The effectiveness of policies that promote labor force participation of women with children: A collection of national studies. The effectiveness of policies that promote labor force participation of women with children: A collection of national studies - ScienceDirect 13 Akgündüz, Yusuf Emre, and Janneke Plantenga. 2013. “Labour Market Effects of Parental Leave in Europe.” Cambridge Journal of Economics 37 (4): 845–62 14 Amin, Mohammad, and Asif Islam M. “The Impact of Paid Maternity Leave on Women’S Employment: Evidence Using Firm-Level Survey Data from Developing Countries.” Working Paper. Policy Research Working Paper. Washington, DC: World Bank, September 2022. https://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/abs/10.1596/1813-9450-10188. 10 Expanding maternity leave to include paternity and broader parental leave helps balance work and family responsibilities, encouraging fathers’ involvement and reducing gender disparities. Research highlights the positive impact of parental benefits on labor force participation, mental well-being, and family dynamics. For example, Quebec’s parental leave reforms increased fathers' participation by 250% 15, leading to improved employment outcomes for women. Similarly, Germany’s "fathers’ quota 16" and Denmark’s reforms showed reduced gender wage gaps and increased household incomes17. These policies also strengthen family relationships, as seen in Iceland, where paternity leave reforms lowered divorce rates. Despite these benefits, gaps between maternity and paternity leave persist, with mothers receiving an average of 196 days compared to 25 days for fathers globally 18. This disparity reinforces traditional gender norms, delays women’s labor market entry, and imposes higher hiring costs on firms for female workers. Addressing these gaps is crucial for promoting shared childcare responsibilities, gender equality, and improved labor force participation. Source: Authors’ illustration. 15 Andersen, S.H. (2018). Paternity Leave and the Motherhood Penalty: New Causal Evidence. J. Marriage Fam, 80: 1125-1143. https://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12507 16 Unterhofer, U., & Wrohlich, K. (2017). Fathers, Parental Leave and Gender Norms. IZA Discussion Papers 10712, Institute of Labor Economics (IZA). 17 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/jomf.12507 18 World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1-4648- 2063-2. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO. 11 1.2 Overview of global standards for maternity protection The International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 183, established in 2000, outlines the standards for maternity protection legislation based on five core elements. These core elements are (a) at least 14 weeks of maternity leave; (b) Cash and medical benefits; (c) Health protection at the workplace; (d) Employment protection and non-discrimination, and (e) Breastfeeding arrangements. However, uptake remains limited, with only 43 countries ratifying the convention 19 despite 123 countries offering maternity leave 20. Unlike maternity leave, the ILO does not define a global standard for paternity leave duration. While 123 countries offer fathers at least one day of paid leave, durations and incentives vary widely. Only 30 countries provide measures like job protection or cash bonuses to encourage uptake. For instance, Sweden offers bonuses for shared leave, and countries like Spain and Belgium protect fathers from dismissal during paternity leave. Parental leave is concentrated in high-income countries and Europe, with low take-up rates among men due to limited compensation or allocation 21. Convention 183 implicitly assumes a workforce primarily in formal employment, where labor contracts and social security contributions facilitate benefit provision. However, in countries with high informality, enforcing these standards is challenging. Workers in non-standard employment, such as gig or daily wage jobs, often lack stable contracts, making it difficult to mandate contributions or deliver protections. Addressing these gaps requires innovative approaches, such as dynamic social registries to identify and support workers outside traditional employer-employee relationships. 19 ILO Website, accessed on March 1, 2024 “Ratifications of C183 - Maternity Protection Convention, 2000 (No. 183)" 20 Elefante,Marina; Hasan,Tazeen; Hyland,Marie Caitriona; Mazoni Silva Martins,Natalia; Trumbic,Tea. Accelerating Gender Equality Through Reforming Legal Frameworks (English). World Bank Group Gender Thematic Policy Notes Series Washington, D.C. : World Bank G roup. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/099758006132310429/IDU04bef0153039c304a680b9e501b0b 599ba039 21 Marynissen, L., Mussino, E., Wood, J., & Duvander, A-Z. (2019). Fathers’ Parental Leave Uptake in Belgium and Sweden: Self-Evident or Subject to Employment Characteristics?. Social Sciences. 8. 312. 10.3390/socsci8110312. 12 1.3 From maternity protection to parental benefits and this paper’s contribution The ILO Convention 183 establishes key benchmarks for maternity protection; however, with the changing nature of work and growing evidence supporting the need for gender-neutral policies, there is a pressing need to expand these protections. Such expansions should focus on supporting women's reentry into the labor force, enhancing monitoring mechanisms, and addressing whether the existing benchmarks for maternity protection can be improved to meet these evolving demands. Though missing from the conventions, the ILO recognizes the importance of paternity leave. The ILO resolution on social security22 asks members to support income security during maternity, paternity, and parental leave, as a component of gender- responsive social protection systems. Further, the ILO states in its annual legal survey of countries’ parental policies 2022 that “paternity leave is key to enabling men’s care rights and responsibilities”. The expanded framework should focus on parental benefits rather than maternity protection alone. Specifically, it can suggest that countries implement legislation for paid parental leave and allow for an equitable sharing of leave days between parents. Accessible and affordable childcare should be added to the list of core elements under parental benefits. Additionally, specifying the need for collective contributions (from employers, all employees, and state) in financing these benefits. These changes will avoid the responsibility of the provisions to fall on employers or female employees only and reduce the disincentive firms currently face with hiring women workers for whom they not only have to cover salaries but also find a replacement worker for the time they are on leave. Some of the core elements of ILO convention 183 as worded e.g., 14 weeks of paid maternity leave or employment protection do not apply to women or men in informal employment or non-standard employment. ILO, 2021, Resolution concerning the second recurrent discussion on social protection (social security). 22 https://www.ilo.org/sites/default/files/wcmsp5/groups/public/%40ed_norm/%40relconf/documents/meetingdocu ment/wcms_806099.pdf 13 The proposed adaptation of the maternity protection to a Parental Benefits framework 23 is motivated by the perspective that the birth of a child should be viewed a ‘family matter’ than solely a ‘female matter.’ This comprehensive and inclusive approach to parental benefits calls for integrated policies at different familial stages (before pregnancy, during pregnancy, newborn, and early childhood up to age three) with a focus on improving women’s attachment to the labor market at every stage and being applicable to all families irrespective of their type of employment. Building upon ILO Convention 183, this paper’s suggested adaptation for parental benefits includes six foundational elements: 1. Parental leave to share newborn care responsibilities. 2. Cash benefits for loss in income during the parental leave period. 3. Medical benefits for pregnancy and prenatal childbirth costs. 4. Breastfeeding and other family friendly provisions at the place of work. 5. Non-discrimination at the place of work 6. Affordable childcare to facilitate return to work Section 2: Overview and assessment of Argentina’s Parental Benefits legal framework Argentina has not ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 183 on Maternity Protection but has enacted legislation covering many of its key elements (Box 1)24. Parental benefits, including income support during pregnancy and the newborn phase, are administered and paid by the social security institution (ANSES). Financing is sourced through a hybrid model: contributory mechanisms (social security contributions collected by the tax agency) and non-contributory mechanisms (general revenue financing). This model allows 23 The proposed framework was presented in a Guidance Note, which has been prepared under the RSR funded task on ‘Improving Women’s attachment to labor market by rethinking parental benefit policies.’ The team working on this task include Himanshi Jain, Ambika Sharma, Ludovica Cherchi, Sunalika Sharma 24 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 14 Argentina to extend support to individuals and families beyond those who contribute to social security, including informal workers and their partners (Box 2). Despite these efforts, significant gaps persist. Maternity leave falls short of the ILO- recommended 14 weeks, and paid leave for men is extremely limited to just two days, funded by employers. Shared parental leave is absent, and non-contributory benefits are heavily reliant on fiscal resources, raising concerns about their sustainability and adequacy. The system's fragmentation, with multiple benefits governed by varying rules, further complicates access and potentially creates inefficiencies. While laws encourage workplaces to support female employees returning from maternity leave, the lack of robust monitoring mechanisms hampers the evaluation and enforcement of these provisions. Challenges are particularly pronounced for individuals in non-standard employment, such as low- income self-employed workers, those without formal salaried contracts, or those outside the labor force. These groups typically receive flat-rate parental benefits funded through tax revenues, conditional on their enrollment in programs like the Plan SUMAR, which offers a broad range of primary and secondary care services to minors, pregnant women, and uninsured adults—including (but not limited to) prenatal and early childhood care. The hybrid financing approach raises important questions about the fiscal sustainability of these programs and their redistributive impacts. Programs funded partially from the national budget benefit formal and informal workers differently, which deserves careful consideration from an equity perspective. While this note does not delve into the economic and redistributive effects of Argentina's parental benefits system, such an analysis would provide valuable insights for policymakers. In summary, Argentina’s parental benefits system is more extensive than those in many countries with high levels of informal employment. However, fragmented eligibility criteria based on employment status and the lack of clear budgetary separation between social security and social assistance create gaps in integration, transparency, and cost-benefit evaluation. Addressing these issues would enhance program effectiveness and equity. 15 This section presents an overview of Argentina’s legal framework, supplemented by global and regional comparisons using data from the World Bank Women, Business and the Law report. A detailed description of these benefits is included in the Appendix. 2.1 Parental leave to share newborn care responsibilities 25 Parental leave in Argentina varies by employment sector and type. Private-sector female workers and domestic workers are entitled to 90 days of maternity leave, while public-sector workers receive 100 days, with income replacement funded by social security (ANSES). Private- sector mothers can also opt for unpaid leave of up to six months. Eligibility for maternity benefits requires at least three months of formal employment, and benefits are paid directly by ANSES. Paternity leave is significantly shorter. Private-sector male workers receive two days of employer- paid leave, while public-sector workers typically receive 15 days, with provincial variations ranging from none (Formosa) to 30 days (La Rioja). ANSES does not finance paternity leave, creating inequities in sharing childcare responsibilities. Workers in informal or non-standard employment are not entitled to statutory leave but may access non-contributory cash benefits during pregnancy or childbirth. These benefits provide some income security, enabling parents to take time off for recovery and childcare, though gaps remain in support for informal workers and fathers. 2.2 Cash benefits for loss in income during the parental leave period. Argentina provides contributory and non-contributory benefits to support families during pregnancy and childbirth, covering both formal and informal workers. These benefits, administered by ANSES, aim to smooth consumption during this period by addressing temporary income loss and higher childcare costs. Eligibility and benefit levels vary based on employment status, household income, and compliance with conditions like health checkups. 25 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 16 Key allowances26 include: 1. Prenatal Allowance (Asignación Familiar por Prenatal): A monthly benefit (9–89 USD) for salaried workers, monotributo contributors, and social security participants, available from the 12th week of pregnancy. It excludes informal workers and those outside the labor force. In December 2023, 26,000 families received this benefit. 2. Pregnancy Allowance for Social Protection (Asignación por Embarazo para Protección Social): Designed for women who are unemployed, informal workers, or household employees without access to contributory benefits. Eligibility requires compliance with medical check-ups and health education sessions under the SUMAR program. In December 2023, it reached 69,000 recipients, 59% of whom were aged 20–29. 3. Maternity Allowance (Asignación por Maternidad): Available exclusively to formal sector employees during their statutory 90-day maternity leave, with 100% of gross salary income replacement funded through social security contributions. Informal workers are not eligible for this benefit. In December 2023, 13,000 mothers received this benefit. 4. Birth/Adoption Allowance: A one-time payment (48 USD for births; 269 USD for adoptions), accessible regardless of employment status. Around 8,000 allowances were paid in December 2023. Contributory benefits, like the prenatal and maternity allowances, are financed through social security, while non-contributory benefits rely on state revenues. These programs effectively target vulnerable groups but face gaps in adequacy and transparency due to funding complexities and cross-subsidies. Finally, Argentina provides a child Allowance (Asignación Universal por Hijo o Hija), a benefit for children from birth to age 18, with varying amounts based on employment status, income, and region. For informal workers, 80% is paid monthly, with 20% released annually upon compliance with education and health requirements. In December 2023, 4 million children received this allowance. 26 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 17 2.3 Medical benefits for pregnancy and prenatal childbirth costs 27 Argentina’s healthcare system ensures universal health coverage through three sectors: public, Obras Sociales (trade union health insurance), and private. For vulnerable populations, including informal workers and those without formal health coverage, programs like SUMAR and 1000 Days Plan provide essential maternal healthcare. The SUMAR Program 28, launched in 2012, strengthens access to healthcare for pregnant women and children by providing funding to public health facilities based on the delivery of specific services. The 1000 Days Plan extends benefits and allowances, such as Comprehensive Health Care Allowance, an annual financial benefit for families who meet health requirements, and monthly provision of milk and healthy foods. These programs have increased maternal and child health coverage significantly, with 90% of mothers receiving prenatal and postnatal care and 98% of children accessing postnatal care (UNICEF, 2020). Despite progress, challenges remain. Fragmentation and regional disparities in service quality hinder efficiency, particularly in the northwest and northeast regions. Coordinated efforts are needed to address these gaps and ensure equitable access to quality healthcare. 2.5 Breastfeeding and other Family friendly provisions at the place of work Argentina protects pregnant and breastfeeding women through legal provisions. The National Breastfeeding Law (2001) guarantees breastfeeding breaks at work for one year and requires employers to provide suitable facilities. Employers are also mandated to establish breastfeeding centers in health settings, but there is no legal provision for community breastfeeding facilities. Labor laws prohibit pregnant women from engaging in dangerous jobs, requiring employers to provide alternative work or leave if health risks arise. This ensures safe working conditions by 27 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 28 Plan Sumar was established under the Ministry of Health as a continuation and expansion of the earlier Plan Nacer, which was launched in 2004 and was initially focused on pregnant women and children under six. 18 restricting exposure to harmful substances, extreme temperatures, and physically demanding tasks. These protections aim to safeguard women’s health during pregnancy and early motherhood while supporting their ability to balance work and caregiving responsibilities. 2.5 Non-discrimination at the place of work 29 Argentina’s labor laws explicitly prohibit discrimination based on gender, pregnancy, or breastfeeding. Employers cannot dismiss a woman due to maternity, and wrongful terminations within 7.5 months of delivery are presumed to be related to pregnancy. In such cases, workers are entitled to compensation equal to one year of wages, in addition to other dismissal benefits. Workers, including unregistered employees, can file complaints through the Ministry of Labor, ensuring access to legal remedies. Anonymous complaints are also accepted for unregistered workers, providing protection regardless of employment type. 2.6 Affordable childcare to facilitate return to work Argentina faces significant childcare challenges, particularly for children under age 3. Enrollment rates are 2% for children under 2 and 11.1% for 2-year-olds, compared to OECD averages of 14% and 42.7%, respectively. While nearly 90% of 4-year-olds are enrolled, gaps in access persist for younger children. In 2022, a law mandated workplaces with over 100 employees to provide childcare facilities or reimburse childcare costs. However, only 4% of firms meet this criterion, limiting its impact. Public resources, including childcare provider registries and application procedures for financial support, exist but lack guidelines for private childcare funding. To improve access and quality, Argentina must expand childcare provisions, address funding gaps, and prioritize evaluations of childcare services. 29 This review is based on data collected in December 2023 and reflects both the policies and program design in effect at that time. 19 2.7 Global and regional parenthood and childcare policies: Insights from Women, Business and the Law 2024 and Argentina’s Position The World Bank Women, Business and the Law 2024 (WBL 2024) report assesses legal gender equality in 190 economies, including a specific indicator on Parenthood and Childcare 30. The report finds that women have, on average, two-thirds of the legal rights of men, with no country achieving full parity. The Parenthood indicator examines laws affecting women’s work post- childbirth, including maternity and paternity leave, and highlights gaps in paid leave provisions. Globally, 123 economies meet the ILO standard of at least 14 weeks of paid maternity leave, while 67 do not. In 50% of economies, governments fully fund these benefits. Regionally, the Parenthood indicator scores are highest in high-income OECD, and Europe and Central Asian countries, though Argentina has better scores than the regional Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) average. Regionally, Parenthood scores are highest in high-income OECD countries and Europe and Central Asia, while South and East Asia, and the Middle East and North Africa lag behind. In Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), fewer than half of countries provide 14 weeks of paid maternity leave. Paid paternity leave is offered in at least 50% of economies in all regions, including LAC, but this share exceeds 90% only in OECD countries. Argentina scores 60 on the Parenthood indicator, surpassing the LAC average of 49.4 but falling below high-income countries. Key gaps include maternity leave of less than 14 weeks and the absence of paid parental leave, both contributing to Argentina’s lower score (Figure 3). 30 World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1-4648- 2063-2. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO. Three Women, Business and the Law 2.0 indexes are presented for ten indicators: (1) legal frameworks, (2) supportive frameworks, and (3) expert opinions. For the WBL 2.0 legal frameworks index, 40 questions are scored across the ten indicators for 190 economies. For the WBL 2.0 supportive frameworks index, 30 questions are scored across the ten indicators for 190 economies. Overall economy level legal and supportive frameworks scores are then calculated by taking the average of each indicator, with 100 representing the highest possible score. The WBL 2.0 expert opinions index is created for a total of 164 economies. Expert opinion scores are not available for 26 economies due to an insufficient number of responses received from those economies during data collection. Individual responses at the economy level for 15 expert opinions questions across the ten indicators are scored by taking the median value of all responses per question. The economy level expert opinions index is equal to the simple unweighted average of the ten indicator scores. 20 In addition to leave policies, WBL 2024 identifies gaps in childcare and unpaid care work as significant barriers to women’s labor force participation. Women globally devote 2.4 times more hours to unpaid care work than men 31. The report notes that only 77% of economies have organized childcare centers, and just 47% maintain public registries of childcare providers. Financial support for families or childcare providers is available in only 78 economies, and quality standards for childcare services exist in just 62. The lack of affordable, reliable childcare and quality assurance mechanisms often compels parents—particularly mothers—to seek alternative arrangements or leave the labor force entirely. Figure 3: Women Business & Law Parenthood indicator score across all regions Source: World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1- 4648-2063-2. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO. 31 Charmes, Jacques. 2019. “The Unpaid Care Work and the Labour Market: An Analysis of Time Use Data Based on the Latest World Compilation of Time-Use Surveys.” International Labour Organization, Geneva Fruttero, Anna, Divyanshi Wadhwa, Dominikus Baur, and Elbert Wang. 2023. “Realizing Gender Equality: A Greater Challenge with Climate Change.” In Atlas of Sustainable Development Goals 2023, edited by A. F. Pirlea, U. Serajuddin, A. Thudt, D. Wadhwa, and M. Welch. Washington, DC: World Bank. https://www.doi.org/10.60616/1ywz-gm84. 21 Figure 4: Women Business & Law Indicator score for Argentina Source: World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank Argentina:https://wbl.worldbank.org/content/dam/documents/wbl/2024/pilot/WBL24-2-0- Argentina.pdf Summary of Parental Benefits Legal Framework in Argentina Parental Benefits Formal Sector Provisions Informal Sector Provisions Framework Element 1. Parental leave to Maternity leave: 90 days (private No statutory entitlement to share newborn care sector); 100 days (public sector); maternity/paternity leave responsibilities Paternity leave: 2 days of paternity leave (private sector), 15 days (public sector). 2. Cash benefits for loss 100% salary replacement during Pregnancy allowance (Asignación in income during the maternity leave funded by social por Embarazo) paid as a flat rate; parental leave period security contributions; prenatal must meet health check allowance for eligible contributors. conditions under SUMAR. 3. Medical benefits for Covered through employer-provided Public healthcare via SUMAR; pregnancy and health insurance or Obras Sociales; focus on vulnerable populations prenatal, childbirth access to private healthcare options. and prenatal care. costs 4. Breastfeeding and Legal protections for pregnant No specific protections; other Family friendly workers against hazardous jobs; breastfeeding laws apply but lack enforceability in informal settings. 22 provisions at the place breastfeeding breaks mandated by of work law. 5. Non-discrimination Legal protections against Non-discrimination laws at the place of work pregnancy/maternity-based theoretically apply, but termination; right to return to work enforcement mechanisms are guaranteed. weak for informal workers. 6. Affordable childcare Mandatory childcare provision for Limited access to public childcare; to facilitate return employers with 100+ employees or low enrollment rates for children to work reimbursement options. under 3. Box 1 - Governance of parental benefits in Argentina Governance of parental benefits in Argentina is primarily regulated by the labor law, specifically the Ley de Contrato de Trabajo (law no. 20744) and Régimen de Asignaciones Familiares (law no. 24714). These laws outline the rights and protections for pregnant and breastfeeding women in the country. The Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security of Argentina is responsible for enforcing these regulations and is also in charge of various aspects related to parental benefits. They oversee maternity leave, ensuring that pregnant women are protected against dismissal on the grounds of pregnancy or maternity. They also regulate breastfeeding breaks, childcare services, and the universal child allowance. Other ministries, such as the Ministry of Health and Social Development, Ministry of Social Development, Ministry of Interior, and the Ministry of Economy, also have roles in implementing specific programs (e.g., SUMAR program by Ministry of Health) and safeguarding the rights of pregnant and breastfeeding women. The "National Social Security Administration" (Administración Nacional de la Seguridad Social, or ANSES) is responsible for administering contributory social insurance benefits and as of 2010 is also responsible for verifying eligibility and providing non-contributory benefits e.g. maternity and family allowances to the individuals and families who do not pay contributions (e.g. unemployed, informal sector workers). 23 Box 2 – ANSES as the administrator for social security (contributory) and social assistance (non- contributory) benefits Law No. 24241 (Argentine Integrated Pension Fund System Law) establishes the territoriality principle, under which Argentina's Social Security System covers all persons providing services under a permanent or temporary employment contract within the national territory. Social security contributions are collected by the tax agency in Argentina and the benefits are paid by ANSES. Since 2010, ANSES not only administers benefits under core social security but is also tasked with the administration and financing of other social programs. Besides stretching ANSES’ role as social security administrator, this can create conflicts between its different objectives and lead to cross-subsidization (i.e., ear marked revenues for social programs used to cover pension deficits, as noted in https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/2016/347/article-A003-en.xml ). Financing for contributory benefits: The employer Social Security Tax, inclusive of the contribution to health, is payable on the employee’s total monthly compensation and is 26.4% for companies engaged in services or trade with annual sales exceeding a minimum threshold and is 24% for all other companies. Argentine employers are exempt from paying social security contributions for the first ARS 7,003.68 per month (~USD 8) per employee (PWC, 2024). The employee social security contributions is 17% of monthly salary with a salary ceiling applied to contributions. It covers contributions for pension (11%), health care (3%) and social services (3%). (https://www.argentina.gob.ar/sites/default/files/tax_system_in_argentina.pdf) Non-contributory benefits administered by ANSES: ANSES also pays multiple allowances (some to those who contribute to social security) and others to parents irrespective of social security contributions but conditional on meeting some eligibility criteria (see Section 2). The total spending on pregnancy and childcare benefits paid by ANSES was 1.7% of GDP as of June 2022 of which the highest spending was on Child allowances. (Source: Authors’ calculation based on Oficina Nacional de Presupuesto. Ejecución Fisico-Financiera https://www.economia.gob.ar/onp/documentos/fisica_presupuesto/2022/1ertrim22.xls) 32 PWC (2024) https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/argentina/individual/other-taxes, 32 https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/argentina/individual/other-taxes 24 Box 3 – Initiative “Empresas que Cuidan” (Companies that Care) Empresas que Cuidan is an initiative in Argentina that unites companies committed to advancing the care agenda. It fosters innovative practices to support employees in their roles as mothers, fathers, and caregivers, creating more equitable workplaces. Developed by UNICEF with the support of the Latin American Team for Justice and Gender (ELA), the program provides tools and training through a digital platform to promote continuous improvement in corporate care policies. Program Highlights Workshops & Training: Offers cycles of training, discussions, and tools to support companies in implementing care-centered policies and practices. Strategic Focus: Addresses cultural and demographic shifts requiring workplaces to adopt inclusive gender policies. Business & Social Impact: Reinforces the principle that “investing in care is good for people and business.” Digital Platform: Provides participating companies with ongoing resources. First, they can diagnose their current status by answering a series of questions to receive a detailed report and score. Based on the diagnosis, Empresas que Cuidan prepares a tailored plan with recommendations. Additionally, companies can learn from a variety of innovative materials and resources covering topics such as leave policies, flexible working arrangements, and care practices during COVID-19. Finally, they can spread awareness by accessing campaigns and key messages about children’s rights to use internally or share on social media, promoting the care agenda. Source: https://www.empresasquecuidan.org/ Section 3: Survey results A phone survey was conducted in 2023 as part of this study (see Appendix for methodology). The survey included 832 individuals and targeted those ages 18 to 45, living in major cities. The sample design included both parents and non-parents, without any distinctions at the randomization stage, based on their employment status. Respondents were interviewed utilizing a randomized telephone number generation, an automated dialing system, and a rigorously pre- tested questionnaire 33 in colloquial Spanish, ensuring a robust but non-representative sample that focused on mobile phone users in urban areas. The comprehensive parental benefits 33 The questionnaire is included in the Guidance Note, which has been prepared under the RSR funded task on ‘Improving Women’s attachment to labor market by rethinking parental benefit policies.’ The team working on this task include Himanshi Jain, Ambika Sharma, Ludovica Cherchi, Sunalika Sharma 25 assessment in previous section has informed the study questionnaire and the sample selection for this study, while not nationally representative allows us to explore awareness of parental benefits among non-parents, access of benefits including satisfaction and ease of access among parents; and perception of parents around distribution of childcare responsibilities, quality of care, and the role of state in providing parental benefits. The survey of 832 urban Argentinians provides valuable insights into the awareness, access, and perceptions of parental benefits, highlighting disparities and opportunities for improvement. Awareness of parental benefits is generally high, especially for maternity leave and child allowances, but significant gaps persist for provisions like pregnancy allowances and breastfeeding time. For example, only 44% of informal workers were aware of breastfeeding provisions compared to 79% of formal workers, underscoring the need for targeted communication and outreach to informal sectors. Access to benefits reveals sharp contrasts between formal and informal workers. While 90% of formal-sector mothers utilized maternity leave with income replacement averaging 79%, only 68% of informal mothers accessed leave, often with little or no financial support. However, the number of days taken for leave is similar between formal and informal female workers. This underscores the resilience of informal workers but also highlights the urgent need for policy interventions to provide adequate support and protections for this group. Fathers reported taking an average of 9.5 days of paternity leave, exceeding the statutory 2-day minimum, though significant sectoral and regional disparities exist. These findings highlight the inconsistent implementation of leave policies and the vulnerability of informal workers. Childbirth has a nuanced impact on women’s labor force participation. Among working mothers, 23% left the workforce after childbirth, primarily due to childcare responsibilities. Conversely, 63% of non-working mothers entered the workforce post-childbirth, driven by financial necessity or personal aspirations. This dual trend underscores the need for policies that support both workforce retention and reentry for mothers. Perceptions of the state’s role in providing parental benefits are strong, with healthcare during childbirth nearly universal. However, informal workers face significant challenges accessing 26 financial and workplace support, a benefit largely reserved for formal workers. Structural inequities between these groups are a recurring theme, underscoring the need for expanded protections and greater equity in Argentina’s parental benefits system. Strong public support for publicly financed benefits further highlights the importance of assessing the fiscal sustainability and redistributive impacts of these programs. 3.1 Sample characteristics The descriptive statistics of the survey point to the sample being predominantly young working parents. The average age of survey respondents is 35 years and 80 percent of respondents are females (666 women and 166 men). Parental status is common among the respondents, with 63% of the sample being parents and have on average 2 children. The age of the youngest child among parents is around 8 years. In terms of educational attainment, 24% have completed secondary education, 13% have completed tertiary education and 19% having completed university. Those with complete postgraduate education are at 3%. Marital status varies, with 54% married or living with a partner and another 33% being single. When it comes to the partners of the respondents, a high percentage (88%) of them are employed. Income levels show significant variation, with 20% earning more than 1,000 USD 34. A large portion of the respondents, 77%, are currently employed, and among those working, 69% are in the formal sector. Formal workers for the purpose of this survey refer to those who are legally hired, with their employers paying social security contributions, and individuals registered in the small taxpayer’s regime (monotributo) or who are registered as self-employed. Informal workers include those who work without a contract and their employers do not pay social security contributions. This category also includes individuals who work on their own without being registered in the small taxpayers regime (monotributo) and are not registered as self-employed. In the last four weeks before the survey was conducted, 492 women (58.9% of the total surveyed population and 73.5% of women) and 146 men (17.5% of the total surveyed population and 90% of men) reported working. 34 The amount was converted using the exchange rate at the time of the survey: 1 ARS = 0.0035 $US 27 3.2 Labor force participation The survey reveals significant gender disparities in labor force participation, which exist before childbirth and worsen after. Women are 16 percentage points less likely than men to be employed (74% vs. 90%) and 18 percentage points more likely to work in the informal sector. Even prior to the birth of their youngest child, women were less frequently engaged in paid work (65% vs. 91% of male parents) and more likely to be involved in household duties, studying, or training. These disparities deepen following childbirth (Table 4). Table 4. Differences in labor force participation, by gender, includes parents and non-parents Male Female Mean Mean Difference P-Value Obs. Obs. Male Female Currently working 163 669 0.90 .74 .16 0.00*** Of those working, in 146 492 0.17 .35 -.18 0.00*** informal sector Before childbirth, I had a paying job 81 444 0.91 .65 .27 0.00*** Used to do household 81 444 0.01 .20 -.19 0.00*** chores Studied or was in training 81 444 0.06 .13 -.07 0.08** Current job is the same as 69 197 0.65 .52 .13 0.063* before the birth of youngest child Stopped working due to 64 35 .53 pregnancy or birth youngest child Notes: Two-sample t test with equal variances. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 35 This question was asked to 67 mothers who worked before the birth of their youngest child and were not working at the time of survey. Three people could not be contacted during the follow-up survey to ask this question. 28 For most women, childbirth did not alter their labor force status. However, among those whose status changed, more women entered the workforce after childbirth than exited it. Of the 525 parents surveyed, 444 are mothers. Nearly half of these mothers were working before childbirth and continued working afterward (n=220), while 23% of previously employed mothers stopped working (Table 5). Pregnancy or childbirth-related reasons were cited by more than half of those who left the workforce (Table 4). Notably, 63% of mothers who were not working before childbirth (n=157) joined the labor force afterward, evenly split between formal and informal sectors. While the survey sample is not representative, these findings suggest that, for this group, more women entered the labor force after childbirth than left it. Table 5. Differences in labor force participation, by gender before and after childbirth Parents only n=525 Male Female Female total Did not work before childbirth, does not work now 2 58 157 Did not work before childbirth, works now 5 99 Worked before childbirth, does not work now 3 67 287 Worked before childbirth, works now 71 220 Total 81 444 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Financial stability and personal fulfillment were the primary motivations for women re- entering the workforce. Among those who joined after childbirth (n=99), the majority sought extra income or expressed a personal desire to work. These women are now primarily self- employed or paid employees, with annual incomes ranging from 158 USD to over 1,000 USD 36. This variation in income levels highlights the need for policies that support women’s re-entry into the workforce across diverse socioeconomic groups. The key motivations for women to join the labor force after childbirth appear to be financial stability and personal fulfillment. 36 The amount was converted using the exchange rate at the time of the survey: 1 ARS = 0.0035 $US 29 3.3 Awareness of benefits among non-parents The survey found high overall awareness of parental benefits among non-parents (n=307), with women generally more informed than men. Awareness varied by benefit type: 93% of women and 85% of men were aware of maternity leave, while 80% of women and 70% of men knew about pregnancy allowances. The least known benefit was breastfeeding time, with awareness at 69% for men and 64% for women (Table 6). Significant gaps were observed based on employment type. Formal workers were more aware of maternity leave (96% vs. 86%) and paternity leave (84% vs. 67%) compared to informal workers, despite informal workers not being eligible for these benefits. Similarly, awareness of breastfeeding time was much higher among formal workers (79%) than informal workers (44%). Benefits applying to informal workers, such as child allowances and pregnancy allowances, showed smaller gaps in awareness. This suggests that respondents are less familiar with benefits that are either not related to income or are solely the employer’s responsibility, with limited capacity for the state to monitor their implementation. Overall, these findings highlight a need for better dissemination of information, particularly for informal workers. Increased awareness could motivate informal workers to seek formal employment or advocate for similar benefits from their employers. Notably, 61% of women and 54% of men believed they would receive benefits if they had a child, with expectations consistent across employment types (Tables 6 and 7). —a feature attributed to Argentina's policies extending benefits through contributory and non-contributory systems. 30 Table 6. Non-parents awareness of parental benefits, differences by gender Male Femal Mean Mean Differenc P-Value Obs. e Male Femal e Obs. e Respondents have heard of: Maternity leave 82 225 0.854 .933 -.08 .029** Paternity Leave 82 225 0.805 .738 .067 .228 Child care centers 82 225 0.854 .84 .013 .771 Employment discrimination 82 225 0.878 .871 .007 .872 Universal child allowance (AUH) 82 225 0.939 .951 -.012 .674 Family allowance 82 225 0.780 .8 -.019 .709 Pregnancy allowance 82 225 0.695 .795 -.101 .065* Breastfeeding time 82 225 0.695 .64 .055 .37 Percentage of respondents that think they 82 225 0.536 .614 -.076 .227 will receive benefits if they have a child Notes: Two-sample t test with equal variances. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 31 Table 7. Non-parents awareness of parental benefits, differences by formal/informal Informal Formal Mean Mean Differe P-Value Obs. Obs. Informal Forma nce l Respondents have heard of: Maternity leave 64 179 0.860 .956 -.096 .009*** Paternity Leave 64 179 0.672 .838 -.166 .005*** Child care centers 64 179 0.828 .883 -.054 .27 Employment discrimination 64 179 0.828 .889 -.06 .217 Universal child allowance (AUH) 64 179 0.985 .961 .024 .368 Family allowance 64 179 0.735 .838 -.104 .07** Pregnancy allowance 64 179 0.750 .804 -.054 0.36 Breastfeeding time 64 179 0.438 .793 -.356 0.00*** Thinks they will receive benefits if they have 64 179 0.610 .592 .017 .81 a child Notes: Two-sample t test with equal variances. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 3.4 Access to benefits Parents in the survey sample were asked questions aimed to understand their access to existing parental benefits at the birth of their youngest child. Among parents, 77% of eligible women37 reported taking maternity leave, averaging 95 days with 70% income replacement. Two-thirds of women received full pay; however, a reason for women's salaries during maternity leave being less than 100% could be that mothers choose unpaid or partially paid leave to extend their maternity period beyond the 90 days of income compensation provided by law 38. Men reported higher access to paternity leave than legally required, with 82% taking an average of 9.5 days and 37 Eligible respondents included women and men who are parents and used to work before having a child 38 The standard deviation for the average number of days of leave for mothers in the formal sector is 61, quite high relative to the mean of 92 days. The values are spread out over a wide range from the minimum of 1 to the maximum of 455 days. 32 receiving 89% income replacement. Interestingly, the survey results contrast with expert opinions from the Women, Business, and the Law assessment of Argentina regarding paternity leave 39. While our non-representative survey (biased towards urban population) finds that most men accessed paid leave, even exceeding the mandatory two days, the WBL expert opinion indicates that less than a third (27%) of experts believe that “almost all men have access to paid leave” 40. Table 8. Descriptive statistics of parental benefits access, conditional on eligibility Parental Benefit Obs. Mean Std. dev. Min Max Maternity leave: Took parental leave? 284 0.77 0.42 0 1 Days of parental leave, conditional on taking 202 95.5 108.73 1 1095 leave Days of parental leave (unconditional) 268 72.00 102.96 0 1095 Received full salary during leave 218 0.64 0.48 0 1 Percentage of salary received 218 70.05 42.96 0 100 Paternity leave: Took parental leave? 73 0.82 0.39 0 1 Days of parental leave 71 9.54 19.04 0 105 Received full salary during leave 60 0.85 0.36 0 1 Percentage of salary received 60 88.92 29.76 0 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 The maternity leave experience of formal and informal female workers shows notable differences and highlight the challenges faced by informal workers who lack employment protection, impacting their ability to take necessary leave and receive adequate income replacement during this period. Formal workers had significantly better access to maternity https://wbl.worldbank.org/content/dam/documents/wbl/2024/pilot/WBL24-2-0-Argentina.pdf 39 For women, 53% of experts report that “almost all women have access to paid leave”. 40 applicable to the main business city (Buenos Aires (Ciudad autonoma de)) 33 leave than informal workers. While 90% of formal sector 41 women took maternity leave, only 68% of informal 42 workers did. Informal workers also reported shorter leave durations (89 days vs. 92 days) and lower income replacement (54% vs. 79%). This similarity, despite differing levels of income replacement and job security, suggests that informal workers may still take time off for childbirth, albeit at significant personal and financial cost. It underscores the resilience of informal workers but also highlights the urgent need for policy interventions to provide adequate support and protections for this group. The likelihood of a labor contract, stable employment, and contributions to social security is more common for those in the formal sector, so the higher leave days and income replacement among formal sector is expected. Among self-employed workers, the main reasons for not taking leave were financial constraints and perceiving leave as unnecessary. (see Table in Appendix). Table 9. Differences for maternity leave, between formal and informal female workers Informa Formal Informa Formal Differenc P-Value l Obs. Obs. l Mean Mean e Took parental leave? 68 150 0.676 .90 -.224 0.00*** Days of parental leave, 41 129 89.219 92.403 -3.183 .828 conditional on taking leave Days of parental leave 63 144 58.063 82.778 -24.715 0.045** (unconditional) Received full salary during 46 135 0.500 .719 -.218 0.007*** leave Percentage of salary received 46 135 53.805 79 -25.195 0.001*** Notes: Two-sample t test with equal variances. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 The survey also explored access to other benefits available to parents, such as cash benefits, other allowances, medical care, and breastfeeding time. Cash benefits and medical care were 41 Formal employees at the time of survey, not at the time of childbirth 42 Informal workers at the time of survey, not at the time of childbirth 34 more accessible to lower-income families, indicating effective targeting of social support programs (Table 10) 43. Almost all parents (99%) received medical care during delivery, though 16% incurred small out-of-pocket expenses. Access to breastfeeding time was similar for formal and informal workers, suggesting employer support in providing this benefit. Table 10. Access to parental benefits by income bracket Received Received Paid any Received Confident Received cash medical kind of medical care breastfeedin benefits care money care pre- received g time during for the and post - was delivery delivery/ partum adequate birth of your youngest child Income: 45-70,000 pesos 0.08 0.02 0.11 0 0.01 -0.11 (0.11) (0.02) (0.08) (0.04) (0.07) (0.09) Income: 70-85,000 pesos 0.03 0.02 -0.01 0.03 0.01 0.03 (0.11) (0.02) (0.06) (0.02) (0.07) (0.10) Income: 85-100,000 pesos -0.17 -0.01 0.20** -0.02 -0.02 0.09 (0.11) (0.03) (0.09) (0.05) (0.07) (0.10) Income: 100-120,000 pesos -0.20* 0.02 -0.03 0.03 0.03 0.01 (0.12) (0.02) (0.05) (0.02) (0.07) (0.11) Income: 120-145,000 pesos -0.09 0.02 0.15* -0.02 -0.01 0.04 (0.11) (0.02) (0.08) (0.05) (0.07) (0.10) Income: 145-180,000 pesos -0.12 0.02 0.11 0.03 0 0.14 (0.10) (0.02) (0.07) (0.02) (0.06) (0.10) Income: 180-220,000 pesos -0.12 0.02 0.16** 0.03 0.07 0.26*** (0.09) (0.02) (0.07) (0.02) (0.05) (0.09) 43 Due to the survey's limitations in capturing Argentina’s detailed eligibility criteria for cash benefits and allowances, such as specific requirements related to each parent eligibility, employment status and maximum income, it was not possible to determine each parent's eligibility for these benefits. Consequently, comparing access to individual benefits based on formal or informal employment status is not possible. 35 Income: 220-305,000 pesos -0.20** 0 0.17** 0.03 0.07 0.19** (0.09) (0.03) (0.07) (0.02) (0.05) (0.09) Income: More than 305,000 -0.30*** 0.02 0.14** -0.02 0.08* 0.23*** (0.08) (0.02) (0.05) (0.03) (0.04) (0.08) None/no income -0.09 0.02 -0.07** 0.03 0.11** 0.21 (0.36) (0.02) (0.03) (0.02) (0.04) (0.36) Observations 462 462 459 462 450 462 Income: 45,000 or less 0.59 0.98 0.07 0.97 0.89 0.29 pesos (mean) Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 3.5 Satisfaction and accessibility of parental benefits The survey provides insights into parents' satisfaction with parental benefits and the ease of accessing them. A majority (63%) of parents who took leave felt the mandatory leave duration was insufficient, aligning with Argentina's leave falling short of the ILO-recommended 14 weeks and the need for parents to take unpaid/partially paid leave). The survey results indicate varying levels of satisfaction with the cash benefit in terms of helping with expenses. A significant portion of respondents, 35.27%, reported that the benefit helped "somewhat," while 18.26% felt it helped "quite a lot," and 10.37% said it helped "a lot." Conversely, 23.65% of respondents indicated that the benefit helped "a little," and 12.03% stated it did not help at all. Overall, the responses highlight a diverse range of experiences with the cash benefit's effectiveness in managing expenses (see Table in Appendix). While 85% of respondents reported receiving benefits directly from the government and 77% found the application process simple, challenges persist (Table in Appendix). Some respondents noted difficulties with ANSES's online system or lack of nearby offices. To address this, ANSES could partner with banks, post offices, or other agencies to enable in-person applications at locations that are frequently visited, benefiting those less familiar with digital processes. 36 3.6 Perception of the State's Role Most respondents (74%) believe the State should provide benefits for parents of children under 14 and are willing to contribute to social security to guarantee these benefits. The most valued benefits include medical care for mother and child (41%), early childhood centers (20%), and paid maternity leave (17%). Other benefits, like breastfeeding time, cash allowances, and paternity leave, were cited less often but highlight the perceived need for additional support despite the existing benefits for parents in both the formal and informal sectors. When asked how access to priority benefits could improve family well-being (Table 12), respondents emphasized better childcare (36%), improved mental health for parents (25%), enhanced job opportunities (26%), and an overall better parenting experience (10%). These responses, particularly from women, underline the connection between support systems and parents' ability to maintain or advance their employment. Table 11: Most important benefit respondents believe the State should provide to people with children (conditional on thinking the State should provide benefits) Frequency Percent Medical care for mother and child 236 40.9 Early childhood center/nursery service 116 20.1 Paid maternity leave 96 16.64 Breastfeeding time after maternity leave 48 8.32 Cash benefits 35 6.07 Don't know/don't answer 17 2.95 Paid paternity leave 15 2.6 Other 14 2.43 Total 577 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 37 Table 12. Share of people who believe access to their priority would improve the well-being of people with children under 14 Freq. Percent It could improve the child’s care 204 36.43 It could improve the mental health of of mothers/fathers 139 24.82 It could improve the experience of being a mother/father 58 10.36 It could improve job opportunities for mothers and fathers 143 25.54 Other (SPECIFY) 16 2.85 Total 560 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 3.7 Sharing of childcare responsibilities between parents The survey reveals key trends and disparities in how parents share and perceive childcare responsibilities, particularly for children under 3 years old. Parents collectively provide 79% of childcare hours for this age group, decreasing to 66% for children aged 6-13 as schools and nurseries take on a larger share (Figure 6). This trend highlights the evolving nature of childcare needs and the increasing role of educational institutions in child-rearing as children grow older. Among formally employed parents, children spend more hours in schools or nurseries compared to those with informally employed parents: 15% vs. 9% for ages 0-3, 21% vs. 17% for ages 4-5, and 26% vs. 22% for ages 6-13 (Figures 7, 8, 9). These differences highlight how access to formal employment impacts reliance on institutional care. 38 Figure 6 Share of childcare hours distribution Childcare distribution of hours, by child's age 1.00 PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL CHILDCARE 0.90 0.80 0.70 0.56 0.65 0.64 HOURS REPORTED Respondent 0.60 0.50 Other parent 0.40 0.10 School, kindergarten, nursery 0.30 0.14 0.13 Other family member 0.20 0.23 0.10 0.17 Other person, not family 0.10 0.08 0.04 0.10 0.00 0.04 0.03 0.02 Child age 0 to Child age 4-5 Child age 6-13 3 3.8 Disparities in perceptions of childcare time A stark mismatch exists between mothers’ and fathers’ perceptions of their respective childcare contributions. Mothers report handling 58% of childcare hours overall, with this figure rising to 69% for children under 3. In contrast, fathers estimate mothers’ contributions at only 46%. Similarly, mothers report that fathers dedicate just 9% of their time to childcare for children under 3, while fathers claim they spend 36% of their time on childcare. This mismatch, if reflective of reality within households, suggests that men may underestimate mothers’ contributions while overestimating their own. Notably, these perception gaps persist as children grow older (Figures 7, 8, 9). This disparity underscores the potential under-recognition of women unpaid childcare work by men and highlights broader societal norms that may influence perceptions of caregiving roles. While the survey did not question couples within the same household, these findings warrant further investigation into how gendered perceptions of childcare responsibilities affect household dynamics and equitable caregiving. 39 Figure 7 Share of childcare hours distribution – Age 0-3 Distribution of Child Care Arragements Children aged 0-3 1.0 % OF TOTAL HOURS REPORTED 0.9 Respondent 0.8 0.42 0.7 0.53 0.70 Other parent 0.69 0.6 0.5 School, kindergarten, 0.4 0.36 nursery 0.18 0.3 Other family member 0.09 0.12 0.2 0.14 0.15 0.09 0.06 0.1 0.04 0.09 0.10 0.08 Other person, not family 0.0 0.06 0.04 0.05 0.07 Male Female Formal Informal Figure 8 Share of childcare hours distribution – Age 4-5 Distribution of Child Care Arragements Children aged 4-5 1.0 % OF TOTAL HOURS REPORTED 0.9 Respondent 0.8 0.46 0.7 0.52 Other parent 0.66 0.71 0.6 0.5 School, kindergarten, 0.4 0.30 0.18 nursery 0.3 0.10 Other family member 0.2 0.10 0.17 0.20 0.1 0.21 0.14 0.04 0.04 Other person, not family 0.0 0.03 0.03 0.05 0.05 Male Female Formal Informal 40 Figure 9 Share of childcare hours distribution – Age 6-13 Distribution of Child Care Arragements Children aged 6-13 1.0 0.9 % OF TOTAL HOURS REPORTED Respondent 0.8 0.37 0.46 0.7 0.58 0.60 Other parent 0.6 0.5 0.25 School, kindergarten, 0.14 0.4 nursery 0.07 0.07 0.3 Other family member 0.26 0.26 0.2 0.22 0.20 0.1 Other person, not family 0.09 0.10 0.10 0.11 0.0 0.03 0.02 0.03 0.01 Male Female Formal Informal 3.9 Dissatisfaction with Childcare Arrangements The study finds that 27% of fathers and 36% of mothers wish to change their current childcare arrangements, with dissatisfaction notably higher among working parents—13.5 percentage points more than non-working parents (Table 13). Dissatisfaction is slightly higher for women (7%) compared to men (3%). Parents seeking changes often cite a desire to spend more time with their children (53%) or for the other parent to take on greater childcare responsibilities (22%). A smaller share of parents would like improved schools, nurseries, or early childhood facilities (11%) or increased time in such spaces (7%) (Table 14). These findings suggest that working parents face specific challenges that childcare solutions must address, such as flexible hours, proximity to workplaces, and robust quality assurance. This dissatisfaction also reflects a broader need for societal and institutional reforms to better support parents in balancing work and caregiving responsibilities. 41 Table 13. Respondent (parents) wishes to change anything in the way they currently manage childcare Male Female Male Female Difference P-Value Obs. Obs. Mean Mean By gender: 70 362 0.271 0.356 -0.084 0.171 By formal/informal: Formal Inform Formal Informal Difference P-Value Obs. al Obs. Mean Mean 219 109 0.392 0.339 0.053 0.349 By working status: No working Works Not Working Difference P-Value Obs. Obs. working mean Mean 104 328 0.240 0.375 -0.135 0.011** Notes: Two-sample t test with equal variances. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1. Total sample size of parents with children under 14 is n=432, but it drops to n=328 when considering those who currently work (and therefore are formal or informal workers). Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Table 14 – Desired changes in childcare arrangements Freq. Percent The child’s other parent should take care of the child more of the time 33 22.3 More time in school/kindergarten/nursery/early childhood spaces or centers 11 7.43 Better school/kindergarten or nursery 16 10.81 Spend more time with my child 78 52.7 Another family member to care for my child 4 2.7 other (specify) 6 4.05 Total 148 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 42 Section 4: Assessment and recommendations of Parental Benefits Policies This report proposes a comprehensive parental benefits framework that builds on the ILO Convention 183, expanding its scope to address the needs of both mothers and fathers, irrespective of employment status. A holistic approach can enhance maternal and child outcomes, promote women’s workforce participation, reduce gender inequities, and foster inclusive economic growth. Using Argentina as a case study, the report evaluates a six-element parental benefits framework, integrating legal analysis and findings from a survey of 832 urban Argentinians. Argentina has not ratified the ILO Convention 183 but has implemented many of its key elements through national legislation. Its hybrid financing model, combining contributory (social security) and non-contributory (general revenue) mechanisms, extends income support to informal workers and their families, a notable achievement compared to regional peers. However, significant challenges persist. Maternity leave falls short of the ILO-recommended 14 weeks, and paternity leave remains limited to two days. Shared parental leave is absent, and non- contributory benefits are heavily reliant on fiscal resources, raising concerns about sustainability and adequacy. The system's fragmentation, with multiple benefits governed by differing rules, complicates access and reduces transparency, while weak monitoring mechanisms limit the effectiveness of workplace policies designed to support female employees post-maternity leave. The lack of clear budgetary and administrative separation between social security and social assistance exacerbates these issues, underscoring the need for a more cohesive and integrated system avoiding stigmatization of social assistance beneficiaries. Additionally, a detailed analysis of fiscal sustainability, redistributive impacts, and impact on women labor demand is essential to inform future policy decisions. The survey highlights disparities in awareness, access, and perceptions of parental benefits, providing valuable insights into the system's strengths and weaknesses. While overall awareness of benefits is high, gaps persist for provisions such as breastfeeding time, particularly among informal workers (44% awareness compared to 79% among formal workers). Access 43 disparities are even starker: 90% of formal-sector mothers utilized maternity leave, with an average income replacement of 79%, compared to only 68% of informal mothers, who often received little or no financial support. Despite similar leave durations across sectors, the lack of income replacement for informal workers underscores their resilience but also highlights the urgent need for policy interventions to provide equitable support. The impact of childbirth on women’s employment is nuanced. Among working mothers, 23% exited the workforce post-childbirth, citing childcare responsibilities, while 63% of non-working mothers entered the workforce, driven by financial necessity or personal aspirations. These findings underscore the importance of policies that facilitate both workforce retention and reentry for mothers, particularly in the informal sector. Perceptions of the state’s role in providing parental benefits are strong, with nearly universal access to healthcare during childbirth and robust public support for publicly financed benefits. Nearly half of respondents advocated for benefits for parents with children under 14 years, and 74% were willing to contribute to social security to sustain such programs. Respondents prioritized improved childcare, better mental health support for parents, and enhanced job opportunities, reflecting the broad societal value placed on these benefits. However, entrenched gender norms remain evident in childcare responsibilities: mothers reported handling 58-69% of childcare for children under 3, while fathers estimated their contribution at 36%, highlighting a mismatch in perceptions and the undervaluation of women’s unpaid work. Argentina’s parental benefits system stands out for its inclusivity, particularly in extending support to informal workers. However, gaps in coverage, equity, and implementation remain. Fragmentation and complex eligibility rules create barriers, and the reliance on fiscal resources for non-contributory benefits raises sustainability concerns. These findings provide a foundation for strategic recommendations to streamline the system, address disparities, and build a more equitable and sustainable parental benefits framework. 44 Recommendations Specific to Argentina 1. Increase minimum leave durations Argentina's maternity leave, at 90 days, falls below the ILO-recommended 14 weeks, limiting the time mothers can spend with their newborns. Paternity leave is only two days, which is inadequate for fostering gender equity in childcare and household responsibilities. It is recommended to extend maternity leave to at least 14 weeks and incrementally44 increase paternity leave days to support father-child bonding and promote gender equity within households. 2. Use social security contributions to finance paternity leave Currently, maternity leave for formal-sector workers is financed through social security contributions, while paternity leave is funded by employers. This imbalance creates inequities and discourages paternity leave uptake. Expanding the financing of paternity leave through social security contributions, similar to maternity leave, would incentivize fathers to take leave, reduce hiring biases against women, and align leave policies with principles of equity. An analysis should be conducted to evaluate the financial sustainability of this reform and potential impacts on labor market dynamics. 3. Simplify and integrate income support programs Argentina’s parental benefits system is fragmented, with multiple programs governed by differing eligibility criteria. This complexity hinders access, particularly for informal workers, and complicates program evaluation. Simplifying the system by establishing a universal minimum benefit, financed through general revenues, supplemented by targeted benefits based on social security contributions or additional needs (e.g., for parents of children with disabilities), would enhance equity and reduce administrative burdens. Policymakers must ensure that the separation of social insurance (SI) and social assistance (SA)-financed benefits avoids stigmatization of social assistance beneficiaries. 44 The reason for a gradual increase would be to allow companies time to adjust their staffing and budgeting policies to accommodate for this change. 45 4. Strengthen monitoring, reporting, and impact assessment Argentina's fragmented benefit system and hybrid financing model limit transparency and the ability to evaluate program effectiveness. Streamlined reporting on program coverage, financing sources, and outcomes, disaggregated by gender and employment type, is essential. Additionally, Argentina has missed opportunities to analyze the impacts of legislative changes, such as the effects of maternity leave reforms on women’s labor force participation. Future updates to laws should include mandatory impact assessments to inform evidence-based policymaking. 5. Engage men as stakeholders in the dialogue on parental benefits Survey results reveal a significant gendered mismatch in perceptions of childcare responsibilities, with men underestimating women’s contributions. Policies should reframe the focus from maternity to parental benefits, actively including men as stakeholders to address entrenched gender norms. This approach would promote shared childcare responsibilities and reduce gender disparities in both the household and the workplace. 6. Expand access to quality and flexible childcare Dissatisfaction with current childcare arrangements is higher among working parents, who are more likely to seek changes to support their labor force participation. Measures to improve access to childcare include quality assurance for facilities (e.g., publishing inspection results and compliance reports), creating more local and flexible childcare options, and clearly outlining procedures for both state and non-state providers to access government funding. Leveraging ANSES’s platform to provide information on accredited childcare facilities could enhance accessibility and trust. Insights for other countries 1. Adopt a holistic parental benefits framework Argentina’s experience highlights the importance of moving from maternity-focused policies to a comprehensive parental benefits framework that integrates fathers and considers the needs of informal workers. Countries with high levels of informal 46 employment should explore hybrid financing models that combine contributory and non- contributory mechanisms to extend coverage to vulnerable groups while ensuring sustainability. 2. Streamline benefit design and administration Fragmentation in benefit programs complicates access and evaluation, a challenge not unique to Argentina. Simplifying benefit structures into universal minimums supplemented by targeted supports can improve transparency and accessibility while enabling effective monitoring and evaluation. Communication strategies should ensure that all parents, particularly those in informal employment, are aware of and can access available benefits. 3. Evaluate fiscal sustainability and redistributive impacts Other countries can draw from Argentina’s hybrid financing model but should conduct detailed analyses of fiscal costs and redistributive implications. Understanding how benefits impact formal and informal workers differently is critical to designing equitable systems that balance economic feasibility and inclusivity. 4. Incorporate evaluations in legislative processes Countries should institutionalize impact assessments of parental benefits, analyzing their effects on labor market participation, gender equity, and family well-being. Regular monitoring and evaluation will help refine policies and ensure alignment with evolving societal and economic needs. 5. Leverage public and private collaboration for compliance Innovative approaches, such as family-friendly workplace certifications, can incentivize compliance with parental benefit laws. Public-private partnerships to create community- based childcare solutions or portable breastfeeding stations can address gaps for workers lacking a fixed workplace or employer. 6. Engage fathers and address gender norms Addressing gender norms is a universal challenge. Actively involving men in the design and implementation of parental benefits can help shift societal perceptions of caregiving roles and reduce gender inequities in the workplace and household. 47 References Albagli, Pinjas, and Tomás Rau. 2019. “The Effects of a Maternity Leave Reform on Children’s Abilities and Maternal Outcomes in Chile.” The Economic Journal, 129(619): 1015–1047 Argentina - Towards universal health coverage. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group. Cascio, E,, Haider, S., Nielsen, S.H. (2015) The effectiveness of policies that promote labor force participation of women with children: A collection of national studies. The effectiveness of policies that promote labor force participation of women with children: A collection of national studies - ScienceDirect Charmes, Jacques. 2019. “The Unpaid Care Work and the Labour Market: An Analysis of Time Use Data Based on the Latest World Compilation of Time-Use Surveys.” International Labour Organization, Geneva Compulsory education begins at the age of 4 Steinberg, C. y M. Scasso (2019), “El acceso a la educación inicial en Argentina”, en C. Steinberg y A. Cardini (dirs.), Serie Mapa de la Educación Inicial en Argentina, Buenos Aires, UNICEF-CIPPEC. Convenio Colectivo de Trabajo General para la Administración Pública Nacional - Decreto 214/2006 Dirección Nacional de Economía, Igualdad y Género, Los cuidados, un sector económico estratégico. Medición del aporte del Trabajo Doméstico y de Cuidados no Remunerado al Producto Interno Bruto, 4to trimestre 2022 Elefante,Marina; Hasan,Tazeen; Hyland,Marie Caitriona; Mazoni Silva Martins,Natalia; Trumbic,Tea. Accelerating Gender Equality Through Reforming Legal Frameworks (English). World Bank Group Gender Thematic Policy Notes Series Washington, D.C. : World Bank G roup. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/099758006132310429/IDU04bef015303 9c304a680b9e501b0b599ba039 Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas- de-la-seguridad-social Fruttero, Anna, Divyanshi Wadhwa, Dominikus Baur, and Elbert Wang. 2023. “Realizing Gender Equality: A Greater Challenge with Climate Change.” In Atlas of Sustainable Development Goals 2023, edited by A. F. Pirlea, U. Serajuddin, A. Thudt, D. Wadhwa, and M. Welch. Washington, DC: World Bank. https://www.doi.org/10.60616/1ywz-gm84. 48 Gragnolati, Michele, Rafael Rofman, Ignacio Apella, and Sara Troiano. 2015. As Time Goes By in Argentina: Economic Opportunities and Challenges of the Demographic Transition. Directions in Development. 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Montos de asignaciones familiares, Asignación universal por hijo y por embarazo para protección social, Resolución ANSES N° 189/24, https://www.anses.gob.ar/sites/default/files/cartilla/2024-05/MONTOS%20AAFF- AUH%20JUNIO%202024.pdf Observatorio de Empleo y Dinámica Empresarial, MTEySS en base a SIPA. Boletín de empresas, year 2021 OECD (2024), Gender wage gap (indicator). doi: 10.1787/7cee77aa-en (Accessed on 09 June 2024) OECD datalibrary on Education, accessed on March 1,2024: https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?plotter=h5&primaryCountry=ARG&topic=EO &treshold=5 Resolution 11/2019, Articles and 2 Wodon, Q., Onagoruwa, A., Malé, C., Montenegro, C., Nguyen, H., & de la Brière, B. (2020). How Large Is the Gender Dividend? Measuring Selected Impacts and Costs of Gender Inequality. The 49 Cost of Gender Inequality Notes Series. World Bank. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/33396 License: CC BY 3.0 IGO. World Bank Gender Data Portal, accessed on March 1, 2023 World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank Argentina: https://wbl.worldbank.org/content/dam/documents/wbl/2024/pilot/WBL24-2- 0-Argentina.pdf World Bank. 2024. Women, Business and the Law 2024. Washington, DC: World Bank. doi:10.1596/978-1-4648-2063-2. License: Creative Commons Attribution CC BY 3.0 IGO World Development Indicators, accessed on March 1, 2024 World Development Indicators, year 2017, accessed on March 1, 2024 World Development Indicators, year 2022, accessed on March 1, 2024 —. 2015. Programa SUMAR (Buenos Aires). Available at: www.msal.gov.ar/sumar Appendix 1 – Parental benefits legal framework overview 1. Parental leave to share newborn care responsibilities The leave days in Argentina are available to both men and women in the formal sector but they vary between public and private employment, province of residence. The minimum standards on leave days available to care for child and recover from childbirth are established by the National Law 20744 on Contract of Employment 45 (approved in 1974), but the minimum days can be supplemented by collective bargaining agreements or private sector initiatives. Leave entitlements for pregnancy or childbirth are offered to both mothers and fathers, but there are differences based on employment status. Private sector female salaried workers and domestic workers with a labor contract can take 90 days of maternity leave, while females in the public sector workers at the federal level are 45 Ley de Contrato de Trabajo - Law 20744 - Article 177 50 granted 100 days. For workers in the public sector there are no differences in leave days for biological mothers or mothers who adopt a child under 3 years old, but for women in the private sector no leave period is granted in case of adoptions. The 90 consecutive days of maternity leave available to women in the private sector can be divided between before and after the delivery, with a minimum of 30 days to be taken before the expected delivery date. After the compulsory leave of 90 days is over, mothers can choose to take unpaid leave for three or six months. Women are eligible for paid leave and the income replacement during the leave is financed through social security contributions which is mandatory for all male and female employees in formal sector. Specifically, the National Social Security Administration (ANSES) provides female workers with a maternity benefit equivalent to 100% of their gross salary, known as Asignación por Maternidad 46. This benefit is funded through contributions from both male and female employees, which helps to reduce disincentives for employers to hire female workers. Any deficits to the social security (ANSES) would be financed by state revenues. During the maternity leave period of the female employee, the employer has the option to hire temporary workers. In addition, if at the end of the leave the female worker decides not to go back to her previous employment, she receives compensation equivalent to 25% of the remuneration for each year of service, financed by the social security contributions. Female private sector workers must have a minimum length of employment of three months with their employer to qualify for the benefits. Seasonal workers must be working at the time of start of maternity leave. To request the benefit the worker must submit a form and the medical certificate to ANSES in person at one of their offices or online. The benefit can be claimed once the workers is at least 12 weeks pregnant, and the application must include a medical certificate stating the pregnancy, the expected delivery date and the employer signature. The benefit is paid in the same way as other allowances administered by ANSES. The worker must also indicate whether she plans to take 45 days of leave before and after the due date, or 30 days before and 46 Ley Régimen de Asignaciones Familiares – Law 24714 51 60 days after the due date. During the waiting period, while the eligibility is verified and benefit processed by ANSES, the employer is responsible for continuing to pay the worker's salary. Paternity leave for male employees in the private sector is for two days and salary during this period is paid for by the employer 47. This leave is not mandatory and must be requested by the employee. Notably, the employer is responsible for the employee’s remuneration during this period so while social security contributions are also paid for men in formal sector, their salary during leave is not financed by ANSES. There is also no provision for additional unpaid paternity leave for childcare, contrasting with the options available to mothers. While the two days paternity leave is the general rule, variations exist based on employment sector and region, with some provinces and specific labor sectors offering extended paternity leaves. For public employees, paternity leave is extended 48 to fifteen working days. Provincial public employers show greater variance: while Formosa and Santiago del Estero offer no paternity leave, most other provinces provide 15 days, and La Rioja allows for 30 days. The duration of paternity leave for teachers varies between two and 25 days, depending on the province. Furthermore, some sectors offer enhanced paternity leave benefits compared to the national standard. Notably, the Agrarian Labour Law, enacted in 2011, acknowledges a 30-day paid paternity leave available from 45 days before to 12 months after childbirth. The application process for maternity benefits is streamlined by allowing individuals to submit documents virtually or in person at any of ANSES’s offices 49. The benefit amount during maternity is paid via ANSES so there is no additional cost to the employer, except for the cost to hire a temporary worker for the time the woman is on leave. For fathers, however, there are no benefits paid for by ANSES and they need to proactively submit a paid leave request to their employer. The limited days of paternity leave and ANSES not covering salaries of male employees, 47 Ley de Contrato de Trabajo - Law 20744 - Article 158(a) 48 Convenio Colectivo de Trabajo General para la Administración Pública Nacional - Decreto 214/2006 49 Website which shows how to submit request using 3 simple steps https://www.anses.gob.ar/embarazo-y- nacimiento/asignacion-por-maternidad 52 despite them having paid social security contributions as well, is both inequitable and a significant barrier to fathers contributing to child-care responsibilities. For women and men who do not contribute to social security and work in non-standard employment. the mandate on leave days do not apply. However, as noted in the following section Argentina offers multiple non-contributory benefits to mothers during pregnancy and childbirth. These benefits are a source of income security to women and families who are not covered through social security, which in turn incentivizes and affords them the ability to take appropriate time off work to recover from pregnancy and take care of the newborn. Table A1 – Summary of leave and income replacement during this period, to share newborn care-responsibilities between parents Benefits Details Maternity Leave (Private - Female salaried workers and domestic workers: 90 days in Sector) total - No leave for adoptive mothers Maternity Leave (Public - Female workers at the federal level: 100 days Sector) - No distinction for biological or adoptive mothers of children under three years old Maternity Benefits during -Equivalent to 100% of gross salary (Asignación por Maternidad) the leave period - Funded by social security contributions from male and female employees and is administered by ANSES Paternity Leave (Private - Standard is 2 days of paid leave Sector) - Employer responsible for remuneration, and no benefits paid via ANSES. -Must be requested by employee Paternity Leave (Public - Federal employees: 15 working days Sector) - Provincial variance Source: Compiled by authors 53 2. Cash benefits for loss in income during the parental leave period Argentina offers contributory and non-contributory benefits for families expecting a child, allowing it to expand coverage not only to those who paid taxes and social security contributions (typically the formal sector) but also to families that did not (typically unemployed, out of labor force, low wage employees or individuals in non-standard employment). All prospective mothers, regardless of employment status are eligible to receive a conditional allowance. Some may receive additional income replacement or a flat benefit depending on their employment status, with women in the formal sector workers receiving as much as 100% of their salary during the 90 days of leave period. The total benefit a family receives depend on various factors, including employment status, household income, and compliance with health and educational requirements. These benefits are designed to smooth consumption during pregnancy or childbirth when the mother/family witness a temporary loss of income or faces higher costs for prenatal and child-care. There exists a total of five different allowances and a family could qualify for more than one allowance, depending on their circumstance. ANSES administers all these allowances (Figure 5), but the funding source varies. The maternity allowance and prenatal allowance are primarily financed from social security contributions collected by the tax agency while the rest are financed through earmarked revenues from the state. There is evidence of the earmarked revenues subsidizing the social security deficit 50 but we lack a detailed breakdown of costs by program and transfers from the government to comment on the extent of cross-subsidy. 50 https://www.elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/2016/347/article-A003-en.xml 54 Figure A1: A snapshot of ANSES website showing all the Pregnancy and Childbirth benefits administered by ANSES Source: https://www.anses.gob.ar/embarazo-y-nacimiento Note: Plan 1000 dias is a health benefit and covered in next section, Asignacion por Maternidad Down is a top up benefit available to women in formal sector whose children are diagnosed with Down syndrome. The child allowance is mentioned under the “Children” category on the ANSES website. 1. The prenatal allowance (Asignación Familiar por Prenatal), approved in 1996 51, is a monthly benefit for the duration of the pregnancy available to families with at least one salaried worker, single-tax workers (monotributo), or those contributing to social security. As of June 1, 2024 52, the minimum monthly amount for employees is 9US$, which can 51 Ley Régimen de Asignaciones Familiares – Law 24714 Amounts are updated quarterly. Source: Montos de asignaciones familiares, Asignación universal por hijo y por 52 embarazo para protección social, Resolución ANSES N° 189/24, https://www.anses.gob.ar/sites/default/files/cartilla/2024-05/MONTOS%20AAFF-AUH%20JUNIO%202024.pdf 55 increase up to 89US$, depending on geographical area and family income. Families with incomes above 3,300 US$ are not eligible for this allowance but can access tax deductions, and single-tax workers (monotributo) have specific allowance amounts. To request the allowance, parents must submit documentation including the employer's signature, a relationship certificate 53 (if applicable), and a pregnancy medical certificate. The request can be made in person or online. If the beneficiary is eligible for the maternity allowance (see below), both requests can be submitted together. The allowance is financed through social security contributions and paid via ANSES. Eligibility requires continuous social security contributions for at least three months. In December 2023, around 26,000 families received the prenatal allowance 54. 2. The pregnancy allowance for Social Protection (Asignación por Embarazo para Protección Social), approved in 2011, is for women in households without access to other pregnancy or maternity benefits, such as those who are unemployed, employed in the informal sector, or household employees. The benefits span the entire nine months of pregnancy and can be requested from the 12th week of gestation. It is conditional, and recipients must comply with medical check-ups and health education sessions required by the SUMAR program. The monthly amount is 82 USD, paid every three months. In December 2023, 69,000 55 pregnant women received this allowance, with 59% aged between 20 and 29 years. 3. The maternity allowance (Asignación por Maternidad) is provided to female pregnant employees working in the ‘formal sector’ who are eligible for the 90 days maternity leave. It is equal to 100% of salary during the leave period and is financed through social security contributions (also discussed in earlier section). For women in formal sector whose 53 A relationship certificate is either a marriage/divorce/separation certificate or proof of coexistence or social security coexistence. https://www.anses.gob.ar/acreditacion-de-datos-personales-y-familiares 54 All indicators come from the bulletin “Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas-de-la-seguridad-social 55 All indicators come from the bulletin “Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas-de-la-seguridad-social 56 children are diagnosed with Down syndrome there is a top up benefit available (Asignacion por Maternidad Down) In December 2023, around 13,000 mothers received the maternity allowance 56. Although we lack data on the average maternity allowance benefit, it would be fair to assume that it is higher than any other allowances since it is 100% of salary of women in formal sector jobs. 4. The birth/adoption allowance is a one-time payment of 48 US$ for newborns or 269 $US for adoptions, regardless of the parents' social security contributions, but with different amounts for self-employed monotributo workers and based on the region of residency. It must be requested through the ANSES portal or at one of their offices before the child is two years old. In December 2023, ANSES paid around 8,000 birth allowances 57. 5. The child allowance (Asignación (universal) por hijo o hija) was approved in 2009 and it is paid from birth to 18th birthday by ANSES. For parents who are self-employed monotributo workers or unemployed or informal workers, 80% of this amount is provided as a monthly benefit, while 20% is accumulated during the year and paid annually upon presentation of education and health certificates. For formal salaried workers, the amount decreases for higher salaries (in five brackets) and increases for remote regions (in five regions) and the amount is the same as the prenatal allowance. Families receive the allowance automatically if their family composition and preferred payment method are updated on the ANSES portal. In December 2023, around 4,000,000 58 children received the allowance. 56 All indicators come from the bulletin “Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas-de-la-seguridad-social 57 All indicators come from the bulletin “Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas-de-la-seguridad-social 58 All indicators come from the bulletin “Estatisticas de la seguridad social, IV Trimester 2023” https://www.anses.gob.ar/estadisticas-de-la-seguridad-social 57 Table A2 – Summary of cash benefits allowances Allowance Eligibility Amounts (as of Duration Additional Notes June 2024) Requirements Prenatal - Salaried 9 US$ to 89 U$ Duration of - Submit In December Allowance workers, single- monthly the documentation, 2023, (Asignación tax workers pregnancy including around Familiar por (monotributo), employer's 26,000 Prenatal) or those signature, families contributing to relationship received this social security. certificate (if allowance. - Continuous applicable), and social security pregnancy contributions medical for at least certificate. - three months. Request can be made in person or online. Pregnancy - Women in USD 82 monthly, From 12th - Compliance In December Allowance households paid every three week of with medical 2023, for Social without access months gestation check-ups and 69,000 Protection to other until birth or health education pregnant (Asignación pregnancy or termination sessions required women por maternity of pregnancy by the Sumar received this Embarazo benefits program. allowance, para (unemployed, with 59% Protección informal sector, aged Social) certain single- between 20 tax workers, and 29 household years. employees). 58 Allowance Eligibility Amounts (as of Duration Additional Notes June 2024) Requirements Maternity - Pregnant 100% of gross Maternity - Request can be In December Allowance employees salary leave period made together 2023, (Asignación during their with the prenatal around por maternity leave allowance if 13,000 Maternidad) period. eligible. mothers received this allowance. Birth - Parents of 48 US$ for One-time Must be In December Allowance newborns or newborns or 269 payment requested 2023, ANSES adoptive $US adoptions through ANSES paid 8.000 parents. portal or at birth ANSES offices.- allowances. Must be requested before the child is two years old. Child - Children from Varies based on Birth to 18 Annual In December Allowance birth until 18th employment years presentation of 2023, (Asignación birthday. status and education and around Universal por region. For self- health 4,000,000 Hijo o Hija) employed certificates for children monotributo and informal received this informal workers. allowance. workers: 80% Automatic for monthly, 20% formal workers. annually. Source: Compiled by authors 59 3. Medical benefits for pregnancy and prenatal childbirth costs The Argentine health care system is a multifaceted structure designed to provide universal health coverage to its population. It comprises three primary sectors: the public sector, the Obras Sociales 59 trade union-based health insurance funds, and the private sector. The maternal healthcare costs for vulnerable populations notably informal workers, inactive population, and those without formal health coverage, is covered by the public health sector through the SUMAR program and the Plan 1000 days. The Sumar program, created in 2012 facilitated access to health care for pregnant women and children up to 6 years of age. It was then extended to children and teenagers of between 6 and 19 years of age, and consequently to men and women of 20 to 64 years of age who are without any contributory social health protection 60. The program is run by the National Health Ministry and financed from public budget. It has contributed significantly to closing the social health protection gap in Argentina and ensuring access to maternal healthcare services for vulnerable populations. It includes the "Comprehensive Health Care Allowance," which provides annual economic coverage for holders of the Universal Allowance (discussed in earlier section) and their children in the first three years of life. This allowance accredits health and vaccine check-ups. Additionally, the program offers "Food Support," guaranteeing recipients of the ‘Child Allowance’ the provision of milk and other healthy foods for the first three years of each child's life. It is estimated that the linkages that between the Universal Child Allowance and Pregnancy Allowance contributed to an increase in the enrolment of children and pregnant women in the SUMAR Programme by 50 per cent and 14 per cent respectively, in 2014 61. The SUMAR Programme has been recognized by the Geneva Health Forum and highlighted as a model and source of inspiration for other countries (Ministry of Health, 2015). 59 Ley Obra Sociales - Law 23660 60 https://www.socialprotection.org/gimi/gess/Media.action;jsessionid=9qQX3rFyOG3WT0oH8MbjOWV6kkpzBI9Bn LiCI8v-BjQWCN6zLjmF!-959037405?id=15485 61 https://www.socialprotection.org/gimi/gess/Media.action;jsessionid=9qQX3rFyOG3WT0oH8MbjOWV6kkpzBI9Bn LiCI8v-BjQWCN6zLjmF!-959037405?id=15485 60 Recent data indicates positive outcomes in maternal and child health though challenges due to high degree of fragmentation and lack of coordination across different systems 62, remains. According to data from UNICEF (2020) at least 90% of mothers receive antenatal and postnatal care, and 98% of children receive postnatal care 63. These figures highlight the effectiveness of efforts to improve maternal and child health outcomes in Argentina. Despite the progress made through the SUMAR program, the Argentine health system faces challenges due to fragmentation and lack of coordination. These challenges result in inefficiencies, duplications in services, and gaps in provision. Additionally, the public non-contributory sector, which is a crucial component of Argentina's universal health coverage, experiences disparities in access to quality services, particularly in northwest and northeast regions. 4. Breastfeeding and other Family friendly provisions at the place of work Breastfeeding in Argentina is protected by law through the National Breastfeeding Law 64, which was enacted in 2001. This law protects the right of mothers to breastfeed their children in public places, including their workplaces, without facing discrimination or harassment. The law also requires employers to provide two breaks for breastfeeding mothers for a duration of one year. Additionally, employers are required to provide facilities for nursing mothers to breastfeed or express milk. Furthermore, the law mandates the establishment of breastfeeding centers in all health settings across all provinces. These centers are responsible for carrying out teaching, management, and assistance activities related to breastfeeding. However, it is important to note that the law does not specifically address the provision of community facilities for breastfeeding mothers who do not have access to facilities in their workplace. Pregnant women are protected by law from performing dangerous jobs that could harm their health or the health of their unborn child. The Argentine Labor Law (Ley de Contrato de Trabajo) establishes that pregnant women have the right to work in safe and healthy conditions, and employers are required to provide them with suitable working conditions. Specifically, the law 62 2017. Argentina - Towards universal health coverage. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group. 63 https://data.unicef.org/country/arg/#maternal-health 64 Ley Nacional de Lactancia Materna - Law no. 26873 61 prohibits pregnant women from performing tasks that involve exposure to toxic substances, radiation, extreme temperatures, or physical exertion that could endanger their health or the health of their unborn child. Employers are required to provide pregnant women with alternative work or to grant them leave if their job poses a risk to their health or the health of their unborn child. 5. Non-discrimination at the place of work Non-discrimination in the return to work, regardless of the type of employment, is protected under the Labor Law in Argentina. This law explicitly prohibits discrimination based on gender, pregnancy, and breastfeeding. Employers are specifically prohibited from dismissing a woman due to her pregnancy or maternity, and after maternity leave, she has the right to return to her workplace under the same conditions as before. In cases of wrongful termination, there are legal remedies available. Unless proven otherwise, a dismissal is considered due to reasons of pregnancy or maternity if it occurs between seven and a half months before or after the date of delivery, provided that the pregnancy has been notified and documented. The dismissed worker is entitled to special compensation equivalent to one year of wages, in addition to compensation for dismissal without just cause. Employees who believe they have been wrongfully terminated based on discrimination can file a complaint with the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security. This can be done through a lawyer and the Labor Conciliation Service, which serves as a mandatory conciliation body before initiating a labor trial. It is important to note that unregistered workers also have the option to file an anonymous complaint on the Ministry of Labor website. 6. Affordable childcare to facilitate return to work Accessing affordable and quality childcare for children under the age of four continues to be a significant challenge in Argentina. Data from 2021 reveals that Argentina has achieved high 62 enrollment rates for 4 and 5-year-olds, with 88.8% 65 of 4-year-olds66 and 100% of 5-year-olds enrolled, surpassing the OECD average for 5-year-olds (83.4%). However, there are significant gaps in enrollment for children under the age of 3, with only 2.0% of children under age 2 and 11.1% of 2-year-olds enrolled, compared to the OECD averages of 14.0% and 42.7%, respectively. This data is corroborated by the WBL 2024 report, which indicates that nearly 80% of experts believe that only some women access to affordable and quality childcare services. To address this pressing issue, a law was approved in 2022 that mandates workplaces with 100 or more employees to provide care spaces for children between 45 days and 3 years old. This is a positive step towards improving access to childcare. Additionally, the law offers an alternative option for employers to reimburse employees for childcare expenses. However, it is important to note that the law's coverage is limited, as only 1% of firms in Argentina have more than 200 employees and only 3% have between 50 and 200 employees67. According to the WBL 2024 for Argentina, there is a publicly available registry or database of childcare providers 68. These resources provide comprehensive listings of childcare centers, helping parents find suitable childcare options. Parents have access to a clearly outlined application procedure to request financial support from the government for childcare services. However, there is no clearly outlined application procedure for non-state childcare providers to request financial support from the government. The current legislation does not include provisions or guidelines for private or non-state childcare facilities to obtain government funding, limiting the financial support available to these providers. Additionally, the government has not published any reports on the quality of childcare services within the last three years. There is insufficient evidence of recent government assessments or evaluations of childcare service 65 OECD datalibrary on Education, accessed on March 1,2024: https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?plotter=h5&primaryCountry=ARG&topic=EO&treshold=5 66 Compulsory education begins at the age of 4 Steinberg, C. y M. Scasso (2019), “El acceso a la educación inicial en Argentina”, en C. Steinberg y A. Cardini (dirs.), Serie Mapa de la Educación Inicial en Argentina, Buenos Aires, UNICEF- CIPPEC. 67 Observatorio de Empleo y Dinámica Empresarial, MTEySS en base a SIPA. Boletín de empresas, year 2021 68 This information can be accessed through the official website of the City of Buenos Aires, specifically the Buscador de Establecimientos Educativos, as well as the Sitio Oficial de Datos del Gobierno de Argentina 63 quality, which could provide valuable insights for improving and maintaining high standards across childcare facilities. Appendix 2 - Survey methodology and results 1. Survey methodology The survey targeted individuals aged 18 to 45, residing in main cities of Argentina with more than 500,000 inhabitants like Buenos Aires, Córdoba, and others, and having access to mobile phones. Leveraging a robust sample derived from generated telephone numbers through a randomized procedure, adhering to the existing area pre-codes, a final sample size of 832 was achieved, exceeding the initial target of 800 cases. The survey utilized an auto-dialling system to initiate contact, ensuring that each number was tried up to five times under various conditions before being discarded, thereby maximizing response opportunities. The initial contact was automated, and upon human response, the call was transferred to a live interviewer. The questionnaire 69 comprised approximately 35 substantive questions and was translated into colloquial Spanish. Prior to the main survey, 3 cognitive interviews were conducted, employing a structured approach that included concurrent and retrospective verbalization, security assessment, paraphrase, definitions, and verification, to ensure clarity and reliability of the questionnaire. It is important to note that while this methodological approach, grounded in systematic sampling, rigorous pre-testing, and meticulous data collection procedures, aimed to ensure the reliability and validity of the survey findings, the survey is not representative of the entire population of Argentina and its findings are not generalizable to the entire population due to its focus on urban mobile phone users. This limitation arises due to the specific demographic focus and the geographical concentration of the respondents. The analysis was carried out in Stata using the command “prtest” to test for differences between groups. 69 The questionnaire is included in the Guidance Note, which has been prepared under the RSR funded task on ‘Improving Women’s attachment to labor market by rethinking parental benefit policies.’ The team working on this task include Himanshi Jain, Ambika Sharma, Ludovica Cherchi, Sunalika Sharma 64 2. Tables not included in Section 3 Table A3. Self-employed parents – reason for not taking maternity or paternity leave Freq. Percent Cum. Could not do without the income 8 27.59 27.59 It was taken by the other parent 3 10.34 37.93 Did not consider it necessary 8 27.59 65.52 Other (SPECIFY) 10 34.48 100 Total 29 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Table A4. Parents who paid for medical benefits – amount paid Freq. Percent Cum. More or the same as my monthly income 19 22.09 22.09 Half of my monthly income 14 16.28 38.37 A small part of my monthly income 53 61.63 100 Total 86 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Table A5. Variable description Mean Was the leave you took sufficient? (conditional on taking leave) 0.37 Do you believe that the state should provide benefits to people who have children under 14 years 0.57 old? Would you be willing to contribute to a social security system that would guarantee [priority 0.74 benefit]? Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 65 Table A6. Satisfaction with current care management of youngest child (Only for parents with children <=13 years old, n=432) Male Obs. Female Obs. Percent Very satisfied 53 239 67.59 Somewhat satisfied 9 83 21.3 Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied 6 14 4.63 Somewhat dissatisfied 2 21 5.32 Very dissatisfied 0 5 1.16 Total 70 362 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Table A7: Accessibility of cash benefits How simple or difficult it was to apply How simple or difficult it was to to cash benefit apply to cash benefit Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Very simple 80 33.2 119 49.38 Somewhat simple 74 30.71 68 28.22 Neither simple nor difficult 48 19.92 30 12.45 Somewhat difficult 21 8.71 13 5.39 Very difficult 11 4.56 5 2.07 Does not know 7 2.90 6 2.49 Total 241 100 241 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 Table A8. Support provided by cash benefit Did the cash benefit help with expenses? Frequency Percent A lot 25 10.37 Quite a lot 44 18.26 Somewhat 85 35.27 A little 57 23.65 Not at all 29 12.03 Total 241 100 Source: Authors calculations using Argentina Parental Benefits Survey 2023 66 Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Paper Series Titles 2025 No. Title 2503 Awareness, Access, and Perceptions around Parental benefits among Urban Argentinians 2502 Regulating Markets So More People Find Better Jobs 2501 São Tomé and Príncipe Unpacking Migration Dynamics: Critical Issues and Policy Recommendations To view Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Papers published prior to 2021, please visit www.worldbank.org/sp. ABSTRACT This paper examines parental benefits in Argentina, focusing on their role in addressing gender inequality and labor market challenges during pregnancy and post-childbirth. Drawing on the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 183, the study extends its core elements of maternity protection to evaluate the needs of formal and informal sector workers. Using desk research and a survey of 832 urban Argentinians, the findings highlight a benefits system that is more inclusive than many in the region, with a Parenthood score above the Latin American and Caribbean average. However, significant gaps persist, including disparities between formal and informal workers, complex eligibility rules, insufficient leave durations, limited monitoring mechanisms, and unmet parental needs. To enhance inclusivity and accessibility, the paper recommends extending minimum leave durations, financing paternity leave through social security contributions, simplifying income support programs, improving data transparency, addressing childcare gaps for working parents, and fostering compliance with family-friendly workplace policies. Additionally, there is a need for economic analysis of the fiscal costs and sustainability of these programs, particularly given their reliance on hybrid financing models. The study advocates a shift from maternity-focused policies to a comprehensive parental benefits framework that integrates fathers, aligns with labor market dynamics, promotes gender equality, and ensures long-term fiscal sustainability. ABOUT THIS SERIES Social Protection & Jobs Discussion Papers are published to communicate the results of The World Bank’s work to the development community with the least possible delay. This paper therefore has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate for formally edited texts. For more information, please visit us online at www.worldbank.org/socialprotection